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HANDBOUND 
AT THE 



UNIVERSITY OF 
TORONTO PRESS 



THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 



EDITED BY 



& CAPPS, ph.d., ll.d. T. E. PAGE, litt.d. 
W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. 



THE WORKS OF THE EMPEROR 
JULIAN 

in 



e8rr 



THE WORKS OF THE 

EMPEROR JULIAN 

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
WILMER CAVE WRIGHT, Ph.D. 

LATE OF GIRTON COLLEOF, CAMBRIDGE 

PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN BRYN MAWR COLLEGE, 

PENNSYLVANIA 

IN THREE VOLUMES 



III 



V^ 



£(^ U 




3! . I • aq 



LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN 
NEW YORK : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

MCMXXIII 



Printed in Great Britain 



7^ 



CONTENTS 



PAfiE 

INTRODUCTION TO THE LETTERS vii 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 X i V 

LETTERS 1-58 WITH DATES 3 

LETTERS 59-73 UNDATED 209 

APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 74-83 237 

THB SHORTER FRAGMENTS 295 

EPIGRAMS 305 

INTRODUCTION TO "AGAINST THE GALILAEANS " . . 313 

AGAINST THE GALILAEANS f . 319 

FRAGMENTS 429 

TABLE OF NUMBERS 435 

INDEX 439 



INTRODUCTION 

The more important letters and edicts in this 
volume are hardly intelligible to a reader unfamiliar 
with the historical background. The following brief 
summary of Julian's career is intended to explain 
the allusions in the text and to supplement the 
Introduction in Vol. 1. In his more formal works, 
especially the manifesto To the Athenians written in 
361 as an apologia for his rebellion against the 
Emperor Constantius, and the Misopogon written 
in 362, a satire on his own austere habits addressed 
to the citizens of Antioch, Julian himself relates the 
main incidents of his childhood and youth. For 
the last ten years of his life, 353-363, the best 
authority is Ammianus Marcellinus, the Latin 
historian, an eye-witness. 

Flavius Claudius Julianus was born at Constanti- 
nople in 331, the only son of Julius Constantius, 
half-brother of Constantine the Great, and Basilina, 
a highly educated woman and devout Christian, who 
died when Julian was a few months old. From his 
father's earlier marriage there survived a son, Gallus, 
a daughter, probably named Galla, who married her 
cousin the Emperor Constantius II, and another son 
whose name is unknown. Soon after the death of 
the Emperor Constantine in 337, the Emperor 
Constantius removed possible rivals by the murder 

vii 



INTRODUCTION 

fUhZZS *!»?"& am °" g Wh ° m were Mian's 
father «d half-brother. Callus and Julian survived. 
I lie latter was sent to Nicomedia in charge of a 
relative, the Bishop Eusebius, and his education 
was entrusted to the Christian eunneh Mardon u 
who had aught Basilina Greek literature. In 

%ZFZ i Ju,ian says that Mardonius ™ 

of all men most responsible" for his literary tastes 

""pr^tT "ft • , JUlia " aIS ° StUdied at C °" stan " 
ople with the Christian sophist Hecebolius.* Dur- 

efate inS * T*, *° T" his godmother's 
Vr, £k , B,th ? n if' Wh ' Ch iS descri "ed in Letter 25 
ta thJ V T i Uhan W3S f ° Urteen ' Constant!™, who 
in the twenty-four years of his reign that followed 
he murder of Julius Constantius lived in I " e 
hens.cn of the vengeanee of his sons, inteTed 
Gallus and Julian in the lonely eastle of Macellum 

To MrZ aCem) £, C W doci - I" "is manifesto 
fo the Athemans 271 c, d, Julian speaks of their six 
years of solitary imprisonment at Macellum, and 
says that the cruelty and harshness of Gallus who 
proved to be a sort of Christian Caligula, we e 
increased by his life there, while his own lovl of 

From 7ett y 7f h ™ fl0m bein « e< 3 uaI, y totalised. 
Crorn Letter 23 we learn that he was able to borrow 

9/1 n° T J h Z in ?" ence of Mardonius see Vol. 2 Oration S 
241c; To the Athenians 274 d : Misovoaon £sT? V 

For Hecebolius see Letter 63, and below, p. xlvii. 



INTRODUCTION 

In 351 Constantius, who had once visited the 
brothers at Macellum, released them, raised Gallus 
to the rank of Caesar and gave him his sister 
Constantia in marriage. Constantius had married 
as his first wife Galla, the sister of Gallus ; she had 
lately died. Gallus was sent to Antioch to govern 
the provinces of the East. There he and Constantia, 
whose cruel and suspicious temper matched his own, 
embarked on a four years' reign of terror which is 
described by Ammianus. 1 Constantius meanwhile, 
at Aries, where he spent the winter of 353, and 
later at Milan, was just as suspicious and ruthless, 
but in Gallus Caesar tyrannical conduct seemed to 
his cousin the prelude to usurpation. He was there- 
fore recalled to Milan in 354. Constantia died of a 
fever on the journey, and Gallus, escorted by the 
Emperor's agents as a virtual prisoner, was taken by 
way of Constantinople to Pola (where in 326 Crispus, 
the son of Constantine, had been put to death by 
his father), and was there beheaded, towards the end 
of 354. Julian later avenged himself on those whom 
he believed to have been accessory to the death of 
his brother. 

Meanwhile he had devoted four years to study, 
first at Pergamon with Aedesius and Chrysanthius, 
the disciples of Iamblichus ; but on hearing from 
Aedesius of the marvels wrought by his pupil 
Maximus of Ephesus the theurgist, he hastened to 
Ephesus. 2 Julian had been under Christian in- 
fluences from his childhood, but he was an ardent 
admirer of Greek literature and philosophy and 

1 Book XIV. 

a See the account of his studies at Pergamon and Ephesus 
in Eunapius, Lives, pp. 429-435, Wright. 

ix 



INTRODUCTION 

naturally inclined to superstition. With Maximus 
he studied the teachings of Iamblichus the Neopla- 
tonist, and though he did not openly profess 
paganism until 361, he says in Letter 47, written in 
362, that for twelve years he has ceased to be a 
Christian. 

The Syrian Neoplatonism of the fourth Christian 
century which followed the teachings of Iamblichus 
was a religion rather than a philosophy, and was 
well suited to his love of the mystical and marvellous ; 
for the rest of his life he was the devoted disciple 
of Maximus. But his apostasy from Christianity 
was carefully concealed, and his first panegyric on 
Constantius, Oration 1, written in 355, is entirely 
non-committal, refers vaguely to "the deity" and 
"providence," and might have been composed by 
a Christian. 

In the second panegyric, Oration 2, written in 
Gaul at a safe distance, he frequently invokes Zeus, 
and assumes the reality of the gods of Homer in 
language that goes beyond what was allowed by 
literary etiquette in rhetorical works of this sort. 
It could not have been written by a Christian. His 
brother Gallus, some time between 351 and 354, 
heard rumours of his devotion to Maximus, and sent 
his own spiritual adviser Aetius to remonstrate with 
Julian. Letter 82 (Gallus to Julian), the earliest 
letter in this volume that can be dated, expresses 
the relief of Gallus at the reassuring report of 
Aetius as to Julian's adherence to the Christian 
faith. 

On the death of Gallus in 354 Julian was sum- 
moned to the court at Milan, and on the way thither 
visited Troy and had the interview with Pegasius 



INTRODUCTION 

which is described in Letter 19. Ammianus says 1 
that Julian's life was in danger at Milan from the 
plots of enemies, who accused him to Constantius of 
having met Galltis at Constantinople in 354, and of 
having left Macellum without permission. Julian 
denies the first of these charges in Oration 3. 121a, 
and in To the Athenians 273 a. He was saved by the 
intercession of the second wife of Constantius, the 
Empress Eusebia, who, after seven months of 
suspense, obtained for him his single audience with 
the Emperor and permission to go to Athens to 
study. We know little of his brief stay of about 
two months in Athens in 355, but he was almost 
certainly initiated into the Mysteries at Eleusis, 2 
and probably attended the lectures of the aged 
Christian sophist Prohaeresius, to whom in 361 or 
early in 362 he wrote Letter 14. Among his fellow- 
students were two Cappadocians, Gregory Nazianzen, 
who after Julian's death wrote bitter invectives 
against the apostate and an unflattering description 
of his appearance and manners, and Basil the 
Great, to whom Julian addressed Letter 26. From 
Athens the Emperor recalled Julian 3 in September 
to Milan, where after some delay he was raised to 
the rank of Caesar on November 6, 355, given the 
task of pacifying the Gallic provinces, and married 
to Helena, the sister of Constantius. She was much 
older than he, had little influence on his life, and 
died in Gaul, without issue, not long after Julian 

1 15. 2. 7. 

2 The evidence for this is Eunapius, Lives, p. 437, 
Wright. 

3 For his grief at leaving Athens see Vol. 2, To the 
A t he ti tans, 275 a. 

xi 



INTRODUCTION 

had been proclaimed Augustus by the army. The 
motives of Constantius in making Julian Caesar are 
not clear. Eunapius says that he hoped his cousin 
would be killed in Gaul. Eusebia may have per- 
suaded the Emperor that their childlessness was a 
punishment for his treatment of his relatives. The 
Gallic provinces were overrun by barbarians, and 
Constantius could not go there himself because he 
was occupied on the Danube with the Sarmatians 
and the Quadi, and by the threat of the Persians 
in Mesopotamia. Julian set out for Gaul on 
December 1, 355, with a small troop of 360 men 
who "only knew how to pray/' as he says in 
frag. 5. Eusebia gave him a library of books which 
he took with him. His task was to expel the hordes 
of Germans who, having been invited by Constantius 
to assist in suppressing the usurper Magnentius, had 
remained to overrun and devastate the country, and 
had destroyed the Roman forts on the Rhine. In 
his five years of campaigning in Gaul, 1 though he 
was continually thwarted by the officers whom 
Constantius had sent to watch his movements, 
Julian pacified the provinces and restored their 
prosperity, recovered 20,000 Gallic prisoners from 
Germany, expelled the Germans, defeated the 
Franks and Chamavi, restored the Roman forts, and 
crossed the Rhine four times. In August 357 he 
won the famous battle of Argentoratum (Strasbourg), 
which was fought somewhere between Saverne and 
Strasbourg, and sent Chnodomar, the king of the 
Alemanni, captive to Constantius. He spent the 
winter of 358-359 at Paris, whence he wrote to his 

1 For the condition of Gaul and his achievements there see 
Vol. 2, To the Athenians, 278-280. 
xii 



INTRODUCTION 

friend the physician Oribasius, at Vienne, Letter 4, 
of which the first part, with its dream, 1 is highly 
sophistic but expresses vague fears that he and 
Constantius may be involved in ruin together; the 
second part describes his opposition to the pretorian 
prefect Florentius, his persistent enemy, whom 
he forbade to recommend to Constantius increased 
taxes on the Gallic provincials. In this letter Julian 
wishes that he may not be deprived of the society 
of Sallust, his pagan friend and adviser, but Sallust 
was recalled by the suspicious Constantius in 358. 

While he was in Gaul, Julian continued his 
studies, corresponded with sophists and philosophers 
such as Maximus, Libanius and Priscus, wrote 
Oration 2, a panegyric of Constantius ; Oration 3, 
a panegyric of Eusebia ; Oration 8, to console him- 
self for the loss of Sallust ; an account of the battle 
of Strasbourg which has perished ; and perhaps the 
treatise on logic which we know only from the 
reference to it in Suidas. 2 To some of these works 
he refers at the end of Letter 2, To Priscus. That 
he wrote commentaries on his Gallic campaigns has 
been maintained by some scholars but cannot be 
proved. 

Constantius, who had already suppressed four 
usurpers, either full-blown or suspected of ambition, 
Magnentius, Vetranio, Silvanus and Gallus Caesar, 
was alarmed at the military successes of his cousin, 
who had left Milan an awkward student, ridiculed by 
the court, and had transformed himself into a skilful 
general and administrator, adored by the Gallic 

1 Julian's dream may be, as Asmus thinks, an echo of 
Herodotus, 1. 108, but the parallel is not close. 
8 s.v. 'lov\iav6s- 

xiii 



INTRODUCTION 

army and the provincials. The Emperor was on the 
eve of a campaign against Sapor, the Persian king, 
and needed reinforcements. It was an opportune 
moment for weakening Julian's influence by with- 
drawing the flower of his troops for service in the 
East. Accordingly, in the winter of 359-360, Julian 
received peremptory orders, brought by the tribune 
Decentius, to send to the Emperor, under the com- 
mand of Julian's officers Lupicinus and Sintula, the 
finest of his troops, in fact more than half his army 
of 23,000 men. Many of these were barbarian 
auxiliaries who had taken service with Julian on 
condition that they should not serve outside Gaul, 
and the Celtic troops, when the order became 
known, were dismayed at the prospect of leaving 
their lands and families at the mercy of renewed 
invasions of barbarians. Florentius was at Vienne, 
and refused to join Julian in Paris and discuss the 
question of the safety of Gaul if the troops should 
be withdrawn. Meanwhile two of the legions 
requisitioned by Constantius were in Britain fighting 
the Picts and Scots. But when the others reached 
Paris from their winter quarters in February 360, on 
their march eastwards, their discontent resulted in 
open mutiny, and Julian, whose loyalty towards 
Constantius up to this point is unquestioned, failed 
to pacify them. They surrounded the palace x at 
night, calling on Julian with the title of Augustus, 
and when, after receiving a divine sign, 2 he came out 

1 Julian was lodged in what is now the Musoe dtt 
Tliennes. 

2 See To the Athenians, 284 c, and cf. Letter 2, p. 5. 
Ammianus 20. 4 gives a full account of the mutiny and of 
Julian's speeches to the army and letter to Constantius. 



INTRODUCTION 

at dawn, he was raised on a shield and crowned with a 
standard-bearer's chain in default of a diadem. Julian 
sent by Pentadius and the loyal eunuch Eutherius 
a full account of these events to Constantius, who 
replied that he must be content with the title of 
Caesar. Constantius had already gone to Caesarea 
to prepare for his Persian campaign, and decided to 
meet the more pressing danger from the East before 
he reckoned with Julian. The prefect Florentius 
fled to the Emperor and was made consul for 361. 
Constantius sent Nebridius the quaestor to succeed 
Florentius in Gaul, and Julian accepted him as 
prefect. Julian left Paris for Vienne by way of 
Besancon, which town he describes in Letter 8. 
Thence he led his troops to another victory, this 
time over the Attuarii, who were raiding Gaul, and 
on November 6, 360, he celebrated his quinquennalia 
or fifth year as Caesar. He had not yet declared 
his change of religion, and in January 361 at Vienne, 
where he spent the winter, he took part in the 
feast of the Epiphany. In July he set out for the 
East, determined to win from Constantius recognition 
of his rank as Augustus, either by persuasion or by 
force. His troops were divided so as to march by 
three different routes, and he led the strongest 
division through the Black Forest (see frag. 2) and 
along the Danube. Sirmium (Mitrovitz) welcomed 
him with acclamation in October, and he went into 
winter quarters at Naissa (Nish). Thence he 
addressed to the Roman Senate, the Spartans, 
Corinthians and Athenians manifestos justifying his 
conduct towards Constantius and proclaiming his 
design to restore the Hellenic religion. Of these 
documents only the letter to the Athenians sur- 

xv 



INTRODUCTION 

vives, and a brief fragment of the letter to the 
Corinthians {frag. 3). Meanwhile, as he informs 
Maximus in Letter 8, he and his soldiers openly 
sacrificed to the gods. He now regarded himself 
as conducting a war in the name of Hellenism. 
Some time in 361 he wrote the Kronia (Saturnalia), 
and says in Oration 4. 157 c that he sent it to his 
friend Sallust. Of this work Suidas has preserved 
a few lines (frag. 4). 1 

Meanwhile Constantius, who had achieved nothing 
conclusive against the Persians, had married, at 
Antioch, his third wife Faustina. Their only child, 
a daughter, was married later to the Emperor 
Gratian, but died young. Constantius had now no 
choice but to lead his army to defend Constantinople 
against Julian. But at Tarsus he fell ill, and on 
November 3, 361, died of a fever at Mopsucrene 
in Cilicia. When Julian heard the news he wrote 
Letters 8 and 13, in which he thanks the gods for 
his escape from civil war. He entered Constanti- 
nople in triumph as Emperor on December 11, 
361. 

The greater number of the letters in this volume 
that can be dated were written after Julian's acces- 
sion, in 362, from Constantinople and Antioch. He 
lost no time in inviting to his court his friends 
Maximus from Ephesus (Letter 8), Chrysanthius from 
Sardis, 2 Eutherius the eunuch, his trusted court 
chamberlain (Letter 10), Eustathius (Letter 43), 
Priscus, 3 and Basil (Letter 26). Chrysanthius and 
Basil did not accept this invitation, and Julian, when 

1 Suidas, s.v. Empedotinms. 

2 See Eunapiii8, Lives, p. 441, Wright. 

3 Ibid., p. 445. 

xvi 



INTRODUCTION 

he had failed to persuade Chrysanthius to follow the 
example of Maximus and disregard the omens which 
were unfavourable to their journey, appointed him 
high priest of Lydia. 

In contrast with the wholesale butchery with 
which Constantius had begun his reign, Julian ap- 
pointed a commission, partly composed of former 
officers of Constantius, to sit at Chalcedon across 
the Bosporus and try his enemies, especially those 
who had abetted the cruelties of Constantius or 
were accessory to the death of Gallus. Ammianus, 
22. 3, describes the work of this commission, on 
which were Sallust, Mamertinus and Nevitta the 
Goth. Among those condemned to death were the 
notorious informer and agent of Constantius, Paul, 
nicknamed "the Chain," 1 the eunuch Eusebius, 
chamberlain of Constantius (see Letter 4, p. 11), and 
the ex-prefect, the consul Florentius, whose oppres- 
sion of the Gallic provincials is described in the 
same letter. Florentius managed to conceal himself 
till after Julian's death. 

On February 4, 362, Julian proclaimed religious 
freedom in the Empire, and ordered the restoration 
of the temples. All who had used them as quarries 
or bought portions of them for building houses were 
to restore the stone and marble. 2 This often caused 
great hardship to individuals, and even Libanius, a 
devout pagan, more than once in his letters 3 inter- 
cedes with local officials on behalf of those affected 
by Julian's edict. The Emperor recalled the ecclesi- 
astics who had been exiled by the Arian Constantius, 

1 See Letter 53 ; Ammianus 14. 5. 6 ; 19. 12. 

2 See Letter 29, to Count Julian, p. 99. 

3 e. g. Letter 724, Foerster. 



INTRODUCTION 

among them Aetius, to whom he wrote Letter 15, 
and the famous orthodox prelate Athanasius, for 
whom see Letters 24, 46, 47. x It was perhaps easier 
to restore the temples than the half-forgotten ritual 
of the gods, but Julian enlisted the aid of a learned 
pagan, the Roman antiquarian and senator, Vettius 
Agorius Praetextatus, whom in 362 he appointed 
Proconsul of Achaia, while for the rites appropriate 
to the oriental cults he certainly consulted Maximus 
of Ephesus, who initiated him into the Mysteries of 
Mithras. 

Constantius, fully occupied with the persecution 
of non-Arian Christians, had not persecuted pagan 
intellectuals such as Libanius and Themistius the 
philosopher, while even pagan officials such as 
Sallust had been promoted in his reign. But Julian 
gave instructions that pagans should be preferred to 
Christians for public offices (Letter 37), and, as the 
progress of " Hellenism " proved slower than he had 
hoped, he grew more intolerant. For evidence of 
definite persecution of the Christians in his brief 
reign we depend on Gregory Nazianzen, Socrates, 
Sozomen and other historians of the Church. But 
certain administrative measures referred to in the 
letters were aimed at the Christians. As a part 
of Julian's general policy of exacting service in 
their local senates from all well-to-do citizens, he 
deprived Christian clerics of their immunity from 
such service ; 2 funerals were no longer allowed to 

1 Cf. the account of the life of Athanasius, p. xxxix. 

2 See Letter 39, To the Byzacians. Libanius, Oration IS. 
148, praises this reform. For Julian's increase of the Senate 
at Antioch cf. Misopogon 367 d. Codex Tlieodosianus 12. 1. 
50-56. 



INTRODUCTION 

take place in the daytime according to the Christian 
custom l ; and one of his earliest reforms in connec- 
tion with the use of the public post, the cursus 
publicus, directly affected Christian ecclesiastics. The 
privilege of free transport and the use of inns, horses 
and mules at the expense of the State had been 
granted to ecclesiastics by Constantine in 314 ; and 
in the reign of Constantius, when the bishops were 
summoned from all parts of the Empire to one 
synod after another, the system of public transport 
broke down under the burden. 2 In an edict pre- 
served in Codex Theodosianus 8. 5. 12, dated February 
22, 362, Julian reserves to himself, except in certain 
cases, the right of granting cvcctio, or free transport. 
In Letters 8, 15, and 26 he authorises his corre- 
spondents to use State carriages and horses. 
Libanius says that this reform was so thoroughly 
carried out that often the animals and their drivers 
had nothing to do. 

But such withdrawals of privileges were pin- 
pricks compared with the famous edict 3 in which 
Julian reserved to himself the control of the appoint- 
ments of teachers, and the rescript, Letter 36, in 
which he forbade Christians to read the pagan authors 
with their pupils. This meant that they must cease 
to teach, since all education was based on the read- 
ing of the poets, historians and philosophers. The 
Christian sophist Victorinus, who was then lecturing 
at Rome, and Prohaeresius at Athens, must resign 
their chairs. Julian offered a special exemption to 

1 See Letter 56, the edict on funerals. -^ 

2 See Libanius, Oration, 18. 143 ; Ammianus 21. 16. 18. 

3 The Latin edict, dated June 17, 362, survives in Codex 
Theodosianus 13. 3. 5. 

xix 

62 



INTRODUCTION 

Prohaeresius, but the sophist, says Eunapius, 1 re- 
fused the privilege. He could afford to wait in 
patience, for, like many another distinguished 
Christian, he consulted the omens through the 
pagan hierophant of Greece, and learned indirectly, 
but to his own reassurance, that Julian's power 
would be short-lived. Even Ammianus the pagan 
historian deplored the bigotry and malice of Julian's 
attempt to suppress Christian educators. " It was," 
he says, "a harsh measure, aud had better be buried 
in eternal silence." 2 The Christians interpreted it 
as excluding their children from education ; Theo- 
doret, 3. 4. 2, says as much, and quotes a saying of 
Julian's (frag. 7), whose context is lost, to the effect 
that the Christians arm their intellects to oppose 
Hellenism by means of the Hellenic masterpieces. 
Socrates, 3. 12. 7, quotes another saying of the same 
sort (frag. 6). These two quotations perhaps belong 
to lost rescripts aimed at Christian teachers, which 
followed the extant edict and rescript. Well- 
educated Christians can hardly have been consoled 
by the enterprise of a father and son named 
Apollinarius, who "within a very brief space of 
time," says Sozomen, 5. 18, converted the Bible 
into epics, tragedies, comedies, odes and dialogues 
for the education of Christian youths. But 
Christian teachers did not suffer much inconveni- 
ence, for Julian's prohibition can hardly have been 
enforced in the few months that preceded his 

1 Lives, p. 513, Wright. 

2 22. 10. 7 : illud inclemens . . . obrnendum perenni 
silentio. He repeats this criticism in 25. 4. 20. Libanius, 
however, was delighted, and taunted Basil and Gregory as 
' ' barbarians. " 

xx 



INTRODUCTION 

death. The edict was rescinded by the Emperor 
Valentinian. 

In his dealings with the Jews, Julian reversed the 
policy of Constantius and Gallus Caesar, who had 
treated them with extreme harshness. 1 He freed 
them from the taxes levied on them as Jews, and 
invited them to renew their ancient sacrifices. 
When they replied that this could be done only in 
the Temple at Jerusalem he promised to rebuild the 
Temple, and restore Jerusalem to the Jews. He 
may almost be called a Zionist. The historians of 
the Church say that Julian desired to nullify the 
prophecy of Christ, that not one stone of the Temple 
should remain on another, and exult in the fact that 
his project had to be abandoned, owing to the earth- 
quakes that were experienced in the East in the 
winter of 362-363. Julian himself speaks of his 
plan of rebuilding the Temple, 2 and Ammianus says 
that the work was entrusted to Alypius, the ex- 
Governor of Britain, to whom Julian when in Gaul 
wrote Letters 6 and 7, and that it was abandoned 
owing to mysterious " balls of flame " which burned 
the workmen. Almost the same account is given 
by Philostorgius 7. 9, Theodoret 3. 15, and other 
historians of the Church. Nevertheless, Lardner in 
Jewish and Heathen Testimony 4. p. 47, and Adler 
in the Jewish Quarterly Review, 1893, deny that the 
work was ever undertaken, and assert that Ammia- 
nus derived his account from Gregory Nazianzen's 

1 Sozomen 4. 7. 5. 

2 Vol. 2, Fragment of a Letter 295 c ; Letter 51. 398 a ; 
and Lydus, de Mensibus 4. 53, quotes Julian as saying 
aveyeipo) .... -tov vabv rod viplarov deov, "I am rebuilding 
the Temple of the Most High God." 



INTRODUCTION 

spiteful Invective against Julian, and that the Christian 
historians were taken in by Gregory's invention. 
But Ammianus was with Julian at Antioch that 
winter and on the march to Persia in 363, and must 
have known the facts. He did not need to depend 
on Gregory for information ; — Gregory does not, in 
fact, mention the appointment of Alypius — nor 
would Gregory have been likely to write his detailed 
account of the zealous cooperation of the Jews in 
the building if he could have been refuted by any 
resident of Jerusalem. We may therefore believe 
that the enterprise was begun but was given up 
because of earthquakes, and possibly also because 
Julian had withdrawn to Persia. The rescript To 
the Community of the Jews {Letter 51), though it is 
cited by Sozomen 5. 22 and Socrates 3. 20 as Julian's, 
has been condemned as a forgery by Schwarz, Klimek 
and Geffcken, was considered "tres suspect" by 
Bidez and Cumont in 1898 (Recherches) and is rejected 
outright by them in their edition of 1922. Their 
arguments are based on the general tone of the 
document, and the strange reference to " my 
brother" the Jewish patriarch, but while the 
rescript may have been rewritten or edited in a 
bureau, it probably represents the sentiments of 
Julian and is consistent with his attitude to the 
Jews as expressed in the treatise Against the Gali- 
laeans. It has therefore been placed with the 
genuine letters in this volume. 

The appeal On behalf of the Argives {Letter 28), 
was accepted as genuine by all editors before Bidez 
and Cumont, and by Schwarz, Geffcken and Asmus, 
and was formerly assigned by Cumont to the year 
355, when Julian was a student at Athens. Bidez 
xxii 



INTRODUCTION 

and Cumont (1922) now accept the theory of Keil 1 
that it is not by Julian, but was composed in the 
first century a.d. as a letter of recommendation 
(i-maToXr] <rv<rraTtKrj). Maas, however, maintains that 
it was written by the high-priest Theodorus in 
Julian's reign, and that the proconsul's rejection of 
its appeal is referred to in Julian's letter to Theodorus, 
p. 37. But there is nothing in it that could not have 
been written by Julian, and it would be natural for 
him to defend ancient Argos, which had probably 
remained Hellenic, and her sacred festivals against 
Romanised and Christianised Corinth, the provincial 
metropolis. Julian disliked beast shows 2 as much as 
Constantius had loved them, and the tribute exacted 
from Argos was used to pay for such shows (see p. 
89). He asks a favour rather than gives orders as 
an Emperor, but this was consistent with his custom 
of referring such appeals as that of the Argives to 
the governors of the provinces. 3 We do not know 
from other sources when the Argives began to pay 
tribute to Corinth, though there is abundant evidence 
that under the Empire the minor cities of Greece 
did pay tribute to Corinth instead of to Rome. On 
the whole I see no reason for suspecting the authenti- 
city of this document, or for assigning it to Julian's 
student days at Athens. 

In May or June 362 Julian left Constantinople for 
Antioch, the capital of the provinces of the East, 

1 In Nachrichtcn Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottingen, 1913. 

2 i. e. public exhibitions of combats of wild beasts, such 
as were regularly given at the expense of the municipalities 
at this period. 

3 For this policy see Ammianus 16. 5. 13. Heyler's 
comment on Letter 28 is— cogit rogando. 

xxiii 



INTRODUCTION 

and about this time he wrote Letter 35 to Aristoxenus, 
asking him to meet him at Tyana, and Letter 29 to 
his uncle at Antioch, whom lie had appointed Count 
of the East (Comes Orientis) ; he refers to their 
approaching meeting at Antioch (p. 105). On the 
way he visited and wept over Nicomedia, which had 
been destroyed by an earthquake in 358, 1 and Pes- 
sinus, where he sacrificed to Cybele the Mother of 
the Gods at her ancient shrine. From Letter 42 to 
Callixeine it appears that as a consequence of his 
visit he appointed her priestess of Cybele at Pessinus. 
That the citizens of Pessinus had displeased him by 
a lack of enthusiasm for the restoration of their 
famous cult may be gathered from Letter 22, p. 73. 
Julian also visited Tarsus, in whose suburb near 
the river Cydnus he was destined to be buried in 
the following year. He arrived at Antioch to- 
wards the end of July, and wrote Letter 41, the 
rescript to the citizens of Bostra, on August l. 2 In 
January 363 he entered on the consulship (see 
Letter 54). 

In the Misopogon (Loeb Library, Vol. 2), Julian 
has himself described his nine months' stay at 
Antioch. The city was predominantly Christian 
and opposed to his restoration of paganism, so that 
when the celebrated temple of Apollo in the beauti- 
ful suburb of Daphne was burned in 362, he ascribed 
it to the malice of the Christians. The citizens, who 
were notoriously pleasure-loving and luxurious, 
openly ridiculed his austere way of life and disliked 
his reforms. During the winter he wrote the 

1 Ammianus 22. 9. 3-5. 

2 Julian's first edict from Antioch in Codex Theodosianus 
1. 16. 8 is dated July 28, 362. 



INTRODUCTION 

treatise Against the Galilaeans. When lie left Antioch 
on March 5, 363, for his Persian campaign he 
announced that he would spend the coming winter, 
not at Antioch, but at Tarsus. This showed that 
he expected a short campaign. In the extant letters 
he does not mention his disappointment with his 
reception at Antioch, though in Letter 58, 399 c, 
written on March 10 or 11 at Hierapolis, he alludes 
to his interview with the delegates from the senate 
of Antioch who had followed him as far as Litarbae 
in the attempt to conciliate his displeasure. 1 This 
is his last extant letter. 

For his brief and fatal campaign against Sapor in 
363 we depend on Ammianus and Eutropius who 
accompanied him, and on Zosimus. On the march 
Julian avoided Edessa, which was stubbornly 
Christian (see Letter 40). At Carrhae, notorious 
for the defeat of the Romans under Crassus, he 
assembled his troops. Procopius was sent towards 
Nisibis with 18,000 men in order to distract the 
attention of Sapor, and was ordered to meet the 
Armenian auxiliaries whom Julian had requisitioned 
in Letter 57, and later rejoin Julian. Meanwhile the 
Emperor with 65,000 men proceeded to the Euphrates. 
His fleet of a thousand boats of all kinds he trans- 
ferred by means of a canal from the Euphrates to 
the Tigris, and arrived under the walls of Ctesiphon, 
devastating the country and burning towns and 
villages as he went. The omens from first to last 
were unfavourable, his officers were inefficient, and 
the troops whom he had brought from Gaul began 

1 Cf. Libanius, Oration 16. 1, and his Letter 824, 
Foerster, for his attempt to persuade Julian to forgive 
Antioch. 

XXV 



INTRODUCTION 

to suffer from the heat. 1 Though before Ctesiphon 
he won an important victory over the Persians, he 
reluctantly decided not to besiege this stronghold, 
but to try to effect a junction with the forces of 
Procopius by marching northwards. He burnt his 
ships rather than take them up the Tigris. But 
Procopius and the Armenians failed to arrive, and 
Sapor with his main army was at hand and began to 
harass Julian's forces from June 16. The Persians 
were repulsed, but, after about ten days of almost 
incessant fighting and marching, Julian was mortally 
wounded in a rear attack on June 26, and died at 
midnight. On his death-bed he is said to have 
discussed the immortality of the soul with Maximus 
and Priscus. 2 The exact name of the place where 
he fell is not known, but Ammianus 25. 3. 9, says 
that when Julian learned that the locality was called 
Phrygia he gave up hope of recovery, because an 
oracle had said that he would die in Phrygia. His 
body was carried with the army on its retreat and 
was later sent to Tarsus for burial in charge of 
Procopius. The Christian general Jovian was 
elected Emperor by the troops. 

1 On the lack of discipline among the Gallic troops, 
both at Antioch and on the march, see Ammianus 22. 12; 
25. 7. 

2 The numerous and varying accounts of Julian's death 
from Ammianus to the Byzantine chroniclers of the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries have been collected by Reinhardt 
Der Tod des Kaiser Julian, 1891. The legend that the dying 
Emperor threw a handful of his own blood in the air and 
cried vevlKynas, Ta\i\aU, ' ' Thou hast conquered, O Galilaean ! " 
is found in Theodoret 3. 20, Sozomen 6. 2. Others said he 
was reproaching the Sun, who had betrayed him, and that 
his words were misunderstood ; cf. Philostorgius 7. 1 ~>. 



INTRODUCTION 

The letters of Julian must have been collected 
and published before the end of the fourth century, 
since Eunapius (a.d. 346-414) used them as a source 
for his History, and in his Lives mentions several 
that are not extant. Libanius, not long after Julian's 
death, wrote to Aristophanes of Corinth that some 
of Julian's letters were safe to publish, others not, 
and consoled himself for the Emperor's loss with 
"these his immortal children." Zosimus the pagan 
historian, who wrote 450-501, says that from Julian's 
letters one may best comprehend his activities, 
" which extended over the whole world." The 
historians of the Church, notably Socrates of Con- 
stantinople, who completed his History about a.d. 
440, seem to have quoted from a mixed collection 
of letters and edicts such as has come down to us. 
Sozomen, a contemporary of Socrates, quotes nine ot 
the extant letters and mentions fourteen that have 
not survived. Such a collection would be entitled 
Letters because any Imperial edict was called a 
letter. Julian was an indefatigable letter-writer, and 
we have only a fraction of his vast correspondence. 
Many letters must have been suppressed by their 
owners as dangerous to themselves after his death, 
or by the Christians because of their disrespectful 
allusions to Christianity ; of those that survive some 
were mutilated by the Christians for the same 
reason, while others, such as Letter 81, To Basil, are 
suspected of being Christian forgeries designed to 
display Julian in an unpleasant light. On the other 
hand, documents which could be used as evidence 
that Julian persecuted the Christians {e.g. Letter 
37), or pastoral letters written in his character of 
pontijex maximus to admonish pagan priests to 

xxvii 



INTRODUCTION 

imitate the Christian virtues of asceticism and 
charity to the poor (e. g. Letter 20 and the Fragment 
of a Letter, Vol. 2), would not be allowed to perish. 
Many letters survived in hand-books as models of 
epistolary style, a fact which, as Cumont pointed 
out, adds greatly to the difficulties of correct ascrip- 
tion, because the compilers of such hand-books were 
often careless about the authorship, form of address, 
or completeness of such extracts. 

The "Letters" in this collection are (1) edicts or 
rescripts, the majority of which are concerned with 
the Christians ; these were certainly worked over by 
the Imperial secretaries and are only indirectly 
Julian's; (2) pastoral or encyclical letters to priests; 
and (3) private correspondence. As a rule Julian 
dictated to secretaries, and so fast that Libanius 
says the " tachygraphers " were unable to keep pace 
with him, but certain postscripts are marked " with 
his own hand." After his accession in 361 the plea 
of lack of time or a shortage of secretaries is frequent, 
and some scholars have rejected certain purely con- 
ventional and sophistic letters, such as 59 and 60, or 
assigned them to his student days, on the ground 
that Julian after 355 would not write in that strain, 
and that his undoubtedly genuine letters always 
have some definite content. They never reject a 
letter in which pressure of business is mentioned, 
though one may see from the correspondence of 
Libanius that the plea of lack of time owing to 
affairs is a regular sophistic excuse. The purely 
sophistic letters have been placed last in the present 
volume in order that they may not interrupt the 
sequence of those that can be dated with more or 
less certainty. But I am not convinced that at any 



INTRODUCTION 

time in Julian's career he had renounced writing 
like a sophist and bandying quotations with his 
friends. Nothing could be more sophistic than part 
of his unquestionably genuine letter to Libanius, 
in which he expresses his admiration for his friend's 
speech on behalf of Aristophanes. 1 There seems 
to be only one safe criterion for rejecting letters 
ascribed in the MS. tradition to Julian : when the 
historical facts of his life cannot be reconciled with 
the contents of a letter, or if he cannot have known 
the person addressed, as is the case with the six 
letters addressed to Iamblichus, or when the con- 
tents are too foolish even for Julian in his sophistic 
vein, 2 it has seemed better not to confuse the 
reader by including them, as Hertlein did, with the 
genuine letters. They are therefore grouped to- 
gether as apocryphal. After the publication of 
Hertlein's edition, six letters, ascribed to Julian, 
were discovered by Papadopoulos-Kcrameus in a 
convent, used as a school for Greek merchants, on 
the island Chalce (Halki) near Constantinople; they 
are included in this edition. The text used in this 
volume is, for the rest of the letters, that of Hertlein 
(Leipzig, 1876), revised and rearranged in chrono- 
logical order as far as possible. The marginal num- 
bers correspond to the pages of Spanheim, 1696. 
The edition of Bidez and Cumont (1922) appeared 
too late to be used in constructing the present text, 
but is referred to in this Introduction. All references 
to Bidez or Cumont in the critical notes refer to 
their publications before 1922. Their edition includes 
the Latin edicts of Julian preserved in the Codex 

1 See Letter 53, 382 d, p. 185. 

2 Cf. Letter 80, To Sarn^non. 

xxix 



INTRODUCTION 

Theodosianus and the Imperial edict in Greek, De 
auro coro?iario, published by Grenfell, Hunt and 
Hogarth in Fay urn towns and their Papyri, p. 116 foil., 
and assigned by those editors and by Wilcken to 
Alexander Severus. Bidez and Cumont support 
Dessau * in regarding this edict as by Julian, who, 
as we know from an edict in Codex Theodosianus 
12. 13. 1, remitted the aurum coronarium on April 29, 
362. Ammianus 2 mentions this as an instance of 
Julian's generosity. 



The following biographical notices of Julian's more 
important correspondents or of persons mentioned 
in the text, are in alphabetical order and are de- 
signed to supplement the notes. 

Aetius of Antioch, nicknamed "Atheist" by his 
Christian opponents, rose from extreme poverty and 
obscurity to the position of leader of the faction of 
the Arian sect called Anomoean because its members 
held that "the substance of the Son is unlike the 
substance of the Father." The less radical of the 
unorthodox, semi-Arians, like the Emperor Con- 
stantius, persecuted the Anomoeans. But Gall us 
Caesar, Julian's half-brother, soon after his promotion 
in 351 and his appointment to govern the East, came 
under the influence of Aetius, who, for the next three 
years while he resided at Antioch, was his spiritual 
adviser. When Gall us heard that Julian, then study- 
ing at Ephesus with Maximus the theurgist, was 
inclined to " Hellenism," he more than once sent 

1 In Revue de Philologie, 1901. 2 25. 4. 15. 

XXX 



INTRODUCTION 

Aetius to admonish his younger brother, who con- 
trived to reassure them both. 1 After the disgrace 
and execution of Gallus by Constantius at the end of 
354, Aetius was exiled to Phrygia by the Emperor, 
partly because of his alarming influence and extreme 
Arianism, partly because of his intimacy with Gallus. 
Expelled from his office of deacon and repudiated by 
the Arians, he was still in exile on Julian's accession, 
when he was recalled to Constantinople and treated 
with peculiar favour. In spite of the title of Julian's 
letter of recall, 2 Aetius was not made a bishop until 
the reign of Valens. After Julian's death he retired 
to an estate in Lesbos which had been given him by 
Julian, but later he went to Constantinople, and in 
spite of his heresy was made a bishop, though prob- 
ably without a see. In the histories of the fourth - 
century Church, such as those of Socrates, Sozomen 
and Theodoret, he is the most important of all the 
heretics and apparently the most dangerous to the 
unity of the Church. Philostorgius gives a detailed 
and fairly tolerant account of his varied life and great 
influence, and praises his eloquence and learning, 
whereas the others ridicule as superficial his study of 
Aristotle, with whose logic this ex-goldsmith of 
Antioch professed to have fitted himself to found a 
heresy, and Newman, who intensely disliked his 
heresy, calls him a mountebank. 3 



1 See Philostorgius 3. 27 and the letter of Gallus to Julian, 
p. 288. Sozomen 5. 5 mentions Julian's letter recalling 
Aetius. 

2 See Letter 15 in which Julian refers to their friendship of 
long standing, and Against the Galilaeans, 333 d, p. 413, 
where the reference may be to the Anomoean Aetius. 

3 The Avians of the Fourth Centitry, 1833. 

xxxi 



INTRODUCTION 

Alypius, to whom Julian wrote Letters 6 and 7, was, 
according to Ammianus 23. 1. 2, a native of Antioch. 
In 358 Libanius in an extant letter (324 Foerster), 
congratulates him on his success as governor of 
Britain — his title was Vicarius Uritanniarum, an 
office subordinate to the prefect of the Gallic 
provinces — and reports favourably of his young son 
Hierocles, who had been left at Antioch in the 
sophist's charge.  Seeck and Cumont think that 
Julian's Letter 6 should be dated 355 or 356, and that 
his summons to Alypius preceded the latter' s appoint- 
ment to Britain ; but I agree with GefFcken that 
Julian's language implies that he had been for some 
time in Gaul, and that he needed the assistance of 
Alypius for his expedition against Constantius, so 
that the letter should be dated 360. As there is 
nothing in Letter 7 to indicate whether Alypius was 
in Britain or what was the map which he had sent 
to Julian, I have not altered the traditional order of 
the two letters to Alypius. If, however, Alypius was 
still in Britain, Letter 7 will naturally antedate Letter 
6 and will fall between 356 and 360. In that case 
the illness from which Julian had lately recovered 
may be the semi-asphyxiation which he himself de- 
scribes in Misopogon 341 d as having occurred when 
he was at Paris in the winter of 358-9. We know 
that Alypius was appointed by Julian in 362-3 to 
superintend the rebuilding of the Temple at Jeru- 
salem (Ammianus 23. 1. 2). The project failed, and 
Alypius returned to Antioch, where he is mentioned 
in a letter from Libanius to Basil (1583 Wolf) as a 
person of distinction. In 372, when the Emperor 
Valens, in his panic terror of assassination, was per- 
secuting right and left, Alypius was exiled on a false 

xxxii 



INTRODUCTION 

charge of poisoning and his property confiscated 
(Ammianus 29. 1. 44). Like Priscus and Libanius 
lie is addressed by Julian as " brother," possibly, as 
Asmus thinks, because they were fellow-initiates in 
the Mysteries of Mithras. 1 In the MSS. of Julian's 
Letters Alypius is entitled " brother of Caesarius " to 
distinguish him from the dwarf Alypius of Alexandria, 
whose Life was written first by his friend Iamblichus 
the philosopher and later by Eunapius. Caesarius 
held several high offices in the fourth century, and in 
the reign of Valens, when city prefect of Constantin- 
ople, was imprisoned by the usurper Procopius 
(Ammianus 26. 7. 4). Several letters from Libanius 
to Caesarius are extant. 

Aristophanes of Corinth, about whose reinstate- 
ment Julian wrote to Libanius when they were at 
Antioch towards the end of 362 {Letter 53), was an 
official of no great importance, but the detailed 
account of his life which Libanius addressed to 
Julian at that time {Oration 14, Vol. 2, Foerster) is 
a curious record of the vicissitudes of official life in 
the fourth century. Aristophanes was the son of a 
rich senator of Corinth and was educated in rhetoric 
at Athens. He was involved in a ruinous lawsuit 
and robbed of part of his patrimony by his brother- 
in-law Eugenius, a favourite of the Emperor Constans, 
and since, while Constans ruled Greece, it was useless 
to oppose Eugenius, Aristophanes retired to Syria, 
some time before 350. There he was appointed an 
Agens in rehus, and, as a sort of Imperial courier, 
travelled all over the Empire. In 357 he was 
sent to Egypt with the newly-appointed prefect 

1 See Dieterich, Mithras-Liturgie, p. 149. 

xxxiii 
c 



INTRODUCTION 

Parnassius. There they incautiously consulted an 
astrologer. How dangerous was this proceeding 
under the Empire, since it aroused suspicion of 
treasonable interest in the length of the Emperor's 
life or reign, may be seen from the accounts in 
Ammianus of the reigns of Constantius and Valens 
and their wholesale persecution of alleged conspira- 
tors. After a trial at Scythopolis (Ammianus 19. 12. 
10), conducted by the cruel agent of Constantius, 
Paul, nicknamed "the Chain," Parnassius was exiled 
in 359 or 360, while Aristophanes was tortured and 
barely escaped with his life. He was condemned to 
travel throughout Egypt under the escort of a soldier 
and a herald, who proclaimed wherever they went 
that any Egyptian whom Aristophanes had defrauded 
might come forward and denounce him. Libanius, 
who, like all fourth-century writers, gives the Egyp- 
tians a very bad character, argues that, if even the 
Egyptians could not trump up a charge against Aris- 
tophanes, he was at least innocent of the charges of 
peculation that had been brought against him at 
Scythopolis. He was released by the death of Con- 
stantius in 361. No doubt the strongest argument 
that Libanius used in favour of Aristophanes was the 
fact that he was a devout pagan who at his trial had 
openly sworn by the gods. Libanius asked for his 
protege some office that would rehabilitate him in the 
eyes of the Corinthians, and in Letter 53 Julian says 
that he will confer with Libanius as to what this shall 
be, but we know only that Aristophanes did receive 
some office and returned to Corinth. Julian was 
more interested in the eloquence of Libanius than in 
the fortunes of Aristophanes. Seeck, however, in 
Die Brief e des Libanius states that Julian appointed 
xxxiv 



INTRODUCTION 

Aristophanes to the highest office in Greece, the pro- 
consulship of Achaea, and places him in the lists of 
proconsuls for 362-3. But already in 362 Julian had 
given that honour to a man of the highest character, 
whom he greatly admired, Vettius Agorius Praetex- 
tatus, and since we know from Zosimus 4. 3. 3 that 
Praetextatus still held the office in September 364, 
when he was able to persuade the Emperor Valen- 
tinian not to enforce against the Greeks the edict 
forbidding the nocturnal celebration of religious 
rites, there is no room for Aristophanes as proconsul 
of Achaea ; nor is it likely that so strict a moralist 
as Julian would have conceded so great a distinction 
to a man for whose loose morals even Libanius felt 
bound to apologise in his oration. 1 Libanius in a 
letter (758) expresses his delight at Julian's praise 
of his speech and says that it shall be published 
with the Emperor's letter ; they do occur together in 
some MSS. In 364, after Julian's death, Aristo- 
phanes wrote to Libanius asking that he might see 
the correspondence of Julian and Libanius. The 
sophist replied (1350 Wolf) by reproaching him with 
having soon forgotten " the divine Julian," and says 
that he can send only such letters as it would be safe 
to publish. It was, in fact, a dangerous time for the 
friends of Julian, who were regarded with suspicion 
by the Christian Emperors Valens and Valentinian, 
and, for the most part, lost their offices. 

Arsaces, or Arsacius, to whom is addressed Letter 
57, was king of Armenia in the reigns of Constantius 
and Julian, and, since Armenia was the buffer state 

1 Cumont in his edition, and Geffcken, Julianus, are silent 
on this point. 

XXXV 

c2 



INTRODUCTION 

between Rome and Persia, he was courted by Romans 
and Persians alike, whenever they were at war. In 
his Oration 1. 20 d, Julian describes how in the 
Eastern campaign of Constantius in 337 the Ar- 
menians for a time went over to the Persians. 
When in 361 Constantius was about to inarch 
against Julian, leaving his Eastern frontier insecure, 
he summoned Arsaces to Caesarea in Cappadocia 
and strengthened the old alliance of Rome and 
Armenia by giving him in marriage Olympias, the 
daughter of the prefect Ablabius, who had been 
betrothed when very young to the Emperor's de- 
ceased brother Constans (Ammianus 20. 11). Athan- 
asius reckoned it among the impieties of the Arian 
Constantius that he had "given over to the bar- 
barians " one who had been all but a Roman 
Empress. Constantius immediately on his accession 
had put to death the prefect Ablabius, the low-born 
favourite of Constantine whose ambitious career and 
violent end are related in the Lives of Eunapius ; 
he now disposed of Ablabius' daughter as he had 
disposed of his own two sisters, giving one to 
Gallus and the other to Julian in order to secure 
their loyalty when they were promoted to the 
Caesarship. Arsaces remained faithful to Rome and 
so lost his kingdom and his life to the Persians 
(Ammianus 27. 12), but his failure to arrive with 
his auxiliaries to aid Julian at Ctesiphon contributed 
to the breakdown of the campaign (Ammianus 24. 7). 
Letter 57 is bracketed by Hertlein as spurious and 
rejected by all modern editors on account of its 
bombastic style, and its authenticity is dubious. But 
it was cited by Sozomen 6. 2, in the fifth century, 
and, if a forgery, was forged early enough to take 

xxxvi 



INTRODUCTION 

him in. He criticises its "unbounded arrogance" 
and speaks of its " blasphemies against Christ " ; 
since these are not in Letter 57 he may have seen a 
somewhat different version. As for the style, since 
Arsaces was a Christian and a barbarian, Julian may 
have thought that threats would serve him better 
than cajoleries, and in any case we cannot tell in 
what language he or his secretaries might see fit to 
address a ruler who owed his throne to the Romans 
and might be suspected of intending treachery in 
the coming campaign. Accordingly, though its 
authorship is doubtful, I have not placed this letter 
with the apocrypha. 

Artemius, military governor of Egypt (Dux Aegypti) 
in 361, is mentioned, though not named, by Julian 
in Letter 21, To the Alexandrians. He was in 
high favour with the Emperor Constantius and 
an ardent Christian. In Alexandria he was hated 
by the pagans because he despoiled the temples, 
especially the famous Serapeum, the shrine of 
Serapis, and not less by the orthodox Christians 
for his support of the Arian Bishop George. In 
362 Julian summoned him to Antioch, deprived 
him of his office, and had him beheaded on October 
20, 362, a day that was consecrated by the Church 
to his memory as a saint and martyr. There were 
several reasons why Julian detested Artemius. He 
was a friend of Constantius, had been foremost in 
suppressing the pagan cults, and was supposed to 
have been accessory to the murder of Gall us Caesar, 
though this last charge Artemius denied. The 
fullest account of his defiance of Julian at Antioch, 
his religious controversy with the Emperor, his 



INTRODUCTION 

tortures and death, was preserved by the late 
fourth-century historian of the Church, Philostor- 
gius (pp. 151-176, Bidez). Ammianus is strangely 
in error when he says (22. 11. 3) that the news of 
the death of Artemius was the signal at Alexandria 
for the outbreak of the populace which resulted in 
the murder of Bishop George, whose oppression of 
the citizens Artemius had supported with his troops 
(Sozomen 4. 30). Ammianus was at Antioch and 
must have known the date of the death of Arte- 
mius ; he should also have known that George was 
murdered nearly a year earlier, in December 361, 
when the death of Constantius was announced. 
Artemius, according to Philostorgius, was one of 
those who resisted Julian's blanda persecutio of bribes 
and eloquent arguments to which so many suc- 
cumbed, and this accounts for the fact that he was 
not punished till some time after Julian's accession. 

Atarbius 1 to whom the Emperor Julian wrote 
Letter 37 telling him not to persecute the Gali- 
laeans, but to prefer the god-fearing, i. e. the pagans, 
was a native of Ancyra and himself a pagan. At 
that time, 362, he was governing the province of 
the Euphrates with the title Praeses Euphrates sis. 
The letter as we have it is abrupt and is probably 
a fragment of a longer letter or edict, often quoted 
no doubt by the Christians as evidence of their 
persecution and exclusion from office in Julian's 
reign. On the general question of Julian's treat- 

1 Hertlein prefers Artabius ; both forms occur in the MSS., 
and in Codex Justinianus 11. 70. 1, an edict of Julian on 
buildings erected on state lands, is addressed to Atarbinus, 
possibly the same official. 

xxxviii 



INTRODUCTION 

ment of Christian officials or candidates for office 
the historians of the Church give divergent accounts, 
but Socrates 3. 13. 2 and Sozomen 5. 18 say that 
lie would not appoint them to govern provinces, on 
the ground that their law forbade them to inflict 
capital punishment. Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 7, 
says that Julian bribed the Christians to sacrifice 
to the gods by promising them appointments, and 
Jerome says that many could not resist this blanda 
perseculio. In 362-363 Libanius wrote several letters, 
which are extant, to Atarbius, and especially in Letter 
741, Foerster, praised his mild administration of the 
Euphratensis. In 364, when Libanius wrote to him 
Letter 1221 Wolf, Atarbius was Consularis Macedoniae. 

Athanasius, the saint and orthodox bishop of 
Alexandria about whom Julian wrote Letters 24, 46 
and 47, is the most notable Christian with whom 
on his accession Julian had to deal. He became 
bishop of Alexandria in 326 and died in 373. But 
of that time he spent about twenty years away from 
his see, and went into exile or hiding five times, 
once under Constantine, twice under Constantius, 
who supported the Arian heresy of which Athana- 
sius was the determined opponent, once under 
Julian, and finally for four months under the Arian 
Emperor Valens in 367. With the death of Valens 
the Arians lost practically all their influence and 
the orthodox prelate had won in the end. Wlien, 
in 362, Julian proclaimed an amnesty for the non- 
Arian ecclesiastics who had been persecuted by 
Constantius, Athanasius returned in February to his 
see at Alexandria. His enemy, the Arian Bishop 
George of Cappadocia, who then held the bishopric, 

xxxix 



INTRODUCTION 

had been murdered on December 24, 361, when 
the news of the death of Constantius became known 
at Alexandria. George was obnoxious to pagans and 
Athanasians alike, but though Philostorgius 7. 2 
says that Athanasius incited the people to murder 
George, the silence of Julian on this point and 
the testimony of Socrates 3. 31 and Sozomen 3. 7 
that Athanasius was innocent, indicate that the 
charge was due to the malice of the Arians. Tumults 
similar to that which resulted in the lynching of 
George occurred elsewhere in the Empire, and the 
Christian writers in their invectives against Julian 
accuse him of having recalled the exiles in order 
to foment the strife of the Christian sects, whose 
quarrels were so bitter and unremitting that the 
story of the reigns of Constantine, Constantius and 
Valens is mainly that of a heated theological contro- 
versy. Julian in Letter 21 rebuked the Alexandrians, 
though not as severely as they deserved, for the 
murder of George, and with indecent haste de- 
manded for himself in Letter 23 the books of the 
dead bishop, whose library he had used in the past, 
perhaps in his years of retirement at Macellum in 
Cappadocia ; he may have wished to use them again 
for his tract Against the Galilaeans, which he com- 
posed at Antioch in the following winter. When 
Athanasius after his return proceeded to exercise 
his functions, Julian in an edict addressed to the 
Alexandrians, Letter 24, banished him from Alex- 
andria, and wrote a sharp rebuke to the prefect of 
Egypt, Ecdicius Olympus, ordering Athanasius to 
be expelled from Egypt before December 1. Ac- 
cordingly, on October 23, 361, Athanasius left 
Alexandria, saying, " It is but a little cloud and it 

xl 



INTRODUCTION 

will pass " (Sozomen 5. 15). In the late autumn of 
362 the Alexandrians sent to Julian at Antioch a 
petition for the recall of Athanasius, but he refused 
their request in a document (Letter 47) which is 
partly an edict, partly a theological argument for 
paganism, and contains the statement, useful for his 
biographers, that he had finally renounced Chris- 
tianity twelve years earlier, i. e. in 350. Athanasius 
remained in hiding near Alexandria and at Memphis 
until Julian's death in 363, when he resumed his 
bishopric. 

Basil the Great, commonly called St. Basil, was a 
native of Cappadocia. He and Julian were about the 
same age, and were fellow-students in Athens in 
355. Basil returned to Cappadocia in 356 and was 
probably in retreat in a monastery near Caesarea, 
the metropolis of Cappadocia, when Julian addressed 
to him Letter 26 inviting him to the court at 
Constantinople. The invitation was certainly not 
accepted, but there is no proof that they did not 
remain on good terms. Basil had other pagan 
friends, especially the sophist Libanius, with whom 
he corresponded and to whom he sent pupils from 
Cappadocia. Basil became bishop of Caesarea in 
370 and died in his fiftieth year in 379. There is 
no good reason for doubting the genuineness of Letter 
26, or for supposing that it was addressed to some 
other Basil than the famous bishop. But Letter 81, 
in which Julian demands from Basil a large sum 
of money as a fine on Caesarea, and threatens to 
punish the citizens still more severely if he is not 
obeyed, is generally regarded as spurious, and 
equally spurious is Basil s defiant answer, which 

xli 



INTRODUCTION 

is extant among the saint's correspondence as Letter 
41. Even in Byzantine times both letters were 
regarded as unskilful forgeries, alien to the char- 
acter of the writers to whom they were ascribed. 
The main argument against the authenticity of 
Letter 81 is the peculiar language, which is like 
nothing that we know to be Julianic. A minor point 
is that he regularly calls the Danube by the name 
Ister, whereas the writer of the letter does not. 
Further, the silence of Gregory Nazianzen as to 
the demand of money from Basil is strange in one 
who had been a fellow-student of the two men at 
Athens, and in his invectives against Julian would 
hardly have omitted this outrage if Basil had been 
involved. Moreover, the last words of Letter 81 are 
said by Sozomen 5. 18 to have been addressed by 
Julian st to the bishops," and he says that the bishops 
made the retort which appears at the end of Basil's 
alleged reply : (Wyj/oos aXX' ovk eyvoiS' el yap eyva)<s, ovk 
av Kareyvw?. " What you read you did not under- 
stand. For if you had understood you would not 
have condemned." But Julian's hostility to Caesarea 
was a fact. Cappadocia as a whole was Christian, 
and its capital was, as Sozomen 5. 4 says, " Christian 
to a man." Under Constantius the citizens had 
pulled down the temples of Zeus and Apollo, and 
in Julian's reign they invited martyrdom by de- 
stroying the temple of Fortune, the only one that 
remained. Sozomen relates their punishment by 
Julian, which probably occurred while he was at 
Antioch in 362-363. The city lost its complimentary 
name of Caesarea, and was obliged to resume its old 
name Mazaca ; it was expunged from the catalogue 
of cities, and its church treasures were confiscated, 
xlii 



INTRODUCTION 

Libanius, Oration 16, describes its fate as a warning 
to the recalcitrant. That Julian was displeased with 
the Cappadocians in general may be seen from the 
tone of Letter 35, To Aristoxenus, whom he asked 
to meet him at Tyana on his way to Antioch ; nor 
did he visit Caesarea the metropolis, or Macellum, 
where he had spent so much of his youth. His 
death probably prevented the punishment of Caesa- 
rea from being fully carried out. 

Ecdicius, probably called also Olympus, to whom 
Julian wrote Letters 23, 45, 46, 49, was prefect of 
Egypt 362-363. The letters all refer to the affairs 
of Egypt. Julian commissions Ecdicius to secure 
for him the library of Bishop George ; scolds him 
for not having taken instant action against Athan- 
asius; tells him the height of the Nile flood; and 
orders him to encourage the study of music at 
Alexandria. Ammianus 22. 14 says that in 362 
Julian received from the prefect of Egypt a report 
on the sacred bull Apis, but does not give his name. 
In Codex Theodosianus 15. 1. 8, Ecdicius appears by 
name and receives rescripts from Julian. As the 
name of the prefect at this time appears also as 
Olympus, Seeck is probably right in assuming that 
he had, as was not unusual, two names, and that 
either could be used. This may be the Ecdicius 
who studied in Athens with Libanius in 336-340, 
later corresponded with him, and sent him pupils. 
On August 20, 363, Ecdicius announced to the 
Alexandrians the death of Julian in Persia. In 
informing Ecdicius about the height of the Nile 
flood Julian, who was at Antioch, wrote what 
Ecdicius must have known. Julian took a special 

xliii 



INTRODUCTION 

interest in the Nile flood because he had, on his 
accession, ordered that the Nilometer, the measure 
used to gauge its height, should be restored to the 
temple of Serapis, whence it had been removed by 
Constantine to a Christian church ; Socrates 1. 18, 
Sozomen 5. 3. 

Elpidius k the philosopher," to whom is addressed 
Letter 65, is not otherwise known, and the letter, 
which is a purely formal type of excuse for the 
brevity of the writer, was probably preserved on 
that account in epistolary hand-books. It is placed 
by Cumont with the spurious letters, though there 
is nothing against it but its lack of content. Two 
men named Elpidius attained to high office in the 
fourth century, and one of them was a favourite 
with Julian because he had renounced Christianity 
and become a zealous pagan. He was with Julian 
at Antioch in the winter of 362 as Comes rerum 
privatariim, and Libanius, in Letter 33, written when 
Julian was in Gaul in 358, says that Julian, though 
younger than Elpidius, has exercised a good influence 
on him, and that in his conversation Elpidius echoes 
Julian's ideas and is as anxious as Libanius himself 
regarding Julian's future. This probably alludes to 
the renunciation of Christianity by Elpidius which 
was to follow Julian's accession (see, too, Libanius, 
Oration 14. 35). It was to him that Libanius applied 
when he grew anxious as to the fate of Aristophanes 
(see Letter 758, Foerster). The other Elpidius, a 
Christian, was prefect of the East in 360, and was 
also at Antioch with Julian in 362. He is often 
mentioned by Ammianus and Libanius. Neither of 
these men could correctly be called a philosopher, 

xliv 



INTRODUCTION 

but it is possible that Julian might so address the 
former, who was among his intimates. 

Eustathius, to whom Julian addressed Letters 
43 and 44, was a Neo- Platonic philosopher but 
apparently not a miracle-worker of the type of 
Maximus. He was a distinguished orator, and in 
358 was sent by Constantius on an embassy to the 
Persian king Sapor, having been chosen for this 
mission, says Ammanius 17. 5, ut opifex suadendi. 
His extraordinary, though short-lived, influence over 
Sapor is described by Eunapius (pp. 393-399, Wright). 
He married Sosipatra the clairvoyant, whose mira- 
culous childhood under the tutelage of Chaldaean 
thaumaturgists is related by Eunapius. Eustathius 
had poor health and died soon after Julian had 
given him permission to return to his native Cappa- 
docia. His widow continued her teaching, and 
their son Antoninus had a distinguished career as 
a priest and teacher in Egypt, where his prediction 
of the destruction of the temples came to rank as 
an oracle (Eunapius, Lives, pp. 415-425). The letter 
of Eustathius, p. 291, in which he describes his 
comfortable journey, appeared in the editions of 
Martin, Estienne and Hertlein with the wrong title, 
To Libanius. Cumont restored the correct title 
from Parisinus 963. It has accordingly been placed 
in this volume with the apocryphal letters. Eusta- 
thius was a kinsman of the philosopher Aedesius, 
and when the latter migrated to Pergamon he left 
his interests in Cappadocia in charge of Eustathius. 
Libanius and Basil corresponded with Eustathius, 
and in Letter 123, written in 359, Libanius calls him 
" the most renowned of philosophers." 

xlv 



INTRODUCTION 

Eutherius, to whom Julian wrote Letter 10 
announcing his safety and his desire that the other 
should join him in Constantinople, is otherwise 
known from the account of his life in Ammianus 
16. 7. He was an Armenian, a eunuch of unusual 
virtue and intellectual attainments, who had been 
kidnapped and sold to some Roman merchants, rose 
to a position at Court, became adviser to Constans, 
and later high chamberlain to Julian when the 
latter was made Caesar. Eutherius went with Julian 
to Gaul as his trusted adviser, and had the courage 
to reprove his master for that un- Roman levity of 
character which Ammianus says he had acquired by 
his residence in Asia. Eutherius was sent by Julian 
to the Court at Milan in 356 to counteract the plots 
of Marcellus, his late master of horse, and he suc- 
cessfully defended the loyalty of Julian before 
Constantius ; again in 360 Julian sent him to Con- 
stantius with the letters in which he sought to 
justify his action in accepting the title of Augustus 
from the army in Gaul. After Julian's death, 
Eutherius, who was a pagan, retired to Rome, where 
he spent his old age respected by all. Ammianus 
says that though he has ransacked history he can 
find no eunuch who in wisdom and accomplishments 
can be compared with Eutherius. He must have 
possessed extraordinary tact to have been loved by 
Constantius, though he was a pagan, and by Julian, 
though he was the favourite of Constantius. 

Evagrius, the rhetorician to whom Julian wrote 
Letter 25, making him the present of a small estate 
in Bithynia, is otherwise unknown, though he is 
possibly to be identified with the man of that name 

xlvi 



INTRODUCTION 

who joined Julian at Nisli in the autumn of 361 
(Letter 8, To Maximus). Neither the Comes rerum 
privataruM under Constantius, whom Julian banished 
on his accession (Ammianus 22. 3. 7), nor the friend 
of Libanius who appears in his correspondence and 
in that of St. Basil, is likely to have received this 
gift from Julian, but we know nothing definite on 
this point. Julian tells us in his Letter to the 
Athenians', Vol. 2, 273 b, that Constantius had kept 
all his father's property, so that he had the use only 
of his mother's estate before he was made Caesar. 
On the other hand we have the statement of 
Eunapius (Lives, p. 428, Wright), that there was 
at the disposal of Julian when a student, " ample 
and abundant wealth from every source." In his 
fragmentary Letter to a Priest (Vol. 2, 290 d), Julian 
says that his grandmother's estate was taken from 
him for a time only, and boasts of his own generosity 
in giving when he had little to spare. The date 
when he gave the small country-place to Evagrius 
cannot be precisely determined. In the absence of 
direct evidence I have dated it shortly after his 
accession ; so, too, Schwarz. Cumont places it first 
in his edition and thinks that it was written from 
Gaul before 358. In favour of his view is Libanius, 
Letter 369 (Foerster), written to Julian in Gaul, in 
which he praises his generosity in having given to 
his friends houses, slaves, lands and money. On the 
other hand, it is equally likely that the estate which 
Julian's uncle, Count Julian, asked for too late in 
the summer of 362, was this very estate in Bithynia, 
and that it had been recently given to Evagrius. 

Hecebolius was a time-serving sophist who taught 

xlvii 



INTRODUCTION 

Julian rhetoric when he was at Constantinople as 
a boy in 342. In all editions earlier than Bidez and 
Cumont, two letters are entitled To Hecebolius, 
namely those numbered 40 and 63 in this volume. 
The first of these is almost certainly not addressed 
to Julian's old teacher, who had now changed from 
Christianity to Hellenism, but to some official at 
Edessa. Cumont entitles it To the people of Edessa. 
Letter 63, rejected by Schwarz, Cumont and GefFcken 
because of its flowery style and lack of serious 
content, contains Julianic phrases and is just such a 
letter as one would expect an Imperial sophist to 
write to a sophist. Socrates 3. 1 says that He- 
cebolius taught Julian, and in 3. 13 describes his 
shamelessness in changing his religion three times 
in order to win Imperial favour. Libanius, Oration 
18, calls Hecebolius a rascally sophist, but does not 
mention his name, perhaps because he was writing 
after Julian's death, when it was not safe to attack 
openly one who had just become reconverted to 
Christianity. 

Himerius, to whom is addressed Letter 69, cannot 
be identified with certainty ; but at any rate we may 
be sure that he is not the famous Bithynian sophist 
whom Julian invited to join him at Antioch in 362, 
since the reference to the family of the widower 
with whom the writer of Letter 69 condoles does not 
suit what we know of the sophist's private life from 
his own extant works. Since two MSS. give Julian's 
correspondent the title " Prefect of Egypt," Cumont 
identifies him with the Himerius whom we know, 
from the letters of Libanius, as the father of Iam- 
blichus II ; he was the son (or son-in-law ?) of the 

xlviii 



INTRODUCTION 

more famous Iamblichus, the philosopher. From 
Libanius we learn {Letter 573) that this Himerius 
was an official of some sort, and we know that he 
died before 357. In that case Julian, if he wrote 
this letter to him, did so in his student days or from 
Gaul, after he became Caesar. Cumont suspects its 
genuineness. The difficulty about this identification 
of Himerius, son of lamblichus, with the prefect of 
the MS. tradition is that we know of no prefect of 
Egypt of that name, and it does not occur in the 
list of prefects from 328 a.d. Schenkl therefore 
suggests (in Rhein. Mus. 72) that the real title may 
be To Hierius, since there was an Egyptian prefect 
of that name in 364, who succeeded Ecdicius Olympus. 
Hierius was not appointed until after Julian's death, 
but the title may have been added to the letter 
after he had received the office. The letter is in 
Julian's manner, and there are no good grounds for 
rejecting it. The name of Julian's correspondent 
appears in the MSS. in various forms, as Amerius 
(retained by Hertlein), Hemerius, and Himerius. 
(See under Sopater.) 

Iamblichus of Chalcis in Coele-Syria, a pupil of 
Porphyry, was the chief exponent of the Syrian 
school of Neo-Platonism in the first half of the 
fourth century. His Life was written by Eunapius 
(pp. 363-373, Wright), who shows him performing 
feats of magic, but reluctantly, at the instance of 
his disciples. The six letters to him which were 
ascribed to Julian in the MSS. tradition, namely 
74-79 of this edition, cannot have been written by 
the Emperor, who was a mere child when Iamblichus 
died in the latter part of the reign of Constantine 

xlix 
d 



INTRODUCTION 

and was succeeded in his school by Aedesius. The 
letters are therefore either forgeries or were written 
by some other admirer of Iamblichus whose name 
may have been Julian. Their writer seems to have 
marched with the Emperor from Pannonia to the 
Dardanelles in 323 when the Emperor was proceed- 
ing to Nicomedia in pursuit of Licinius, and he 
dwells on the hardships he had endured in war, 
sieges, and other dangers. Cumont in his edition 
(1922), as in 1889 (Sur V authenticite de quelques lettresde 
Julieii), though less confidently, ascribes these letters 
to the sophist Julian of Caesarea, who taught rhetoric 
at Athens down to 340 a.d., when he was succeeded 
by Prohaeresius ; but he fails to account for the 
silence of Eunapius in his Life of Julian of Caesarea 
(pp. 467-477, Wright) as to any such experiences as 
are alluded to in these letters. Nor does Eunapius 
indicate that Julian of Caesarea, who left no writings, 
was interested in philosophy as well as rhetoric ; 
rather he shows us a typical teacher of rhetoric at 
Athens whose glory was that he had trained the 
famous Christian sophist Prohaeresius, and had 
triumphed over the jealousies of his rivals, the other 
Athenian sophists. The theory that this group of 
letters was addressed by the Emperor Julian to 
the younger Iamblichus, the famous philosopher's 
grandson, who with his father Himerius and his 
uncle Sopater are known to us chiefly from the 
correspondence of Libanius, is untenable. Iam- 
blichus II, though he was a philosopher and is 
mentioned with admiration by the Emperor Julian 
in Letter 2, was not distinguished enough to account 
for the servile flattery expressed in these letters ; 
and the writer, if he had been addressing the grand- 

1 



INTRODUCTION 

son, would hardly have failed to mention his famous 
grandfather. Moreover, the events alluded to are 
irreconcilable with what we know of Julian's life. 
There are in these six letters certain parallels of 
thought and language which favour the theory that 
they are by one man ; but there are also similarities 
with the genuine works of Julian, and such parallels 
cannot be safely counted as evidence either of 
forgery or of Julianic authorship ; they are more 
probably the common epistolary mannerisms of the 
fourth century. 

Julian, the Emperor Julian's uncle, brother of 
his mother Basilina, and son of Julius Julianus, to 
whom are addressed Letters 9 and 29, was persuaded 
by his nephew, after the death of Constantius, to 
renounce Christianity and to devote himself to the 
restoration of the Hellenic religion. This he did 
with such zeal that he became peculiarly odious 
to the Christians, especially in the East, where he 
resided at Antioch as Comes Orientis (Count of the 
East). There he died of a painful illness during 
Julian's visit to Antioch in 362-363. Sozomen 5. 8, 
Theodoret 3. 12, and Philostorgius 7. 10 recount his 
persecutions of the Christians and his terrible end. 
In Letter 29 the Emperor Julian directs his uncle, 
who had preceded him to Antioch, to restore the 
columns of the famous temple of Apollo in the 
suburb of Daphne ; that this was done, and that 
the sight of the colonnade irritated the Christians, 
may be gathered from Ammianus 22. 13. The 
temple was burned down on October 22, 362, while 
the Emperor was in residence at Antioch, and the 
Emperor suspected that this was Christian vengeance, 

li 
</2 



INTRODUCTION 

partly for the removal of the bones of St. Babylas 
from Daphne, partly for the rebuilding of the 
colonnade. Count Julian's nephew mentions his 
death in Vol. 2, Misopogon 365 c, and praises his 
administration. He was a correspondent of Libanius, 
and we have the letter of congratulation, 701, 
Foerster, sent to him by the sophist when the 
Emperor appointed him Count of the East in 362. 

Libanius of Antioch, the famous teacher whose 
speeches Julian studied at Nicomedia in 344-345, 
and to whom he wrote many letters (of which only 
three, 52, 53 and 58, survive), has left more works, 
chiefly rhetorical, than any other sophist of his time. 
His Life by Eunapius is in some respects disparaging 
(see Eunapius, Lives, Wright, pp. 333-336), and we 
can best judge of his career from his own letters, 
more than 1600 of which are extant, and his numerous 
orations. He was born in 314, and may have survived 
as late as 395. From his works may be gathered 
many details about the officials of the fourth century 
and the conditions of education. He corresponded 
with Christians and pagans alike, but the death of 
Julian was a severe blow to his hopes for the future 
of Hellenic studies, which he lived to see on the 
decline, giving place to Latin and Roman law. He 
himself knew no Latin, and was chagrined when a 
school of Latin was founded at Antioch in order 
that students might not have to go to Rome to 
learn the language. Libanius was with Julian at 
Antioch in the winter of 362-363, and two of the 
extant letters to him from Julian were written at 
that time ; the third, 58, is Julian's last extant letter 
and was written when the Emperor was at Hierapolis 

lii 



INTRODUCTION 

on his way to Persia, in March 363. Hertlein, like 
all earlier editors, published four letters to Libanius, 
but Cumont (Recherches) has shown that Hertlein 74 
and 14 are one letter, and they are so arranged in 
this volume as Letter 53. We have the answer of 
Libanius (760, Foerster) to Letter 52, and his answer 
(758, Foerster) to Letter 53. Libanius' Monody on 
the temple of Apollo at Daphne, after it had been 
destroyed in 362 by fire, and his Orations, namely 
12, To Julian, delivered in January 363 ; 13, To 
Julian, welcoming him to Antioch in 362 ; 14, For 
Aristophanes', 15, To Julian, on behalf of Antioch, 
after the Emperor had left the city in 363 declaring 
that he would not return ; 17, the Monody on Julian, 
which was published almost two years after Julian's 
death ; 18, the Epitaph on Julian, published probably 
in 364; and 24, On Avenging Julian, addressed to the 
Emperor Theodosius, are invaluable documents for 
the attitude of a cultured pagan to Julian's restora- 
tion of Hellenism, and for his life and reign. We 
depend the more on these orations and the letters 
of Libanius, because the History of Eunapius, which 
was in great part devoted to Julian, exists only in 
a few fragments. To the enthusiasm of Libanius 
the Christian fathers, such as Socrates, Sozomen, 
Philostorgius, Theodoret and, most embittered of 
all, Julian's fellow-student, Gregory Nazianzen, 
opposed their accounts of his persecution of the 
Church and their criticisms of his character and 
motives. Both estimates of Julian may be corrected 
by the moderate and impartial account of one who 
was no sophist, and who, though a pagan, was 
apparently little influenced by desire for a Hellenic 
restoration, the Latin historian Ammianus Marcel- 

liii 



INTRODUCTION 

linus. Socrates 3. 1 is the authority for the state- 
ment that Constantius, when he sent Julian, then 
a boy, to Nicomedia, expressly forbade him to 
attend the lectures of the pagan Libanius. 

Maximus of Ephesus, whose Life was written by 
Eunapius {Lives, pp. 431-461, 543-545, Wright), had 
obtained great influence over Julian in the latter's 
student days, when he first, as Eunapius relates, 
studied with Aedesius at Pergamon, but on hearing 
of the miraculous communications with the unseen 
powers of the theurgist Maximus, the pupil df- 
Aedesius, proceeded to join him at Ephesus. In 
Letter 8, written soon after the death of Constantius, 
Julian invited Maximus to his Court, and in spite 
of the unfavourable omens described by Eunapius 
in his Life of Maximus, pp. 441—445, omens which 
prevented the more cautious Chrysanthius from 
obeying Julian's summons, Maximus joined him at 
Constantinople early in 362. This pseudo-philosopher 
remained with Julian, and was present at his death- 
bed. On his return from Persia, Maximus, who had 
many enemies, paid the penalty of the arrogance 
and display in which Julian had allowed him to 
indulge, and after various ups and downs of fortune 
was executed at Ephesus under the Emperor Valens 
in 371 on the charge of having been concerned in 
a conspiracy against the Emperor (Ammianus 29. 1 ; 
Zosimus 4. 15). Maximus seems to have initiated 
Julian into the Mysteries of Mithras, and Julian was 
wholly in sympathy with the theurgy of this clever 
charlatan. Of the three extant letters entitled 
To Maximus, Letters 12 and 59 are rejected by 
Geffcken for their sophistic style, and Cumont in 

liv 



INTRODUCTION 

his edition places them with the "spurious or 
doubtful " letters. But there is nothing in them 
that Julian might not have written, and one rather 
uncommon illustration in 59, the Celtic test of the 
legitimacy of children, was used by Julian in 
Oration 2, 81 n, and is probably reflected from his 
experience in Gaul. There is no evidence for the 
date of Letter 59, but it is not unlikely that Julian 
was writing to his teacher from Gaul, and there- 
fore used this illustration while it was fresh in his 
mind. 

Nilus Dionysius, to whom Julian addressed Letter 
50, is not otherwise known, unless he is to be 
identified with the Roman senator of whom Libanius 
says in Oration 18. 198 that Julian punished his 
impudence by a letter, when he might have con- 
fiscated his property. There is also a possible 
reference to Nilus in Libanius, Letter 758, Foerster, 
To Julian, where Libanius says that while he and 
Aristophanes were waiting for Julian's decision (see 
under Aristophanes), they feared that Julian might 
inflict on Aristophanes to NetAou kclkov, "the punish- 
ment of Nilus "(?). Both these references are un- 
certain, though Asmus, Geffcken and Cumont relate 
them to Julian's letter To Nilus. We know only 
what can be gathered from Julian, namely, that 
Nilus was a senator (446 a) of dubious morals, who 
had been recommended to the Emperor by one 
Symmachus ; Julian, in a lost letter, had invited 
him to Court with the intention of giving him an 
office, but Nilus, who was perhaps a Christian, 
though Julian does not say so, held back until he 
received a second and more peremptory summons, 

lv 



INTRODUCTION 

which is also lost. Nilus certainly came to Antioch 
and was snubbed by the Emperor (446 b), and later 
wrote to him to excuse himself for his silence (443 c) 
and to say that he would come if again invited. In 
his answer to this communication Julian descends 
to personal invective of the sort that he used in his 
Oration 7, Against the Cynic Heraclius, but -there is 
nothing to prove that Nilus himself was, as Asmus 
thinks, a Cynic. Nilus had irritated Julian by 
praising Alexander (a favourite commonplace of 
Julian's own, though in this case he found some- 
thing disparaging to himself), had praised Constans 
and Magnentius (446 a), and had asked for a reply 
(446 b). Erudition is always in place in a Greek 
or Roman invective, and so Julian's innuendoes 
against the character and career of Nilus are inter- 
woven with allusions to the historians of Alexander, 
to Phaedo of Elis (for whose Simon see Wilamowitz 
in Hermes 14), Demosthenes, Philostratus, Babrius 
and other authors. Asmus in Philologus 71 maintains 
that in Letter 50 we have a contamination of two 
letters, and that one was written in December 361, 
the other at the end of 362. But though the 
arrangement of the letter is strange (for example, 
five paragraphs begin with the word aXXa), we can- 
not, in our ignorance of the circumstances, and of 
Julian's real grievance, attempt to rewrite it. We 
are not even sure as to the man's name. Julian 
calls him " Dionysius " (444 d, 445 b), and in some 
MSS. alludes to him as u Nilus " (444 d) ; Laurentianus 
58 has the title Against Nilus, while the earliest 
editor Rigalt and all others before Cumont entitled 
the letter To Dionysius because of Julian's use of 
the name in the letter. 

lvi 



INTRODUCTION 

Oribasius, the physician to whom is addressed 
Letter 4, was, next to Galen, the most important 
medical writer of the Graeco- Roman period. He is 
the faithful friend of whom Julian speaks in his 
Letter to the Athenians 277c, and he was with Julian 
in Gaul and at Antioch. According to Eunapius, 
who wrote his Life (pp. 533-537, Wright), he was 
suspected of having been Julian's accomplice in 
his rebellion against Constantius. Julian sent him 
to Delphi to revive the oracle of Apollo there, 
and received the famous response, preserved by 
Cedrenus : 

"Tell the king, on earth has fallen the glorious 

dwelling, 
And the water-springs that spake are quenched 

and dead. 
Not a cell is left the god, no roof, no cover, 
In his hand the prophet laurel flowers no more." 1 

Eunapius in his History, frag. 24, says that Oribasius 
admonished Julian to use more self-control when 
he was angry, to which Julian replied that the 
advice was good and would not be needed a second 
time. When they were in Gaul Julian requested 
him to compile an epitome of the works of Galen, 
and later he expanded the work into an Encyclo- 
paedia of Medicine in 70 Books. This also, as 
Oribasius says in his Introduction, was done at 

1 Swinburne's translation, in The Last Oracle, of the Greek 
text : 

Efrrare t<£ fiacriXrii X a P- a ^ "*{&* SaldaXos av\d. 
ovk4ti 4>o?j8os ^X 6£ KaAvfSav, oi) fxavriZa Za.<pvn}V, 
oh •Ktxya.v Aa\4oucrap' a7reVj3«TO «al \d\ov i/5<wp. 

lvii 



INTRODUCTION 

Julian's wish. This work, entitled 'Iarpiicai awayw- 
yai, of which only about half survives, was published 
in 1808 by Matthaei (Moscow) with considerable 
omissions, and, complete as far as it survives, by 
Bussemaker-Daremberg, Paris, 1851, with a French 
translation. Oribasius was a pagan, but his son 
Eustathius, to whom he bequeathed his medical 
writings, was a Christian and a friend and corre- 
spondent of St. Basil. Eunapius relates that after 
Julian's death Oribasius was exiled "among the most 
savage barbarians " by the Christian Emperors. At 
the courts of "the barbarians" he rose to great 
renown and was worshipped like a god because of 
his wonderful cures. He was therefore permitted 
to return, and recovered his fortune and position. 
Suidas says that he was born at Sar'dis, but probably 
Eunapius, who gives his birthplace as Pergamon, was 
better informed. He was, ehowever, practising at 
Sardis, no doubt after his exile, when Eunapius 
wrote his Life and described his skilful treatment 
of the aged Chrysanthius. 

Priscus, whom Eunapius calls " the Thesprotian or 
Molossian," was born about 305 and died in 395 when 
Alaric invaded Greece. His Life was written by 
Eunapius (Lives, pp. 461-465, Wright). Julian made 
his acquaintance when he studied at Pergamon, and 
on his accession summoned him to his Court, and 
he accompanied the Emperor to Persia. On his 
return to Antioch in 363, Priscus, like other friends 
of Julian, fell under the suspicion of Valens and 
Valentinian, but was acquitted and dismissed with 
honour to Greece, where he continued to teach for 
another thirty years. He was evidently not con- 

lviii 



INTRODUCTION 

sidered as dangerous as Maximus by the Christian 
Emperors, was probably not a theurgist, and was 
therefore free from the charge of practising magic. 
He was a correspondent of Libanius. Julian wrote 
to him Letters 1, 2, and 5, all from Gaul, encouraging 
Priscus to visit him there, but there is no evidence 
that the visit was paid. Libanius, Oration 14, 32, 
implies that towards the end of 362 Priscus was 
with Julian and Maximus at Antioch, though in 
Letter 52 Julian complains to Libanius that Priscus 
has not yet arrived. As all three men were living 
at Antioch at the time, we cannot lay any stress on 
this remark, which may refer to a temporary absence 
of Priscus. Priscus had a wife Hippia, and children. 
Eunapius says that his bearing was "deliberate 
and lofty," and that he had secretive manners and 
sneered at human weakness, in contrast with his 
teacher, the expansive and democratic Aedesius. 

Prohaeresius, to whom is addressed Letter 14, was 
an Armenian sophist who succeeded Julian of 
Caesarea in the chair of rhetoric at Athens and 
taught there for many years. Probably the Emperor 
Julian studied with him at Athens in 355. When 
Eunapius went to study at Athens in 362, Prohae- 
resius was already eighty-seven and had overcome 
his rivals, whose persecutions of this too successful 
teacher Eunapius describes. Earlier in his career 
he had been sent by the Emperor Constans to Rome 
to display his eloquence and was there honoured 
with a bronze statue. When Julian issued his 
notorious decree forbidding Christians to teach the 
classics, he made a special exception in favour of 
Prohaeresius, who, however, refused to benefit by 

lix 



INTRODUCTION 

the exemption. Eunapius tells a curious story to the 
effect that this Christian sophist consulted the pagan 
hierophant of Greece in order to find out indirectly 
whether Julian's reign would last much longer, and 
when the hierophant's answer implied that it would 
not, * Prohaeresius took courage." This was the sort 
of conduct that later under Valens cost Maximus of 
Ephesus his head, but apparently under Julian one 
could forecast the future with impunity. According 
to Eunapius, Prohaeresius died in 367, at the age of 
ninety-two, and he seems to have taught to the last, 
for the edict of Julian can hardly have "shut him 
out from the field of education" (Eunapius, p. 513, 
Wright) for more than a few months, if at all. 

Sopater (or Sosipater), 1 to whom is addressed 
Letter 61, cannot be identified with certainty, but, 
if the letter is Julian's, he is not the famous Sopater, 
the disciple of Iamblichus I, whose violent death in 
the reign of Constantine is related by Eunapius in 
his Lives. If Schwarz, Geffcken and Cumont are 
right in rejecting Letter 61, chiefly because of the 
reference to the writer's children (Julian was child- 
less), it may belong to the same period as the six 
letters to Iamblichus and have been written to 
Sopater I before 337 ; but this is impossible to decide. 
Sopater II, who is mentioned by Julian as his host at 
Hierapolis in March 363 (Letter 58, 401 c, a corrupt 
passage), and as having resisted the efforts of Gallus 
and Constantius to convert him to Christianity, is 

1 For the variation in the spelling of the name see Acts 
20. 4 ; Sopater of Beroea, Paul's kinsman, who accompanied 
him to Asia, is called, in some MSS., Sosipater ; cf. Romans, 
16. 21. 

h 



INTRODUCTION 

perhaps the son (or son-in-law ?) of Sopater I, who 
is mentioned by the writer of Letter 78, 418 a. 
Julian, however, calls him a K^SecrTT;? of Sopater I, 
a vague word which may mean " son-in-law " or 
even "relative"; the passage is mutilated. 1 

Theodorus, to whom Julian wrote Letter 16 
rejoicing in his safety, and 20 appointing him 
high-priest "of all the temples in Asia," was not 
necessarily a priest, as the office of high-priest was 
often given to rich laymen ; the high-priest presided 
ex officio over the public games and the provincial 
assemblies. We know of Theodorus only from these 
letters of Julian. In Letter 20 he speaks of the 
teacher they had had in common, probably Maximus 
of Ephesus, and the word used, Ka^yc/xwv, may 
indicate that Maximus had initiated Theodorus as 
well as Julian into the Mysteries of Mithras. 
Theodorus was certainly a philosopher, and as Neo- 
Platonism was, under Julian, the religion of the 
State, he was doubtless a Neo-Platonist of the 
Syrian school. Julian writes to him with great 
deference, though he never forgets in a pastoral 
letter that as Emperor he is Pontifex Maximus in- 

1 The Sopater who is mentioned in the six spurious Letters 
to Iamblichus is almost certainly Sopater I. Wilhelm, in 
Rhein. Mus. 72, assigns to Sopater I the letter, partly pre- 
served by Stobaeus 4, p. 212, to Hemerius (or Himerius) 
from his brother Sopater, a typical sophistic sermon on the 
ideal ruler to one in high office, a \6yos Trapcuu(Tin6s. Others 
assign this work to Sopater II of Apamea, who, as we know 
from the correspondence of Libanius, died about 3(54, and 
is not known to have left any writings. In Letter 1448 
Libanius tells Sopater II that he has shown the latter's 
letter to a friend, whose comment was that Sopater was 
imitating his distinguished father. 

lxi 



INTRODUCTION 

structing a trusted subordinate in the duties of 
priests. Letter 16 is one of the six letters discovered 
on Chalce (Halki) in 1885 by Papadopoulos. It 
has been rejected by Schwarz and Geffcken on 
account of the difficulty found by all commentators 
in explaining the allusion in it to a quarrel between 
Julian (reading 17/xas with the MSS.) or Theodorus 
(reading v/xas with Maas) and the proconsul of 
Achaea, for which incident there is no other 
evidence. We do not expect to find Theodorus 
concerned with the affairs of Greece., as his interests 
were evidently in Asia; nor do we know of any 
trouble between Julian and the proconsul. Asmus, 
by altering the text to read " ruler of the Helles- 
pont " (JZ\.\.r)(nr6vTov for 'EAAaSos), tries to localise in 
Asia the quarrel referred to. The letter is decidedly 
Julianic in manner, and its genuineness is defended 
by Asmus in Philologus 72. Letter 20, together with 
the fragment of a letter To a Priest (Vol. 2, pp. 297— 
339), is important as evidence of Julian's desire, at 
which the Christian fathers scoffed, to introduce 
among the pagans certain reforms in the lives of 
the priests and in the treatment of the poor and of 
strangers, based on his experience of the charities 
and the aceticism of the Christian Church. Cumont, 
following Asmus, regards Letter 20 (89 in his edition) 
as an integral part of the fragment To a Priest 
(Vol. 2, Wright), and accordingly includes that 
fragment in his edition as 89 b. But the similarities 
between Letter 20 and the fragment in Vol. 2 
amount to unnecessary repetition if they occur in 
one letter, and it is certainly implied in Letter 20 
that Julian and Theodorus have not yet met, whereas 
the fragment To a Priest, which mentions Julian's 

lxii 



INTRODUCTION 

design to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, probably, 
though not certainly, should be dated later, while 
the Emperor was in residence at Antioch. That that 
fragment is addressed to Theodorus, rather than to 
some other priest whose aid Julian had enlisted in 
his reforms, cannot be proved, and on the whole 
seems to me unlikely in view of their very similar 
contents and the tone of 298 b, where KaOrjyefxwv is 
apparently used of a superior official or priest — 
perhaps Theodorus, who had reported favourably to 
Julian about the person addressed. On the other 
hand, the reference may be to Maximus, as in 
Letter 20. 

Zeno, the physician and professor of medicine at 
Alexandria, to whom Julian wrote Letter 17, was 
driven from Alexandria by Bishop George in 360 
for reasons unknown, and at the request of the 
Alexandrians was recalled to his previous dignity 
of chief physician or head of the medical faculty, 
dp^taT/305, by Julian on his accession. He was 
famous as a teacher. Libanius in Letter 171, written 
359-360, condoles with him on his exile and hints 
at a coming change for the better, by which he 
must have meant the rise of Julian to power. 
Libanius says that though they have never met he 
owes much to the skill of Zeno's pupils, some of 
whom had evidently tried to cure his chronic head- 
ache. Cumont, following Boissonade, identifies Zeno 
of Alexandria with another famous teacher of 
medicine, Zeno of Cyprus, the " healing sophist," 
whose Life by Eunapius is extant. 1 But Eunapius 

1 See Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists, Wright, pp. 336, 
529-531. 

lxiii 



INTRODUCTION 

does not say that this Zeno practised at Alexandria. 
He had been the teacher of Julian's friend the 
physician Oribasius, and Eunapius says that he lived 
" down to the time of Julian the sophist/' i. e. Julian 
of Caesarea, who died at Athens in 340. It appears, 
therefore, that Zeno of Cyprus can hardly have been 
alive in 361. Moreover, Julian would not have 
failed to mention Zeno's oratorical talent if he had 
been addressing the teacher of Oribasius. The 
Alexandrian is, therefore, almost certainly another 
and a younger man. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Manuscripts : 

The Letters. — The oldest MS. of the Letters is 
Ambrosianus B 4 Milan, tenth century (23 letters) ; 
Vossianus 77, Leyden, thirteenth century (27 letters), 
though much mutilated and damaged, is the most 
important ; Laurentianus 58, fifteenth century, has 
the largest collection of letters ; other MSS. are 
Baroccianus, Oxford, fourteenth century, Varsaviensis, 
Warsaw, fifteenth century, Monacensis 490, Munich, 
fifteenth century, Ottobonianus, Rome, sixteenth 
century, Harleiamis 5610, British Museum, four- 
teenth century. Six letters that occur in no other 
MS. were discovered in fragments of two fifteenth- 
century MSS. in a convent on the island Chalce 
(Halki) near Constantinople in 1885 by Papado- 
poulos-Kerameus, and were published in o cV 
K<DV(TTavTLV0V7r6\€L 'EAA^vikos cf>iXoXoyLKo<s avkXoyos 
16, Appendix, 1885, in Rheinisches Museum 42, 1887 

lxiv 



INTRODUCTION 

(with Buecheler's notes), and in Rivista Filologia 17, 
1889 (by Largajolli e Parisio, with an Italian transla- 
tion). The fragmentary MSS. in which alone these 
letters have survived are known as Ckalceni, or X 
and Y, or X and Xa ; they contain also 22 other 
Julianic letters and the two fragg. have almost the 
same contents. Studies in the text are : Klimek, 
Conjectanca in Julianum, Wratislaw, 1883, and in 
Hermes 1886 ; Zu IVurdigung der Ilandschriften Juli- 
ani, 1891 ; Cobet in Mnemosyne 1882 ; Weil (on the 
Papadopoulos letters) in Revue de Philologie, 1886; 
Asmus in Philologus 61, 71, 72, and in Archiv fiir 
Gesch. d. Philosophic, 1902 ; in Zeitschrift f. Kirchen- 
gesch. 16, 23, 31, and Rheinisches Museum, 1908 ; De 
Vos in Revue de Philologie 1910; Schwarz in Philo- 
logus 1892 ; Bidez in Bulletins de I' academic des 
sciences de Bruxelles, 1904. An invaluable detailed 
account of the MSS. of the Letters is that of Bidez 
and Cumont, Rechcrches sur la tradition manuscrile des 
lettres de I 'emperetir Julien, Bruxelles, 1898. The 
introduction to their critical edition of the Letters, 
1922, contains a few additions to and corrections of 
this monograph. 

Against the Galilaeans. — For the MSS. of Cyril of 
Alexandria from which Neumann reconstructed this 
treatise, see Neumann, Prolegomenon to his edition, 
1880. In Theologische Litteraturzeilung 10, 1899, 
Neumann published a new frag, of this work. 
Asmus, Julian s Galil'derschrift, Freiburg, 1904, is a 
useful concordance of the works of Julian with 
relation to the treatise Against the Galilaeans, with 
some textual criticism. Gollwitzer, Observations 
criticac in Juliani imp. contra Chrisiianos libros, Er- 
langen, 1886. 

lxv 



INTRODUCTION 

Editions. — See also the Bibliography in Julian, 
Vol. 1 , Loeb Library, Wright. 

Editio princeps, Aldus, Venice, 1499 (48 letters), 
Spanheim, Leipzig, 1696, contains all the other 
works of Julian and 63 letters, the letter from 
Gallus to Julian, and Cyril's refutation of the treatise 
Against the Galilaeans, edited by Aubert ; Latin 
translation. Hertlein's and Neumann's marginal 
numbers correspond to the pages of Spanheim. 
Muratorius, Anecdota Graeca, Padua, 1709 (Letters 
64, 65, 66, Hertlein; fragg. 12, 13; Letter 57 
(Wright), first published). Epistolographi Graeci, 
Hercher, Paris, 1873, pp. 337-391. Juliani Imp. 
librorum contra Christianas quae supersunt, Neumann, 
Leipzig, 1880. Juliani Imperatoris epistulae, leges, 
poematia, fragmenta varia, Bidez et Cumont, Paris, 
1922 (too late to be used for the present text). 

Literature. — See also the Bibliography in Julian, 
Vol. 1, Loeb Library, Wright. 

The Letters. — Codex Theodosianus, Leipzig, 1736— 
45, Bonn, 1847. Sievers, Das Leben des Libanius, 
Berlin, 1868. Rendall, The Emperor Julian, Cam- 
bridge, 1879. Vollert, Kaiser Julians religiose u. 
philos. Uebcrzeugung, Gutersloh, 1899. Mau, Die 
Religio?isphilosophie K. Julians, Leipzig, 1907. Glover, 
Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, Cambridge, 
1901. Chinnock, A Few Notes on Julian and a 
Translation of his Public Letters, London, 1901. 
Seeck, Geschichte des Unter gangs der Antiken Welt, 
Vol. 4, Berlin, 1911 ; Die Briefe des IJbanius, 
Leipzig, 1906, useful for the prosopography of the 
Letters of Julian. Geffcken, Kaiser Julianus, Leipzig, 
1914, has a good commentary. Libanii Opera, Vol. 

lxvi 



INTRODUCTION 

10, Epistulae 1-839, Foerster, Leipzig, 1921. Euna- 
pius, Lives of the Sophists and Philosophers, Wright's 
translation, Loeb Classical Library, 1922. Ammianus 
Marcellinus, Res Gestae, is the best authority for 
Julian's career and his Persian campaign. Asmus in 
Philologus 61, 71, 72, on the Letters. Curaont, Etudes 
Syriennes, Paris, 1917, La Marche de /' Empereur 
Julien, is a good description, with maps and illus- 
trations, of Julian's route from Antioch to the 
Euphrates. Bidez, Le philosophe Iamblique et son 
ecole, Rev. d. Etudes Grecques 1919. Cumont in Revue 
de Philologie 16. 

Against the Galilaeans. — Warburton, On the Earth- 
quake which prevented Julian from rebuilding the Temple 
at Jerusalem, London, 1750. Adler, Julian and the 
Jews in the Jewish Quarterly Review, 1893. Whittaker, 
The Neoplatoiiists, Cambridge, 1901. Bidez, Vie de 
Porphyre, Gand, 1913. Harnack, Porphyrins, Gegen 
die Christen, Berlin, 1916, cites passages in Julian 
that may have been echoed from Porphyry. 
Geffcken, Zwei Griechische Apologeten, Leipzig, 1907, 
and in Neue Jahrbb. 1908. 

Translations. — See also Vol. 1, Bibliography. 
Talbot, Paris, 1863 (French ; the complete works 
so far as then known). Asmus, Kaiser Julians philo- 
sophische Werke, Leipzig, 1908 (German, with notes ; 
no letters). Nevins, Against the Christians, London, 
1873. Neumann, Leipzig, 1880 (German; of his 
text of Against the Galilaea?is). Marquis d'Argens, 
Defense du paganisme par I empereur Julien en Grec et 
en' Francois, Berlin, 1764, 1767. 



lxvii 



THE WORKS OF 

THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

in 



VOL. III. 



1 

UpLGKW 1 

'Eyo> Se^dpiev6<; gov ra ypd/jb/iara Trapayprjpa 
tov 'Apx&Xaov aTreareiXa, 8ovs avra> (j>epeiv 
€TTL(JTo\a<; 7T/30? Ge, teal to GvvO^pua, /caOdirep 
i/ceXevGas, eh irXelova y^povov. lo-Toprjaai Be 
gov rbv oofceavbv eOeXovTi virdp^ei gvv Sew irdvTa 

KCLTO, yV(OpL7]V, €L [XT] T7]V TCOV YdXctTGdV djJLOVGlCLV 

icai tov yeifjioiva BievXa/3r)0eir)<;. dXXd tovto puev 
oirw<$ dv fj to) Oecp <j>iXov yevTJGeTcti, iyco Be ofivvfil 
gov tov TrdvTcov dyaOwv epiol clitiov icai GcoTrjpa, 
oti hid tovto £?)v evyopLCLi, Xv vplv tl xptjgi/jlos 
yevcopLCLi. to Be vplv otciv ecTrco, tou? aXr)6ivov$ 
<pr]pLC (J)l\og6(J)ov^, mv elvai Ge irecG^eh oIgOcl ttw? 
efyikrjGa teal (fiiXoo icai opav evyopai. eppcopuevov 
Ge rj 6eia irpovoia Bia^vXd^ece iroXXols ypovois, 
dBeXfye iroOeivoTaTe koX cfuXifccoTaTe. rrjv lepdv 
*\TTTTiav koX Ta iraiBia vpuwv irpoGayopevw. 

2 

TipiGKW 2 

Uepl tov tt]V Grjv dya0oTT)Ta 7T/30? fj,e rjKeLV, 
elirep Bcavofj, vvv gvv Tot? Oeols /3ovXevGai icai 

1 Hertlein 71 

2 Papadopoulos 4 * ; not in Hertlein. 

1 For another letter to Priscus, see p. 15. 

2 Literally "token," a synonym of rb av/xBoXov. This, 
like the Latin tessera, could be of various kinds, but here 
Julian probably refers to a document, the equivalent of the 



1 

To Priscus l 

On receiving your letter I at once despatched 359 a.d 
Archelaus, and gave him letters to carry to you, and Jj™" 1 
the passport, 2 as you wished, for a longer time. If 
you are inclined to explore the ocean, everything, 
with the god's help, will be provided for you as you 
would wish, unless you dread the boorishness of the 
Gauls and the winter climate. This, however, will 
turn out as the god sees fit ; but I swear to you by 
him who is the giver and preserver of all my good 
fortune that I desire to live only that I may in 
some degree be of use to you. When I say "you," 
I mean the true philosophers, and convinced as I am 
that you are one of these, how much I have loved 
and love you you well know, and how I desire to see 
you. May Divine Providence preserve you in health 
for many a year, my dearest and best beloved 
brother ! I salute the admirable Hippia and your 
children. 3 



To the Same 

As regards a visit to me from your good self, 4 if 358-35 
you have it in mind, make your plans now, with the qJJJ 1 

modern passport, which he had visaed for Priscus in order 
that he might proceed to Gaul. 

8 For the life of Priscus, cf. Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists 
and Philosophers. He visited Julian in Gaul, was summoned 
to Constantinople not long after Julian's accession, and went 
Avith him to Persia. Se e Introduction , under Priscus. 

4 Lit. "your goodnessT" For~Juliaii's use of this and 
similar abstract words, see p. 109. 

3 
b 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

TTpo6vfir)9r]TL' Tvybv yap bXiyov varepov ovBe eyco 
o-%o\r)v aljco. 1 ra i \aiifi\L')(pv ixavra puoi ra els 
rov 6 jxoavv fiov tyrer Bvvaaai Be fjuovos' e^ei yap 
6 rr}<; 0-7)9 aSeXcpfjs yapbjBpbs evBiopOcora. el Be 
pur) acpaXXopbai, kclX ar\p,eZbv tl puoi, rjvifca tovto to 
piepos eypa<pov, eyevero Oavfidcnov. ifcerevo) ae, 
pur) BiaOpuXeircoaav ol SeoBcopeioi /ecu ra? era? 
a/cods, OTi dpa (piXbripbO<; 6 decos dXrjOcos koX 
fiera UvOayopav real UXdrcova rpiros 'ld/jb/SXi- 
^09* el Be To\pL7)pbv Trpbs ere rr)v avrov Bidvoiav 
cpavepav iroielv, a>9 errerai tols evOovaiwaiv, ov 
irapdXoyos r) avyyvcopLtj' koX avrbs Be irepl p,ev 
y ldpL/3XL%ov ev (piXoaocpia, irepl Be rov bpucovvpLov 2 
ev 6eoaocj)ia pLepLrjva<;. z koX vopLL^co to 1)9 aXXovs, 
Kara rov ' ArroXXoBcopov, (.iriOev elvai 777509 rou- 
T01/9. vrrep Be twv ' ApicnoreXovs avvaycoycov 
0,9 eiroirjo'o), roaovrbv o~oi Xeyw ireirol^Kas pie 
tyevBeirlypafyov elvai aov pbaOrjrrjv 6 puev yap 
Tvpios Mafj/^09 ef 4 /5t/3\tOi9 yu-e t% HXaTcovitcrjs 
XoyiK7]<; oXiya fiveiv €*%e, o~v Be pue Bt,' epos 
j3l/3Xlov rrJ9 ' Apio~TOTeXiK?)s (fuXoaocpias eiroi- 
Tjcras to~(DS Br) /cal fiaK^ov, aXX' ovv ye 5 vapOrj/co- 
(f)6pov. el Be dXrjdrj Xeyco, irapayevopLevcp aot, 

1 &£oo Wright, S 7 co MSS. 

2 Bidez 6/j.'J)vvfji6v /xov to support his theory that Julian 
refers to Julian the theurgist. 

3 fxe/n-qvas Weil, fjievoivw Bidez, pevoivq. MS. /xevoivas 
Papadopoulos. 

4 e| — e?x e Cumont ; els j8i/3Aia /xoi 8ue?v irAeioua rrjs AoyiKrjs 
oXlya dire Papadopoulos ; els fSifZXia fjiev irAeiova rrjs AoyiKrjs 
dxlya Sue~iv elrre MS. I accept Cumont's bold and ingenious 
version of this corrupt passage. Buecheler first suggested 
that Plato's name should be restored out of irAeiova rrjs. 

6 Weil supplies ye ; Cumont aAA' oZv ; MS. dAA' otiri. 



TO PRISCUS 

help of the gods, and exert yourself; for perhaps a 
little later I too shall have no time to spare. Hunt 
up for me all the writings of Iamblichus to his 1 
namesake. Only you can do this, for your sister's 
son-in-law owns a thoroughly revised version. And, 
if I am not mistaken, while I was writing this 
sentence, a marvellous sign 2 was vouchsafed me. I 
entreat you not to let Theodoras 3 and his followers 
deafen you too by their assertions that Iamblichus, 
that truly godlike man, who ranks next to Pythagoras 
and Plato, was worldly and self-seeking. But if it 
be rash to declare my own opinion to you, I may 
reasonably expect you to excuse me, as one excuses 
those who are carried away by a divine frenzy. You 
are yourself an ardent admirer of Iamblichus for his 
philosophy and of his namesake for his theosophy. 
And I too think, like Apollodorus, that the rest are 
not worth mentioning compared with those two. As 
for your collection of the works of Aristotle, so much 
I will say, you have made me style myself your pupil, 
though I have no right to the title. For while 
Maximus of Tyre in six books was able to initiate 
me to some little extent into Plato's logic, you, with 
one book, have made me, perhaps I may even say, a 
complete initiate in the philosophy of Aristotle, but 
at any rate a thyrsus-bearer. 4 When you join me I 

1 Bidez prefers "my namesake/' and makes the writer re- 
fer to Julian the theurgist or Chaldean, whom we know from 
Suidas. More probably the younger Iamblichus is meant. 

2 Cf. Vol. 2, 284c, for a similar sign of approval given to 
Julian by Zeus. 

3 Theodorus of Asine was a disciple of the great Iamblichus ; 
we know of no such polemics as are indicated here. 

* Plato, Phaedo 69c, says that "many carry the thyrsus 
of Dionysus, but few are really inspired." 

5 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

TroXXa irdvv rov irepvaiv ^eipiMvos e%eXey%ei 
irdpepya. 



3 

Rvfieviq) Kal Qapiavw x 

441 Et Ti? V/jLCIS 7T67T6LK6V, OTl TOV (j)lXoaOCJ)eiP iirl 

a%oXf}<; airpaypiovws early tfBiov fj XvaiTeXeaTepov 
B ti Tot? av6 parrots, r)7rarr]/ubepo<; e^airara' el he 
fxevei Trap' hfuv rj itakai irpoQvjiia Kal /irj KaOdirep 
<f)\o!j XafiTTpa Ta^ea)? direaffr], jxaicapiovs eycoye 
v fid's v7ro\afi/3dvco. rerapjos eviavTO? TjBr/ irape- 
XrjXvOe Kal \M]V ouroal TpiTOS eV aura) a%eB6v, 
e^ore Ke^wpiafxeOa rjjiels aXXrjXwv. rjBecos 8' av 
aKeyfraijbLrjv, 21 ev tovtw rroaov ti TrpoeXrjXvOare. 
tcl Be ifid, el Kal (pdeyyoi/jirjv 'EXXrjviaTi, Bavjxd- 
C %eiv d^iov ovtcos ea/xev €K/3e/3ap/3apcofievoi Bid 
Ta ywpia. /xr) Kara^povelre twv XoyiBlwv, pa-jBe 
d/uLeXelre prjTopiKrjs firjBe rov TroLrj/jiaaiv opuXelv. 
€(ttq) Be twv /jLaOrj/jbdrcov eTTi/jieXeia TrXeioov, 6 
Be 7ra? ttovos twv ' Apia tot eXovs Kal TlXdrcovos 
Boy/xaTcov eiriaTr}pir\. tovto epyov eaTco, tovto 
D Kpr/Tris, Oe/ieXios, oiKoBo/xia, aTeyq' TaXXa Be 
irdpepya, fieTa piei^ovos arrovBrjs Trap vfiwv eVi- 
TeXovfieva rj irapd Tiai Ta dXrjOcos epya. iyco vt] 
rrjv 6eiav Alkijv vfids a>? dBeX<j)Ov<; cfriXwv TavTa 

1 Hertlein 85. 

2 Hertlein suggests ; ktTKi^djx-qv MSS. 

1 Julian went to Gaul in 355 ; he probably knew these 
students in Athens, earlier in the same year. 

6 



TO EUMENIUS AND PHARIANUS 

can prove the truth of my words by the great number 
of works that I wrote in my spare time, during last 
winter. 

3 

To Eumenius and Pharianus l 

If anyone has persuaded you that there is any- 359 
thing more delightful or more profitable for the qJJJ 1 
human race than to pursue philosophy at one's 
leisure without interruptions, he is a deluded man 
trying to delude you. But if your old-time zeal still 
abides in you and has not been swiftly quenched 
like a brilliant flame, then I regard you as peculiarly 
blest. Four years have already passed, yes and 
almost three months besides, since we parted from 
one another. It would give me pleasure to observe 
how far you have progressed in this period. As for 
my own progress, if I can still so much as speak 
Greek it is surprising, such a barbarian have I become 
because of the places I have lived in. 2 Do not 
despise the study of mere words or be careless of 
rhetoric or fail to read poetry. But you must devote 
still more attention to serious studies, and let your 
whole effort be to acquire understanding of the 
teachings of Aristotle and Plato. Let this be your 
task, the base, the foundation, the edifice, the roof. 
For all other studies are by the way, though they 
are completed by you with greater zeal than some 
bestow on really important tasks. I call sacred 
Justice to witness that I give you this advice because 

2 Like all the sophists Julian recognises only Greek 
culture, and for him Latin literature or the culture of Gaul 
did not exist. 

7 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

v/ilv (rvfifiovXeva)' yey ovare yap /not av/jicfioiTrjTal 
KaX irdvv cfriXoi. el puev ovv ireia6eir]Te, irXeov 
(TTeptjco, direiOovvra^ Be opcov Xvirrjaofiai. \v7rr] 
Be avve^qs €t? 6 7TOT6 reXevrdv elwOev, elirelv 
TTapaiTOVfxai olcovov Kpeirrovos evetca. 

4 

'OptftaaLfp 1 

384 Tcov oveipdrwv Bvo ttvXcls elvai (prjcriv 6 Oelos 
"O/xrjpos, zeal Bidcpopov elvai avrois kclI rrjv vTrep 
B to)v dirofirjcro/jLevcov tticttiv. eycb Be vo/hl^co ae 
vvv, elirep 7rore koX aXkore, aacf>co<; eopcucevai 
irepl tcov fieWovrcov eOeaadfirjv yap koX avrbs 
TOtovrov cnjfiepov. BevBpov yap w/irjv v^ij\bv ev 
tivl TpiKkLvco a(f>68pa fzeydXq) Tre^vreufievov els 
e'8ac/)o? peireiv, rfj pity irapairecpv kotos erepou 
fiL/cpov /cal veoyevovs, dvOrjpov Xiav. eycb Be irepl 
rod fii/cpov o~(f)68pa rjywvicov, firj tj? avrb fiera rod 
C fieydXov avvaTToairdar}. KaX roivvv eiretBr) TrXrj- 
alov eyevofirjv, opco to fieya /lev eirl ttj? yrjs 
eKTera/jievov, to \xiKpbv Be bpBbv fiev, /nerecopop 
Be dnrb yrjs. co? ovv elBov, dycovidaas ecfrrjv 
" Ol'ov BevBpov ! klvBvvos eari /jirjBe rrjv irapa- 
<pvdBa <rco6r}vai" Kai tis dyvcos ifiol 7ravre\(bs 

1 Hertlein 17. This letter exists in only one MS. of 
importance, the Vossianus. 

1 Oribasius was the physician, friend, and perhaps accom- 
plice of Julian in his ambitions: cf. Letter to the Athenians 
Vol. 2, p. 265 ; and for his career, P^unapius, Lives of the 
Sophists and Philosophers. He was at Vienne when Julian 
wrote this letter. 

8 



TO ORIBASIUS 

I love you like brothers. For you were my fellow- 
students and my very good friends. If therefore 
you follow my advice I shall love you the more, but 
if I see that you disregard it I shall grieve. And 
grief, if it lasts, usually results in something that, 
for the sake of a happier augury, I forbear to 
mention. 

4 

To Oribasius l 

The divinely inspired Homer says 2 that there are 358-9 
two gates of dreams, and that with regard to future p™Jg 
events we cannot trust them both equally. But I 
think that this time, if ever before, you have seen 
clearly into the future ; for I too this very day saw a 
vision of the same sort. I thought that in a certain 
very spacious room a tall tree had been planted, 
and that it was leaning down to the ground, while 
at its root had sprouted another, small and young 
and very flourishing. Now I was very anxious on 
behalf of the small tree, lest someone in pulling up 
the large one should pull it up as well. And in fact, 
when I came close I saw that the tall tree was lying 
at full length on the ground, while the small one 
was still erect, but hung suspended away from the 
earth. Now when I saw this I said, in great anxiety, 
" Alas for this tall tree ! There is danger that not 
even its offspring will be preserved." Then one 3 



seij 19. 562. Oribasius had evidently reported to 
Julian some dream of his which augured well for their hopes. 
In the dream that follows the tall tree is Constantius, the 
sapling is Julian. 

3 Hermes, who was Julian's guide in the myth in Oration 
7. 230c. 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

""Opa, e(f>7]aev,aKpi(3oi<; /cal dapper ttjs pity? yap 
iv rfj yfj p,evovo-rj<; to puKporepov a{3\afth Bca/xevel 

D koX @e(3aioT6pov IBpvvOrjaeTai" ra fiev Brj tcov 
oveipaTcov roiavra, #eo? Be olBev et? ore (frepei. 

irepl he rod fiiapov dvBpoyvvov p,d0oi/x av 
fj&eays i/cetvo, ttots BieXe^drj ire pi e/iov ravra, 
Tvorepov irp\v fj Gvvrvyelv e/iol rj fiera tovto. 
BrjXwaov ovv r]fuv o,ti av olos re 17?. 

virep Be to)v nrpos avTov laacnv oi Oeol 1 on 
TToWatcLS, avrov tovs eTrapxiGoras dBi/cijcravTos, 
ecriGOTTTjaa irapa to irpeirov e/navra), ra fiev ov/c 
d/covcov, ra Be ov irpoatepLevos, aWots Be diriarcov, 
385 evia Be eh rovq avvovras avT(p rpeircov. oti Be 
l±oi /xeraBovvai t% TOtavTT]<; rj^lcoaev ala^vvr]^, 
diroGTeiKa^ ra pnapa koX ira(jr\<$ alayyvy]^ d^ia 
V7TO/JLvrjp,aTa, tl p,e TTpdrretv ey^prp) ; apa aicoirav 
77 pbdyeaOai ; to [xev ovv Trpcorov rjv t]\l6lov /cal 
BovXoir penes /cal Oeopiarjroi', to Bevrepov Be 
BiKaiov fiev Kal dvBpelov /cal e\ev6epiov, inrb Be 
tcov KaTeyovjwv 2 rjfias irpayfidrcov ov avyyjcopov- 

B fievov. tl tolvvv eTTOirjaa ; ttoWcov TrapovTOOv, 
ou? fjBetv dvayyeXovvTas avTco " Uavrrj Kal 
TrdvTws, elirov, BiopOooaei, tcl VTropLvtj/jLaTa ovtos 3 

1 Hercher supplies ol deol. 2 Cobet ; MS. ixovrwv. 

3 Hertlein brackets, Asmus defends. 

1 Probably Eusebius the chamberlain of Constantius whose 
intrigues against Julian are mentioned in Letter to the 
Athenians 274a. The epithet is unsuitable to Florentius, 
though some editors refer it to him. 

2 In spite of the abruptness of the transition, I follow 
Asmus in supposing that Julian here, partly for prudenoe 
and partly because of his sophistic habit of avoiding names, 
refers to Florentius, prefect of Gaul 357-360 and consul 

10 



TO ORIBASIUS 

who was altogether a stranger to me said : u Look 
carefully and take courage. For since the root still 
remains in the earth, the smaller tree will be un- 
injured and will be established even more securely 
than before." So much then for my dreams. God 
knows what they portend. 

As for that abominable eunuch/ I should be glad 
to learn when he said these things about me, whether 
it was before he met me, or since. So tell me 
whatever you can about this. 

But with regard to my behaviour towards him, 2 
the gods know that often, when he wronged the 
provincials, I kept silence, at the expense of my own 
honour ; to some charges I would not listen, others I 
would not admit, others again 1 did not believe, while 
in some cases 1 imputed the blame to his associates. 
But when he thought fit to make me share in such 
infamy by sending to me to sign those shameful and 
wholly abominable reports, 3 what was the right 
thing for me to do ? Was I to remain silent, or to 
oppose him ? The former course was foolish, servile 
and odious to the gods, the latter was just, manly 
and liberal, but was not open to me on account of the 
affairs that engaged me. What then did I do ? In 
the presence of many persons who I knew would 
report it to him I said : " Such-a-one will certainly 
and by all means revise his reports, for they pass 

361 A.D., who was at Vienrie at this time. For his oppression 
of the province, see Ammianus 17. 3. 2 ; Julian, Letter to 
the Athenians 282c. "When Julian was proclaimed Augustus, 
he fled to Constantius, and later, though condemned to 
death by Julian, remained in hiding till the latter's death, 
Ammianus 22. 3. 6. 

3 For Julian's refusal to sign or even read the prefect's 
orders for fresh taxes, see Ammianus 17. 3. 5. 

II 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

6 Belva, eirel Beivco? aaxrjfiovel." tovto e/ceivo? 
d/covcra? toctovtov eBerjae o~co(f)p6va)<; n irpa^cu, 
ware nreiroLr^Kev ola pa tov 6eov ov& av el? 
fieTpios Tvpavvos, ovtco puov TrXrjalov 0W0?. ev- 
ravOa tl Trpdrreiv e%pr)v dvBpa tcov HXdrcovos 
/cal 'ApMTToreXovs i^rfXwTrjV BoypaTcov ; apa 
irepiopdv dv0pco7rov<; dOXiovs toZs fcXeTTTais itcBi- 

C Sofievovs, r) Kara Bvvap.iv avTols dpuvveiv, ox? x rjBr) 
to fcv/cveiov e^dBovai Sid to 0eopio~e<; ipya&Trjpiov 
twv tolovtcov ; i/jiol fiev ovv ala^pov elvcu BoKel 
tov<? fiev xiXidpxovs, orav Xeiirwai ttjv rdgtv, 
KarahiKd^eLV tcaiToi %pr)v eice'ivovs* TeOvdvav 
7rapaxpVf JLa Kai M^ Tcufrfj? dgiovaOar ttjv Be 
inrep tcov dOXicov dvOpcowajv diroXeiireiv rdijiv, 
orav Berj 777)09 KXeirra^ dywvl^eaOai toiovtovs, 
Kai ravra tov deov avpupba^ovvTO^ r)puv, oenrep 

D ovv eratjev. el Be teal iraOelv tl avpLfiairj, pueTa 
kclXov tov crvveihoTos ov pii/cpa wapafivOla iropev- 
6r)vai. tov Be ^prjo-Tov ^aXovaTiov 6eo\ /lev pioc 
yapio-aiVTO. /cdv avpL^alvrj Be Bid tovto ti>7- 
ydveiv BiaBbyov, Xvirrjaei Tvyov ovBev apueivov 
yap oXiyov opdeos r) iroXvv Ka/cob? irpd^av j^povov. 
ovk ecrTLV, ft)? Xeyovcri Tives, Ta UepnraTrjTL/cd 
BoypLCLTd T(hv Xtcoikwv dyevveaTepa, togovtoj Be 
puovov dXXr)Xcov, &>? eyw Kpivo), Btacpeper t<x ptev 
yap eaTiv del OeppoTepa ical dfiovXoTepa, Ta Be 

1 Before d>$ Hercher deletes, Hertlein brackets, olnai. 

2 Boissonade, MS. 'wavd. 

1 Sallust, who accompanied Julian as civil adviser, was 
recalled by Constantius in 358. Julianj Oration 8 ; Oration 
4 is dedicated to him. 

12 



TO ORIBASIUS 

the bounds of decency." When he heard this, he 
was so far from behaving with discretion that he did 
things which, by heaven, no tyrant with any modera- 
tion would have done, and that too though I was so 
near where he was. In such a case what was the 
proper conduct for a man who is a zealous student of 
the teachings of Plato and Aristotle? Ought 1 to 
have looked on while the wretched people were 
being betrayed to thieves, or to have aided them as 
far as I could, for they were already singing their 
swan-song because of the criminal artifices of men of 
that sort ? To me, at least, it seems a disgraceful 
thing that, while I punish my military tribunes when 
they desert their post — and indeed they ought to be 
put to death at once, and not even granted burial — 
I should myself desert my post which is for the 
defence of such wretched people ; whereas it is my 
duty to fight against thieves of his sort, especially 
when God is fighting on my side, for it was indeed 
he who posted me here. And if any harm to myself 
should result, it is no small consolation to have 
proceeded with a good conscience. But I pray that 
the gods may let me keep the excellent Sallust ! * 
If, however, it turns out that because of this affair I 
receive his successor, 2 perhaps it will not grieve me. 
For it is better to do one's duty for a brief time 
honestly than for a long time dishonestly. The 
Peripatetic teachings are not, as some say, less noble 
than the Stoic. In my judgement, there is only 
this difference between them ; the former are always 
more sanguine and not so much the result of 
deliberate thought, while the latter have a greater 

2 This strains the construction but seems more probable 
than the rendering " If I should be superseded." 

13 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

<j)pov7]cr€CD<; a£ia)Tepa koX tch? eyvwa fievoi^ fiaXkov 
e/jLfievei. 1 



5 

Upia/crp 2 

425 "Apri fiot iravaafxevcp t^9 x a ^ j€7r V < * Travv /ecu 
B Tpcv%€La<s voaov tj) tov iravra £<f>opa>vTO$ irpovoia 
ypdpL/xara eh %et/oa? rjX0ev v/jLerepa, Kad" fjv rj/jue- 
pav TTpwrov i\ov(rd{ir)v. SelXr]^ rjSr) ravra dva- 
C yvoix; ovk dv etVoi? paBlo)? oVa)? eppcovvvp-Tji', 
alaOavopievo^ rr/? <jrj? dfcpai<f)vov<; kcl\ fcaOapds 
evvoias, 979 eWe yevoi/xrjv a^ios, 00? dv jutr) fcarac- 
(jyyvaipn ttjv arjv (f)i\lav. t<z? jmev ovv vfieTepas 
67rt(7ToX,a? evdvs dveyvcov, Kaiirep ov a(f)6Spa tovto 
iroielv hvvdfievos, ra? he tov 'Avtcovlov 7rpo? tov 
'AXe^avSpov el? ttjv vGTepaiav eTa/nievcrdp,r)v. 
i/ceWev e/3$6/jLj] aot tccvtcl eypacf>ov rj/mepa, 3 KaTa 
~Xoyov fioi ttj? pooaews irpo^wpovar)^ Sid tijv tov 
Oeov irpofxr]6eiav. aoo^oio fioi, iroOeivoTCiTe teal 
(fuXL/cwTCLTe dBeXcpe, vnrb tov tcl irdvTa icpopoovTO? 
D Oeov' lBoljjll ae, epbv dyaOov. teal IBici X ei P 1 ' V V 
Tt)V arjv acoTt)piav zeal ttjv ifirjV, vr) tov irdvTa 
icf>opa)VTa Oeov, rw? <£>pov(b yeypcufra. dyaOooTCiTe, 

1 aj;iu>repa Kai r. e. /xa\Aov Asmus ; ct£<a r. e. ifx/uevei Hertleill. 

2 Hertlein 44. Aifiavicp Hertlein, Parisinus and all editions ; 
Il/urny Baroccianus, Laurentianus lviii, Cumont. 

3 Naber suggests &px. 

1 I translate the suggested reading of Asmus, but the 
sense remains unsatisfactory. 

14 



TO PRISCUS 

claim to practical wisdom, and are more rigidly con- 
sistent with the rules of conduct that they have laid 
down. 1 

5 

To Priscus 2 

1 had only just recovered by the providence of the 358-359 
All-Seeing One 3 from a very severe and sharp attack Winter. 
of sickness, when your letters reached my hands, on Paris 
the very day when I took my first bath. It was 
already evening when I read them, and it would be 

hard for you to tell how my strength began to return 
when I realised your pure and sincere affection. May 
I become worthy of it, that I may not shame your 
love for me ! Your letters I read at once, though I 
was not very well able to do so, but those of Antonius 
to Alexander I stored up for the next day. On the 
seventh day from their receipt I began to write this 
to you, since my strength is improving reasonably 
well, thanks to Divine Providence. May the All- 
Seeing god preserve you, my dearest and best be- 
loved brother. May I see you, my treasure ! Added 
with his own hand. I swear by your well-being and 
my own, by the All-Seeing god, that I really feel as 
I have written. Best of men, when can I see you 

2 So Cumont, following the ascription of MS. Baroccianns. 
Hertlein with hesitation addressed it to Libanius. So, too, 
Schwarz, who accordingly gives the date a9 3G2 a.d. But as 
assigned to Priscus, it should be connected with the foregoing 
invitation to that sophist to come to Gaul, and the illness to 
which Julian refers is almost certainly his semi-asphyxiation 
in Paris described in Miso-pogon 340-342a. 

3 i. e. Helios-Mithras. 

is 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 



ore o~e cBco /cal irepiXajBco/iai ; vvv yap gov ical 

limn tin. ic.n.nnTren ni. nurrcnr.tTco rA/X/Ci 1 



1T0T6 

rovvo/ia /caOdirep ol Bvaepcore^ fyiXw? 



6 
AXviriw dBeXcput Kaiaapiov 2 

402 *0 XvXoacov dvrjXOe, ^aai, irapd tov Aapelov, 
D teal virefivrjaev avrbv t?}? xXavlBo?, /cal yrrjo-ev 

avr i/ceivT]*; nap' avrov ttjv XdjuLOv. elra eirl 
TOUTft) Aapelos fiev e/jLeyaXocftpovetro, peydXa dvrl 
fiifcpwv vofjii^wv aTroBeBay/cevai' XvXoacov Be Xvir-q- 

403 pav eXd/mftave ydpiv. cncbirei Br) to, rj/jbirepa vvv 
7rpb<; etce'lva. ivl fjiev Brj to Trpwrov ol/nai /cpela- 
o~ov epyov i)\xeTepov ovBe yap virefieivafxev vtto- 
fMvrjadrjvaL Trap* aXXov Toaovrcp Be xpovw rrjv 
jivrjfirjv t?5? erf}? (fyiXtas BcacfrvXagavres dtcepaiov, 
eireiBr] wpcorov rjfilv eBco/cev 6 deos, ov/c iv Bevrepoi?, 
dXX 1 iv TOi? TrpcoroLs ae fjLereKaXeaap,ev. ra fiev 
ovv irpcora Toiavra' irepl Be rcov fieXXovrcov apd 
fjuoi Bcocreis rr /cal yap elfii p,avTitco<;' irpoayo- 

B pevcrat ; futKput vo/jll^co /cpelrrova e/celvcov, 'ABpd- 
areia 8' evfjievr)<; etrj. av re yap ovBev Berj o~vy/ca- 
rao-Tpe(f)o/jLevov ttoXlv fiao-iXecos, eyco re ttoXXwv 
Beo/jbai tcov avveiravopOovvTayv \xoi rd TreirTcoKora 

1 vvh (six lines above) to <pi\S> in Baroccianus only, 
bracketed by Spanheim and Hertlein, Hercher rejects. 

2 Hertlein 29. 

1 For Alypius see Introduction. 

2 The story of Syloson from Herodotus 3. 130, is told by 
Julian, Vol. 1. Oration 3. 117b. The "cloak of Syloson" 
became a proverb for the overpayment of a benefit. 

8 ft. e. to Susa. 

16 



TO ALYPIUS, BROTHER OF CAESARIUS 

and embrace you? For already, like doting lovers, 
I adore your very name. 



6 

To Alypius, brother of Caesarius * 

Syloson, 2 it is said, went up 3 to Darius, reminded 361 
him of his cloak and asked him for Samos in return juiy™ 
for it. Then Darius prided himself greatly on this, J*™'^ 
because he considered that he had given much for 
little ; though after all it proved a grievous gift for 
Syloson. 4 Now consider my conduct compared with 
that of Darius. In the first place I think that I 
have behaved better than he in one point at any 
rate, I mean that I did not wait to be reminded by 
another. But after preserving the memory of your 
friendship so long undimmed, the first moment that 
the god granted me power I summoned you, not 
among the second but among the very first. So much 
for the past. Now with reference to the future, will 
you allow me — for I am a prophet 5 — to foretell 
something ? I think that it will be far more pros- 
perous than in the case I spoke of, only let not 
Adrasteia 6 take offence when I say so ! For you 
need no king to help you to conquer a city, 7 while 
I on the other hand need many to help me to raise 
up again what has fallen on evil days. Thus does 

4 The Persians devastated Samos before Syloson could 
benefit by the gift. 

6 An echo of Plato, Phaedrus 343b. 

6 Another name for Nemesis, cf. Vol. 2. Misopogon 370b. 

7 If the date assigned to the letter is correct this must be 
Constantinople which Julian was preparing to occupy in his 
march against Constantius. 

i7 

VOL. III. C 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 
tca/ccos. ravrd croi TaXXiKr) Kal /3dp/3apo<; Movaa 

TrpOGTTCLl^ei, (TV Be VTTO Tjj T(OV 6eO)V TTOfJLirf) yaipuiv 
d(f)lKOlO. Kal TTj CLUTOV X U P 1 ' ^-V^ €pl(j)a)V KCU 

tt}? ev to?? xeifiahioL^ Orjpas 1 toov 7rpo/3aTLG)v.' 2 

C r)KS 7T/309 TOP (f)lX0V, O? G6 TOT€, KCLLTTep OV7TQ) 

yivcoaKecv 6lo$ 3 el hwcijievos, opLcos irepielirov. 



7 

1ft) auTft)* 

"H8?; pbl.v 6Tvyx avov dveipuevos t?)? voaov, 5 rrjv 
yewypafyiav ore aTreareiXas' ov p,r)v eXarrov Bid 
tovto r)8ea)<; iBe^dp,rjv to irapa crov itlvclkiov airo- 
D araXev. e%a yap /cal to, Biaypapupbara tcov 
TrpoaOev fieXria), /cal /carepiovawaa*; avrb Trpoa- 
Oels tol>5 Idpftovs, ov pbcifflv delBovras ri]V Bou- 
irdXeiov /card top K.vpr]vatov ttoitjt^v, dXX' oXovs 
rj /caXrj *2,a7T(f)w /3ovXerac to?? vopiois dpfiorreiv. 

Kal TO p,6P BtopOV TOLOVTOV iartV, OTToloV iO-ft)? GOl 

re eirpeire Bovvai, epuoi re rjBicrTov 8e%ao~6ai, irepl 
he rrjv BcoUrjaiv tcov 7rpayp,drcov on BpaaTr}plco<; 
apa Kal Trpdcos diravTa irepaiveiv 7rpo0vp,f}, o~vvr\- 
BofieOa' pLigai yap TrpaoTTjra /cal aaxppoavprjv 
404 dvBpeiq Kal pcofiy, Kal rrj fiev x,P 1 Q <Ta(J ^ ai Ttpos 

1 /cat ris — 07Jpa Capps suggests. 

2 Obscure and perhaps corrupt. Hertlein suggests irpofid- 
rwv rwu aypiuu, " wild sheep." 

* Klimek ; '6<tos Hertlein. * Hertlein 30. 

6 Hertlein suggests irapeifxevos tj) voay or virh rr)s voaou. 

1 This is perhaps a veiled allusion to Julian's plot to defeat 
the adherents of Constantius. 

18 



TO ALYPIUS, BROTHER OF CAESARIUS 

my Gallic and barbarian Muse jest for your benefit. 
But be of good cheer and come, and may the gods 
attend you. 

Added with his own hand. There is good spoil of 
deer and hunting of small sheep in the winter 
quarters. 1 Come to your friend who valued you 
even when he could not yet know your merit. 



To the Same 

It happened that when you sent me your map 
I had just recovered from my illness, but I was none 
the less glad on that account to receive the chart 
that you sent. For not only does it contain diagrams 
better than any hitherto made ; but you have em- 
bellished it by adding those iambic verses, not such as 
" Sing the War of Bupalus," 2 as the poet of Cyrene 3 
expresses it, but such as beautiful Sappho is wont 
to fashion for her songs. 4 In fact the gift is such 
as no doubt it well became you to give, while to 
me it is most agreeable to receive. 5 With regard 
to your administration of affairs, inasmuch as you 
study to act in all cases both energetically and 
humanely, I am well pleased with it. For to blend 
mildness and moderation with courage and force, 
and to exercise the former towards the most virtuous, 

1 For Bupalus cf. Horace, Epodes 6. 14 ; Lucian, Pseudolo- 
gist 2. 

8 Callimachus, frag. 90, Ernesti. 

4 Literally " nomes," though Julian may only have meant 
" poetry " ; in any case he refers to lyric iambics. 

6 An echo of Isocrates, Nicocles 29b. 

c 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

tou? iTTieiKeardrov^, rfj Be eirl tcop irovrjpwv aira- 
paiTi]Tco<; 7T/?o? eiravopOwcnv ov puKpas earl (f)vaeco<; 
ovB' aperrjs epyov, &>? ifiaurbv ire'iOui. tovtwv 
evyop,e6d ae tmv a/coircov e^ofievov afityw irpos ev 
to kclXov avTovs avvapjuoaar tovto yap airdaai^ 
7rpo/ceia0at rafc dperai*; Te\o? ovk el/crj twv ira- 
B Xaicov iirLarevov ol Xoyicoraroi. eppcofievo? teal 
evBcu/uLOvoov BiaTe\olrj<; eirl fiyKiarov, dBeXcpe 
TToOeivoTdTe zeal (pcXiKcoTare. 



8 

Ma^tyLto) cj)i\oo-6(f)rp x 

414 Tldvra dOpoa eireial fioi kcu diroickeLei rrjv 
(ftcovrjv dWo aX-Xft) irpoekdelv ov cvyywpovv tmv 
ifiwv Biavotjfidrcov, etre twv yjrv^LKCjv 2 iraOoyv 
etVe 07ro)9 <f)i\ov Karovofid^ecv rd roiavra. dX)C 
dirohoyfiev clvtoIs r)v 6 ^/3oi>o? direBcdKe rdljiv, 
B evx a P t0 " T1 l (Tav ' Te ^ T0 *? Trdvra dyadols Oeols, ot 
Teeo? fiev ypdcpetv ifiol avve^oopijaav, iVa)? Be tjulv 
/cat d\\?]\ov<; IBelv avy^wpyjaovaiv. &>? wpcorov 
avTO/cpdrcop eyevbfxr\v clkwv? a)? Xaaciv ol Oeol, 
zeal tovto clvtoOl* fcaTacpaves bv eveBe^eTO Tpo- 
ttov €7rolrjaa' aTpaTevaa^ eirl tovs ftapfidpovs, 
ifceiV7]<; /jloi yevo/jLevrjs Tpipaqvov t% o-TpaTelas, 

1 Hertlein 38. 

2 twv Bidez adds, tyvxpbv twu MSS., Hertlein, who suspects 
corruption ; ^vxw&v iraQwv Papadopoulos MSS. XY. 

3 &K(av £ycv6fXT)u Hertlein, from Parisinus 2755. 

4 avro?s tl MSS. ; oifToTs Hertlein ; avr60i Capps. 

1 Cf. Oration 1. 3d, Vol. 1. 

20 



TO MAXIMUS, THE PHILOSOPHER 

and the latter implacably in the case of the wicked 
for their regeneration, is, as I am convinced, a task 
that calls for no slight natural endowment and 
virtue. I pray that you may ever hold fast to 
these ambitions and may adapt them both solely to 
what is fair and honourable. 1 Not without reason 
did the most eloquent of the ancient writers believe 
that this is the end and aim set for all the virtues. 
May you continue in health and happiness as long 
as possible, my well-beloved and most dear brother ! 



8 

To Maximus, the philosopher 2 

Everything crowds into my mind at once and 3 , 61 
chokes my utterance, as one thought refuses to let be°r em " 
another precede it, whether you please to class such £j°™ 
symptoms among psychic troubles, or to give them (Ntab) 
some other name. But let me arrange what I have 
to tell in chronological order, though not till I have 
first offered thanks to the all-merciful gods, who at 
this present have permitted me to write, and will 
also perhaps permit us to see one another. Directly 
after I had been made Emperor — against my will, 
as the gods know ; and this I made evident then and 
there in every way possible, — I led the army against 
the barbarians. 3 That expedition lasted for three 

2 The theurgist. His life was written by Eunapius, Lives 
of the Sophists and Philosophers. Maximus was at Ephesus ; 
Julian's headquarters were at Naissa, where he had received 
news of the death of Constantius, November 3rd, 361. Schwa ra 
dates this letter October or November. 

3 i.e. when he recrossed the Rhine in 360, For this 
campaign, see Ammianus 20, 10. 

21 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

C erravieov et9 tou? TaXariteovs alyiaXovs 1 e7reerte6- 
irovv teal rwv i/eeWev rj/eovreov dveirvvOavoLii^v, lit) 
779 <f>iX6cro(f)0<;, fjurj t/9 er%oXacrrifeb<; r) rpi&coviov rj 
y\aviBiov ef>opa)v tearrjpev. eVel Be Trepl rbv Bt- 
erevria)va 2 r)V ttoXl^vt)' 6 Be vvv early 4, dveiXrjjjL/nevT], 
rrdXai Be LieydXrj re rjv teal rroXvreXeaLv iepol? 
e/ce/coa/jLrjTO, teal relyei teaprepw teal rrpoereri rrj 
epvcrei rov*va)plov irepiOel yap avrb 6 Aovftis 
7TOTayu.o9* v) oe werirep ev OaXdrry irerpcbhr)? dicpa 
dvecrrrjfeev, a/3aro9 oXiyov Beco §dvai teal avrols 
D opvieri, 7rXrjv oera 6 7rorafib<; avrrjv rrepippeeov 
eoerirep rivas alyiaXovs e%ei irpo/eeiLievovs' ravrt)? 
rrXrjcriov tt}9 iroXea)? dir^vr^ae tevviteos 779 dvr)p, 
eyaov rpifiwva ical fiaterrjpLav. rovrov iroppayQev 
deaadfjbevos ovBev aXXo 5 vireXaftov rj ere, irXr^aiov 
be rjBrj rrpocricbv rrapa gov irdvrcos Tjtceiv avrbv 
evofii^ov. outo9 6 B* dvrjp eplXo? {Lev, rjrrwv 7 Be 
t^9 7rpoo-$o/c(OLievr]<; eXiriBo^. ev /nev Brj roiovrov 
ovap eyeverb fioi. jiera rovro Be rravrax; 8 wlltjv 
415 ere ttoXvtt pay jiovrjaavra rd tear e/.ie Tr)$ f EAAaSo9 
eterbs ovBa/jicos evptfaetv. 9 terra) Zev<;, terra) Lieyas 
"HXios, terra) 'K0r)va<; tepdros teal irdvre^ Oeol teal 
irdaai, 7TW9 tearieov errl rovs 'lXXvpiovs dirb ra>v 
KeXra3v erpefxov virep gov. teal eirvvOavoLL^v rwv 

1 Schwarz suggests ffraOixovs because of the strange use of 
ayia\6s, "beach," for the bank of a river. 

2 Btaevrlcova X, BixevTioova Parisinus, Hertlein. %v Schwarz 
adds. 

3 KoXixvt] Cobet, iroXixviov MSS., Hertlein. 

4 U ion vvv X. * obUva &\\ov XY. 6 &<pOr) 5e XV. 

7 J5tt«i' XY, %ttov Parisinus, Hertlein. 

8 irdvrocs Parisinus omits, followed by Hertlein. 

9 evpeB^vat Hertlein. 

22 



TO MAXIMUS, THE PHILOSOPHER 

months, and when I returned to the shores of Gaul, I 
was ever on the watch and kept enquiring from all 
who came from that quarter whether any philosopher 
or any scholar wearing a philosopher's cloak or a 
soldier's tunic had arrived there. Then I approached 
Besontio. 1 It is a little town that has lately been 
restored, but in ancient times it was a large city 
adorned with costly temples, and was fortified by a 
strong wall and further by the nature of the place ; 
for it is encircled by the river Doubis. 2 It rises up 
like a rocky cliff in the sea, inaccessible, I might 
almost say, to the very birds, except in those places 
where the river as it flows round it throws out what 
one may call beaches, that lie in front of it. Near 
this city there came to meet me a certain man who 
looked like a Cynic with his long cloak and staff. 
When I first caught sight of him in the distance, I 
imagined that he was none other than yourself. 
And when I came nearer to him I thought that he 
had surely come from you. The man was in fact 
a friend of mine though he fell short of what I 
hoped and expected. This then was one vain dream 
I had ! And afterwards I thought that, because you 
were busied with my affairs, I should certainly find 
you nowhere outside of Greece. Zeus be my witness 
and great Helios, mighty Athene and all the gods and 
goddesses, how on my way down to Illyricum from 
Gaul 3 I trembled for your safety ! Also I kept 

1 Cf. Ammianus 20. 10, per Besontionem Viennam hie- 
maturus abscessit. Besontio or Vesontio (Besancon), the 
capital of the Sequani, is described in much the same language 
by Caesar, Gallic War 1. 38. 

2 Doubs. 

8 Ammianus 21. 7, Zosimus 3. 10 describe this march. 

23 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

6ewv (at»To? fiep ov toX/jlcov ov yap virefievov ovre 
IBeiv toiovtov ovre dfcovaai ovBev, olov dv tis vire- 

B \a/3e BvvaaOai TrjviKavra irepl ae yiyveaOat,, eVe- 
rpeirov Be aXXois), oi Oeol Be Tapa%d$ p,ev rivas 
eaeaOat irepl ae Trepifyavcos 1 iBijXovv, ovBev /mevroi 
Beivbv ovBe eh epyov ra>v aOecov 2 PovXevfxdrwv. 

'A\\' opa? on, fieydXa /cal 7roXXa irapeBpa\xov. 
/judXiard ae irvOeaOat a%iov, 7rco? p,ev dOpocos rr)? 
eTTufiaveias yaOo/meOa tmv Oecop, riva Be rpoirov to 
togovtov twv €7rLj3ov\Q)v irXijdo^ BiaTrefyevyafiev , 
KTeivavres ovBeva, ^prf/mara ovBevb? d<f)eX6fiepoi, 

C fyvXa^dfxevoi Be \xbvov ov<; eXa/xpavofxev eV avro- 
<j)(opq). ravra /nev ovv lctcd? ov ypdefreiv, dXXa 
(ppd^eiv XPV> olfiat, Be ae kcl\ fidXa rjBecos irevae- 
a6ai. 0pr)o~/cevo/jL€V tou? Oeovs dvacfravBov, real to 
ir\r)6o$ tov avy/careXOovTOS /jloi arparo7reBov Oeo- 
aeffes eariv. rj/ieh cfiavepcos povOvrov/Aev. dire- 
BcD/ca/iev Tot? Oeoh ^apiari/pia 3 e/caroLifias ttoX- 

D Xa?. e/ie KeXevovaiv ol Oeol rd irdvTa dyveveiv 
eh Bvva/xiv, fcal ireLOoLial ye teal irpodv/iw^ avroh' 
fieydXov? yap Kaprrov^ twv ttovcov diroBcbaeiv 
(paatv, rjv /jltj paOv/icoLiev. r/Xde 7r/)o? rjfias Et»a- 

ypios.* tov nap* rj/uitv 

Ti/Jbcofxevov 6eoV' b 

IloWa yovv c/rep^eraC /jloi 7r/)o? tovtois, dXXa 
XPV Ta/iievaaaOai Tiva Kal rfj irapovala rfj afj. 

1 (pavepus XY. 2 a9ecov Asmus, adta^ioiv MSB., Hertlein. 

3 After x a P l<rr 'hp ia XY have ire pi yfxwv. 

4 In Hertlein the letter ends at Evdypios. In XY (Papado- 
poulos) a lacuna of about 82 letters follows. 

6 A lacuna follows in XY. 

24 



TO MAXIMUM THE PHILOSOPHER 

enquiring of the gods — not that I ventured to do this 
myself, for I could not endure to see or hear any- 
thing so terrible as one, might have supposed would 
be happening to you at that time, but I entrusted 
the task to others ; and the gods did indeed show 
clearly that certain troubles would befal you, nothing 
terrible however, nor to indicate that impious 
counsels would be carried out. 1 

But you see that I have passed over many im- 
portant events. Above all, it is right that you 
should learn how I became all at once conscious of 
the very presence of the gods, and in what manner 
I escaped the multitude of those who plotted against 
me, though I put no man to death, deprived no man 
of his property, and only imprisoned those whom I 
caught red-handed. All this, however, I ought per- 
haps to tell you rather than write it, but 1 think 
you will be very glad to be informed of it. IS 
worship the gods openly, and the whole mass of the 
troops who are returning with me worship the gods. 2 
I sacrifice oxen in public. I have offered to the 
gods many hecatombs as thank-offerings. The gods 
command me to restore their worship in its utmost 
purity, and I obey them, yes, and with a good will. 
For they promise me great rewards for my labours, 
if only I am not remiss. Evagrius 3 has joined me^ 
... of the god whom we honour. . . . 

Many things occur to my mind, besides what I 
have written, but I must store up certain matters 
to tell you when you are with me. Come here, 

1 Julian's friends in the East were in danger after his 
quarrel with Constantius. 

2 Cf. Libanius, Oration 18. 114, 

3 Cf. Letter 25, To Evagrius. 

25 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Bevpo ovv, tovs 6eov$ aoi, rrjv ra^o'Tyjv, elre Bvo 
€lt€ TrXeioai ^prjadfievo^ o^iqpLaGiv. direaTeiXa 
Be icaX Bvo tcov irKTrordrcov vwrjpeTcov, oiv 6 fiev 
eh &XP 1 tov o-TpaTOireBov irapairepj^ei ae' erepos 
Be ei-eXrjXvOevai ae koX r\K.eiv 77877 /jbrjvvaei' irore- 
pov he xjito TTorepov yeviaOac OeXew clvtos Tot? 
veavianois ar)jjbi]vov. 1 



'lovXiavp 6ei<p 2 

382 T^'t/;? a>pa<; vv/crbs dpyp V&VW > ovk eywv ovBe 
B tov vTToypdijrovTa 3 Bid to irdvTa^ aayo\ov<$ 
elvaiy fjbokis ta^vaa Trpb? ae tclvtci ypdyjrai. 
^odfiev Bid tou? Oeovs eXevOepcoOevTe? tov iraOelv 
tf Bpdaai to, dvrjiceaTa' /xdpTvq Be 6 "HXto?, op 
fxaXicTTa irdvTwv iiceTevaa avvdpaaOai /jlol, koX 
6 fiaaiXevs Zev$, &>? ovirdiTroTe rjv^d/injv diroKTel- 
vcu KcovaTavTiov, fiaXXov Be d7n)v£d/j,r}v. tl ovv 
rjXOov ; eireiBr) /jlol 01 Oeol BiapprjBrjv etceXevaav, 
acoTrjpiav puev iTrayyeXXofievoi ireiBopbevw, fievovTi 
C Be b /jLrjBels Oecov Troitfaeiev dXXax; Te oti kcu 

1 iroWa cri]fxr]vov restored from XY, not in 

Hertlein. 

2 Hertlein 13 ; after Qeiy X adds out ov. 

3 Hertlein suggests, MSS. imoyp&tyovTa. 



1 Maximus did not join Julian at Naissa, but, as Eunapius 
relates in his Life of Chrysanthius, p. 55 * (Wright), he 
lingered at Ephesus in the vain attempt to secure favourable 
omens for the journey, and finally joined Julian at Constanti- 

26 



TO HIS UNCLE JULIAN 

then, in the name of the gods, as quickly as you 
can, and use two or more public carriages. More- 
over, I have sent two of my most trusted servants, 
one of whom will escort you as far as my head- 
quarters; the other will inform me that you have 
set out and will forthwith arrive. Do you yourself 
tell the youths which of them you wish to under- 
take which of these tasks. 1 



9 

To his Uncle Julian 2 

The third hour of the night has just begun, and 361 
as I have no secretary to dictate to because they Govern. 
are all occupied, I have with difficulty made the '>eror 
effort to write this to you myself. I am alive, by Decem- 
the grace of the gods, and have been freed from the £ er 
necessity of either suffering or inflicting irreparable Naissa 
ill. 3 But the Sun, whom of all the gods I besought (Ni8h) 
most earnestly to assist me, and sovereign Zeus also, 
bear me witness that never for a moment did I wish 
to slay Constantius, but rather I wished the contrary. 
Why then did I come ? Because the gods expressly 
ordered me, 4 and promised me safety if I obeyed 
them, but if I stayed, what I pray no god may do to 
me ! Furthermore I came because, having been de- 

nople early in 362 ; cf. Eunapius, Life of Aedesius, pp. 
440 foil. 

2 For Count Julian, see Introduction. 

8 A proverbial phrase ; cf. Letter to Nilus, p. 159. The 
sudden death of Constantius had simplified Julian's course. 

4 Cf. Vol. 3, Letter to the Athenians 284b-285d, for Julian's 
own account of the mutiny against Constantius and the sign 
given by the gods. 

27 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

TroXepuo? a7ro$€i%0eU w/jltjv $>o(Sr)(jai /novov /cal 
eh ofiiXias r)%eiv eirieLKecrrepa^ tcl it pay jjuara' el 
Be fid^y tcpideirj, rfj ivyr) ra irdvra /cal roi? Oeol<; 
eTrirpe^jra^ irepipieveiv oirep av avrojv rfj cpcXav- 
Qpwnia Bo^y. 



10 

'lovXiavbs JLv0r)pi(p 1 

Zwfiev V7rb ro)v 6eo)V acoOevTes' vrrep e/xov Be 
avrois Bve ra. yapiG7r)pia. Qvaeis Be ov% virep 
evbs dvBpos, aXx virep tov kolvov twv 'EXXrjvcov. 
el Be aoi a^oXr) /cal p>e\pi tt}<; K.a)varavTLVov 
TToXeax; Bia/3f}vai, Tifir](Tai/.i7jv av ov/c oXiyov tt]V 
arjv evTW)(iav. 

11 

'lovXiavbs Aeovrio) 2 

389 'O Xoyo7roibs 6 Sovpios wra elirev avQ punrot^ 

B ocfrOaX/Licov diriaroTepa. tovtw B' eirl aov ttjv 

evavilav eyw yvco/JLrjv eyoo' TriaTorepa yap earl 

/jloi to, wra rcov ocfrOaXficov. ov yap, eliroje elBbv 

ere Be/cd/as, ovrax; av eiriaTevaa rol<; ocfrOaXfiols, 

1 Hertlein 69. 2 Hertlein 22. 

1 An Armenian eunuch, a pagan who had been kidnapped, 
sold into slavery, and finally attained to the office of court 
chamberlain and confidential adviser to Constans and 
Julian ; see Ammianus 16. 7. 4. He was employed by 
Julian in Gaul as a trusted messenger to Constantius at 
Milan ; Ammianus 20. 8. 19. 

• 28 



TO LEONTIUS 

clared a public enemy, I meant to frighten him 
merely, and that our quarrel should result in inter- 
course on more friendly terms ; but if we should 
have to decide the issue by battle, I meant to entrust 
the whole to Fortune and to the gods, and so await 
whatever their clemency might decide. 

10 

ToEutherius 1 

I am alive, and have been saved by the gods. 3t>i 
Therefore offer sacrifices to them on my behalf, as Decem- 
thank-offerings. Your sacrifice will be not for one 5 e r r jf 
man only, but for the whole body of Hellenes. 2 If f^lsK) 
you have time to travel as far as Constantinople I 
shall feel myself highly honoured by your presence. 

11 

To Leontius 

The Thurian historian 3 said that men's ears are 361 
less to be trusted than their eyes. 4 But in your Naissa 
case I hold the opposite opinion from this, since 2?"^ 
here my ears are more trustworthy than my eyes, stanti- 
For not if I had seen you ten times would 1 have 
trusted my eyes as I now trust my ears, instructed 

2 In the fourth century this word has lost some of its 
national meaning, and is used of pagans as opposed to 
Christians, especially by Julian. The sophists of that period 
called themselves and all students of rhetoric " Hellenes." 

3 Herodotus. 

4 Herodotus 1. 8; cf. Julian Oration 1. 37c, and 4. 14f>i>. 

29 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

&)9 vvv rah d/coals Triarevco rat? ifjuavrov, trap* 
avBpbs ouSa/ico? oXov re yjrevBeadai BeBtBay/iepos, 
on iravra avqp a>v avrbs aeavrov fcpeiTToov el 
irepl to pegai, cj)it)(Tlv r 'OfjL7)po<;, %eoo-t Te ^a\ Troaiv. 

€7TLTp6yjraVT6^ OVP GOV T7]P TCOP 07rX(OP "^prjCLV 

aTTeareikapLev re irapoirXlap, tjtls * tols 7re£bi? 
dpp,oTT€L' 2 ey/caTeXegafiep re ae tw tcop ol/celcop 
avvTayp,aTi? 

12 

MaftyLtft) (piXoaocfxp 4 

383 'AXelfapBpop fxev top M.a/ceB6pa to?9 'Ofitjpov 
Troirjuaaip ecpvirpcorreLP Aoyo?, iva Br] /cal pv/crcop 
/cat fied rj/iepap avrov rol<$ 7roXe/Ai/coL<; o/mXj) 
avpO^puaiP' r)/j,€L<; Be gov Tat? eiriGTokal^ cbenrep 
7raicoploL<; rial (frapfidfcois crvy/caOevBo/xep, /ca\ ov 
B BiaXeLTTop-ep ipTvyxdpopres del /caOdwep peapals 
ere /cal Trpcorop eh xelpa<; rj/covcrais. elirep ovp 
edeXeis tj/jlip eiKova t?}? 0-779 irapovcrias rrjp ep 
roU ypafi/xaaLP ofiiXiap irpo%epelp, ypdfye /cal fir) 
Xrjye avpexoos tovto irpaTTcap' /xaXXov Be rj/ce 
<tvp deols, epOvfiovfiepos a>? r)p,lp y' e&>? dp airy? 

1 Hertlein suggests, MSS. $1 re*s. 

2 MSS. add Kovcporspa 8e iariu avrr] rrjs twu lirtriwv deleted 
by Wyttenbach, Hertlein brackets. 

3 MSS. add yivovrai 5e air}) tui> SirXocpoprjadi'Tcci' ovroi Ka\ 
aTpaTev<raij.evwv deleted by Wyttenbach, Hertlein brackets. 

* Hertlein 15. 

1 An echo of Demosthenes, Olynthiac 2. 17. 
30 



TO THE PHILOSOPHER MAXIM US 

as I have been by a man who is in no wise capable 
of speaking falsely, 1 that, while in all respects you 
show yourself a man, you surpass yourself 2 in your 
achievements "with hand and foot," as Homer says. 3 
I therefore entrust you with the employment of 
arms, and have despatched to you a complete suit 
of armour such as is adapted for the infantry. More- 
over I have enrolled you in my household corps. 4 



12 

To the philosopher Maximus 

There is a tradition 5 that Alexander of Macedon End of 
used to sleep with Homer's poems under his pillow, earijTin 
in order that by night as well as by day he might 362 
busy himself with his martial writings. But I sleep con- 
with your letters as though they were healing drugs Jjjjj* 
of some sort, and I do not cease to read them con- 
stantly as though they were newly written and had 
only just come into my hands. Therefore if you are 
willing to furnish me with intercourse by means of 
letters, as a semblance of your own society, write, 
and do not cease to do so continually. Or rather 
come, 6 with heaven's help, and consider that while 

2 Cf. Julian, Oration 7. 235b, Letter to Themistius 264d, 
Caesars 309d,327c. 

3 Odyssey 8. 148 ; the phrase is there used of the athletic 
sports of the Phaeacians. 

* i. e. the protectores domestici ; cf. Symmachus, Letter 67. 
In C.I.L. III. 5670a (Dessau 774), a Leontius is mentioned as 
praepositus militum auxiliarium in 370 a.d. 

6 Plutarch, Alexander 12. 

8 Ammianus 22. 7. 3 describes Julian's effusive greeting of 
Maximus, for which he interrupted a meeting of the Senate. 

3 1 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

OuS' OTl ^CO/jL€V €L7T6iV 6CTTIV, €i fX7] OCTOV TOt? TTCLpa 

gov ypafyofjievoLS evTvyelv ejjeariv. 



13 
( Epp,oyevei an -ovn apX<P AlyvirTOV 1 

389 A09 fioi tl Kara tovs fieXi/crcis 2 elirelv pifropas, 
D *fl Trap* eXirlBa aeawapuevo^ iyco, co irap ekirlBa^ 3 

afC7)KO(*)<;, on Biaire^evya^ ttjv TpucefyaXov vBpav, 
ovti fia Ala top dBeXcpov (prj/nt, K.oovo~tclvtiov 
aX\? ifcelvos fiev rjv olos rjv aWa tcl irepl avTOV 
drjpla iraaiv eirocfiOaX/MwvTa, a kclkgIvov eiroiei, 
%a\€7r(i)T€pov, ovBe to kclQ* eavTov iravTairaaL 

390 irpaov, el kcl\ eBotcei iroWol^ tolovtos. e/cetvcp 
/j.ev ovv, e7T€iSr) p,a/capLTr)s eyeveTO, Kovcf>rj yr), 
KaOdirep XeyeTar tovtovs Be dBifccos fiev tl iradelv 
ovtc av eOekoifXLy 1'o~tg) Zevv e7reiBrj Be avTois 
eiraviaTavTai iroWol KaTijyopoi, BacatjTiipiov 
aTTOtcefcXijpcoTai. av Be, a> cfilXe, irdpei, /col irapa 

B Bvvajiiv eTTei^d^TL' QedaaaOai yap ae iraXai Te 
ev-^ojiat vrj tov<; Oeovs, /cal vvv evjxeveaTaTa otl 
Bieo-codTjs a/cr]KO(0<;, rjiceiv Trapa/ceXevofiai. 

1 Hertlein 23. 

2 ixtiAixiovs ? Cumont suggests. 

3 Asmus suggests iKiriSa ere. 

1 Hermogenes had been Prefect of Egypt before 328, since 
his name does not occur in the list of prefects after that year, 
which is extant complete. 

32 



TO HERMOGENES 

you care away I cannot be said to be alive, except in 
so far as 1 am able to read what you have written. 



13 

To Hermogenes, formerly Prefect of Egypt 1 

Suffer me to say, in the language of the poetical 3ci 
rhetoricians, O how little hope had I of safety ! O ber?" 1 " 
how little hope had I of hearing that you had ? TOm 
escaped the three-headed hydra! Zeus be my wit- stanti- 
ness that I do not mean my brother Constantius 2 — n01 ' le 
nay, he was what he was — but the wild beasts who 
surrounded him and cast their baleful eyes on all 
men ; for they made him even harsher than he was 
by nature, though on his own account he was by no 
means of a mild disposition, although he seemed so 
to many. But since he is now one of the blessed 
dead, may the earth lie lightly on him, as the saying 
is ! Nor should I wish, Zeus be my witness, that 
these others should be punished unjustly ; but since 
many accusers are rising up against them, I have 
appointed a court 3 to judge them. Do you, my 
friend, come hither, and hasten, even if it task your 
strength. For, by the gods, 1 have long desired to 
see you, and, now that I have learned to my great 
joy that you are safe and sound, I bid you come. 

2 Cf. for Julian's attitude to Constantius, Misopogon 357b. 

3 The special commission appointed by Julian to try his 
enemies sat at Chalcedon in Dec. 361. Its work is described 
by Ammianus 22. 3; Libanius, Oration 18. 152. Among the 
judges were Mamertinus the rhetorician and Nevitta the 
Goth, who were the Consuls designate for 362, and Sallust. 

33 

VOL. III. D 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

14 

Tlpoaipeaiw 1 

373 Tt Be ov/c ep,eXXov eyco UpoaipeaLov top /caXbv 
D irpoaayopevetv, dvBpa iiracpievra rot? veois Xoyovs, 

wairep ol irorafjiol to?? TreBiois lira^iao-i ra pev- 
fiara, tcai ^rfkovvra, top Uepi/cXea Kara tovs 

374 Xoyou? e^co rod o-vvrapdrreLV zeal ^vy/cv/cav ttjv 
'JLXXdBa ; Oavfid^etv B' ov ^prj tt)V Aa/ccovifcrjv el 
7rpo? <re /3pa%vXoyiap e/LUfirjadfjLrjv. vplv yap 
irpeirei toZ? ao<pOL<; fiaicpovs irdvv teal p,eydXov<; 
Troieladai Xoyovs, rj/Jblv Be dpicel teal ra ftpayka 
7T/)o? vjjlcls. iG0i Brjrd /jlol ttoXXcl iravTayoOev 
kvkXw irpdyfiara eirippelv. ttj? kclOoBov ra? 
clItIccs, el p,ev laroplav ypd-tyeis, 2 d/cpu/BeardTa 

B dirayyeXco croi, Bovs ra? eiriaroXd^ diroBei^ei,^ 
eyypd<f)ov<;' el 8' eyvwrcas rats /neXerai^ teal rols 
yv/nvdafzaaiv el? re'Xo? a^pi yrjpcos irpoaKaprepelv, 
ovBev tV&)? fiov TrjV aMOTrrjV ixefx^rr}. 



15 

401 

B Koiixw? fxev ciiraai rocs ottomtovv vtto tou p,a/ca- 
pirov Kcovaraprlov ire^vyaBevfievoL^ eve/cev r?}? 

1 Hertlein 2. 2 Cobet, ypdtyets MSS. Hertlein. 

3 Hertlein 31. 

1 The Armenian sophist, a Christian, who taught at 
Athens. For his Life see Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists and 
Philosophers, pp. 477-515 (Wright). See Introduction. 

a Aristophanes, Acharnians 681, twe>cvKa. ry]v 'EWdSa. 

34 



TO BISHOP AETIUS 

14 

To Prohaeresius 1 

Why should I not address the excellent Pro- End of 

haeresius, a man who has poured forth his eloquence eJJriy° r 

on the young as rivers pour their floods over the i" 3C2) 

plain ; who rivals Pericles in his discourses, except C on- U 

that he does not agitate and embroil Greece ? 2 rtanti- 

HOT") 16 

But you must not be surprised that I have imitated 
Spartan brevity in writing to you. For though it 
becomes sages like you to compose very long and 
impressive discourses, from me to you even a few 
words are enough. Moreover you must know that 
from all quarters at once I am inundated by affairs. 
As for the causes of my return, 3 if you are going 
to write an historical account I will make a very 
precise report for you, and will hand over to you the 
letters, 4 as written evidence. But if you have re- 
solved to devote your energies to the last, till old 
age, 5 to your rhetorical studies and exercises, you 
will perhaps not reproach me for my silence. 

15 

To Bishop Aetius 6 

I have remitted their sentence of exile for all in 362 Jan. 
common who were banished in whatever fashion by q™™ 
Constantius of blessed memory, on account of the rtantl. 

J nople 

3 i. e. from Gaul, when he marched against the Emperor 
Constantius, in 961. This letter was probably written after 
his triumphal entry into Constantinople on December 11th. 

4 For the correspondence between Julian and Constantius 
cf. Ammianus Marcellinus 20. 8. 5. 

6 Prohaeresius was already in the late eighties. 
6 See Introduction under Aetius. 

35 
d2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

C tcov TaXfkaiwv dirovolas dvfjKa ttjv (pvytfv, aol x 
Be ovk dvijjfjii fiovov, dWd yap Kal iraXaids 
yvooaeoos re /cal avvr\9eia<$ pLep^vrjiievos d(piKea6ai 
TrpoTpeTrco /j,i%pt,<} rj/icov. XPV°~y ^ o^/xaTt, Btj- 
fioaicp nexP L T °v vt paroireBov rod e/xov teal evl 
TTapiTTTrw. 

16 

fdeoBcopcp dpxiepel. 2 

Ae^dfjuevos aov tt)v eirLaroXrjV Tjadrjv fiev, o>? 
el/cos' Tb yap ovk e/xeXXov dvBpa eralpov ep-ol /cal 
(j)i\a)V (piXrarov acov elvai irvvOavofxevos ; ax; Be 
/cal d^eXwv rbv eiriKeijxevov Beajxbv eirrjeiv ivoX- 
Xd/cis, ovk av iyo) 7rapaarrjaai tw Xoycp BvvaLfJurjv, 
t/? Kal ottolos iyevofxrjv' yaXrjvrjs efXTrLirXafievos 
Kal Ov/jLrjBias, wairep eiKova riva rod yevvaiov aov 
Kadopcov rpoirov tt)v iiriarToXrjv i)aira^6fjLr]v' 
virep f}<; rd fiev KaOeKaara ypd<f>eiv fiaKpov av 
etrj Kal irepLTTrj^ laws dBoXeax^ ovk efft>. a 
S' ovv eirrjveaa Biafapovrco*;, ravra elirelv ovk av 
OKVijaatfii' irp&TOV fjuev, on rrjv 3 irapoivlav fjv 
eh u/ia? 4 o tt)? 'EXXdBos 5 rjye/xoDV TreirapQjvrjKev, 
el ye rbv tolovtov rjye/Aova XPV xaXelv dXXci firj 
Tvpavvov, ovttco /3apeco<; 6 r/veyKas, ovBev rjyov- 

1 ao\ Hertlein suggests, ae MSS. 

2 Papadopoulos 3* in Rhcinuches Museum 42. 1887 ; not in 
Hertlein. 

3 rr\v irapotvlav — Nepwv is quoted by Suidas, Musonws ; he 
omits ft ye-rvpavvov. Hertlein, who gives this extract as 
frag. 3, follows Suidas. 

* Tinas MS., ifxas Maas, see Introduction under Theodoras. 
5 Asnms suggests 'EWrjo-irSi'Tov, but this is too violent a 
change. 

36 



TO THE HIGH-PRIEST THEODORUS 

folly of the Galilaeans. 1 But in your case, I not 
only remit your exile, but also, since I am mindful 
of our old acquaintance and intercourse, I invite you 
to come to me. You will use a public conveyance 2 
as far as my headquarters, and one extra horse. 



16 

To the High-priest Theodorus 3 

When I received your letter I was delighted, of 362 Jan. 
course. How could I feel otherwise on learning Jf r 3 |J? 
that my comrade and dearest friend is safe ? And From 
when I had removed the fastening from it and stanti- 
perused it many times, I cannot convey to you in n °P le - 
words my feelings and state of mind. I was filled 
with serenity and felicity and welcomed the letter 
as though I beheld in it an image, so to speak, of 
your noble disposition. To try to answer it point 
by point would take too long and perhaps I could 
not avoid excessive garrulity ; but at any rate I shall 
not hesitate to say what it was that I especially 
approved. In the first place, the fact that the 
insolent behaviour to you of the Governor of Greece, 
if indeed a man of that sort can be called a Governor 
and not a tyrant, did not provoke your resentment, 

1 Julian always scoffed at the disputes of the Arians with 
the various other sects of the Church. 

2 i. e. he was given the privilege of using an official 
carriage, provided by the state. 

8 For the question of the authenticity of this letter see 
Introduction, on Theodorus. 

6 MS. oura BaOews, Weil ovtw aradepws, Hercher, Hertlein 
otiroi Bapews, Papadopoulos otirrw j8a/)eci>s. 

37 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fievos tovtcdv eh o~e yeyovevai. to ye /xr^v rfj 
iroXei /3o7}0e?v erceivr) fiovXeaOai /cal irpoBvpLelodat, 
irepl rjv eiroirjcra) Ta$ BiaTpiftds, evapyes x eari 
(f)i\oa6<fiov yvco/ji7}<; 2 Te/c/jLrjpi,ov' ware jxol Botcel 
to fxev irpoTepov Hcofcpdrei irpocnjiceiv, to BevTepov 
Be, ol/xai, M.ovo-a)VL(p' e/cetvos fiev yap e<f>7), oti 
jjly] Be\xiTov avBpa cnrovBalov 77730? tou twv 
yeipbvodv real ^avXcov /3Xa/3r)vai, 6 Be ewefieXeTo 
Fvdpcov 3 7)viKa^ 4>evyeiv clvtov eVeVaTTe Ne/)&>i>. 
tclvtcl iyco t?}? eTTiaToXrjs t?}? 0-77? eTraiveaas, to 
TpiTOV ovk olBa ovTiva Tpoirov diro8et;opai' 
ypd(f)€i<; yap /ceXevcov arj/nalveiv 6 ti av /jlol irapa 
fieXos irpaTTeiv avTos i) Xeyeiv Bo/cfjs' iyco Be, 
otl fiev irXeov efiavTW vvv rj ao\ tmv tolovtcov 
Belv v7ro\ap,/3dv(o irapaivkaewv, iroXXa, eywv 
elirelv, e\ avOis dva^aXov/nai. to puev ovv aLTt]p,a 
TW)(pv ovBe aol irpoo-yj/cei' irepieaTL 5 ydp aoi 
teal o-%oXi], /cal (j)vaea)^ e^€*9 ev, /cat <f>iXoaocf)Las 
epa<;, elirep ti? aXXos TOiV ircoiroTe. Tpia Be dfia 
TavTa ^vveXOovTa tfp/cecrev diTo$r\vai tov 'Ajul^l- 
ova tt}? TTaXaias pLovaLfcf)? evpeTrjv, %p6vo<;, 

1 ivapyU is omitted by Suidas in his quotation of the 
passage. 

2 tyvxrjs Suidas. 

3 fiapwu Suidas, quoting from a faulty MS. 

4 i]viKa Suidas ; MS. SinqviKa, not Julianic. 

6 7repie<rrt — he6jjL*voi quoted from a more complete text by 
Suidas, Amphion ; given by Hertlein as/rag. I ; rb pXv — 
irpoa-fjKfi omitted by Papadopoulos Y. 

38 



TO THE HIGH-PRIEST THEODORUS 

because you considered that none of these things 
had to do with you. Then again, that you are 
willing and eager to aid that city J in which you 
had spent your time is a clear proof of the philo- 
sophic mind ; so that in my opinion the former 
course is worthy of Socrates, the latter, I should say, 
of Musonius. For Socrates declared 2 that heaven 
would not permit a righteous man to be harmed by 
anyone inferior to him and worthless, while Musonius 
concerned himself with the welfare of Gyara 3 when 
Nero decreed his exile. These two points in your 
letter I approve, but I am at a loss how to take the 
third. For you write to urge me to warn you when- 
ever I think that you yourself do or say anything 
out of tune. For my part I could give you many 
proofs that I believe myself to be more in need than 
you are of such advice at the present time, but I will 
put that off till later. However the request is 
perhaps not even suitable for you to make ; for 
you have abundant leisure, excellent natural gifts, 
and you love philosophy as much as any man who 
ever lived. And these three things combined 
sufficed to make Amphion known as the inventor 
of ancient music, namely, leisure, divine inspiration 

1 We cannot identify this city. Theodorus may have 
improved its water supply, which would give point to the 
allusion to Musonius at Gyara below. 

2 Plato, Apology 30d, Julian, Oration 2. 69b. 

3 The Emperors banished offenders to this barren island, 
one of the Cyclades. For the discovery of water there by 
Musonius see Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 7. 16. The 
Nero of Philostratus is an imaginary dialogue with Musonius 
at Corinth, where he is supposed to have heen set by Nero to 
dig the Corinthian canal ; Julian praises Musonius in Vol. 2, 
To Thcmirfius 265c, d, 

39 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

6eov irvevjia, 1 epcos re 2 vfivcoBta<;' ovSe 3 yap r/ 
T&v opydvcov evSeia 7T/90? ravra rrefyvKev dvri- 
rdrreaOai, dXXa Kal ravra paStco? av 6 rcov 
rpLwv rovrcov [xero^o? e^evpoi. rj yap ov^i 
rovrov avrov a/cof} TrapaBeSeyjieOa ov Ta? 
apfiovias /jlovov, avrrjv Be eV avrals e^evpelv rr)v 
Xvpav, elre Baifiovicorepa ^prjo-dfievov irrivoia, 
elre rivl deia Boaei Bid riva av/n/jba^lav d/i^avov ; 
Kal rcov rraXaicov oi irXelaroi rol<; rpicrl rovroL? 
eoL/caai fidXiara rrpoaa-^6vre<; ovrc rrXao-ro^ 
(piXoo-ocprjaac, ovSevb? dXXov Beofievoi. ^prj ovv 
<T6 irapiaraaOaL Kal Sid rS>v ernaroXcov rd 
irpafcrea Kal rd /mr} irapaivelv ?//u^ 4 irpoOvfiw^' 
opco/xev yap Kal rcov arparevofievcov ov rovs 
elpiqvevovras GvpupLayLas Seo/jLevovs, rov$ irovov- 
fievovs Be, oljxai, rep iroXefico, Kal rcov Kvftepvrjrcov 
ovy^ oi ybi) rrXeovres rov<; rrXeovras rrapaKaXovcriv, 
oi vavriXXofjuevoi Be rovs a^oXrjv ayovras. ovrcos 
it; dp%r}<; BiKaiov ecfcdv)] rovs ax,oXr]v dyovras 
rot? eirl rcov epycov dpuvveiv Kal rrapeardvai Kal 
ro irpa/creov vcprjyeladaL, erreiSdv, olfiai, rd avrd 
TTpeafievcocri. ravra Biavoov/uevov ae irpoa/jKei 
rovO^ oirep dtjiois Trap ijficov eh ae yiveadai, 
Bpdv, Kal el aoi (filXov, ravrl ^vvOoj/ieOa, Xv e^ft) 
fxeVy o ri av puoi (paivTjraL rrepl rwv acov drrdvrcov, 

1 deod Trvev/xa Suidas, Hertlein ; irvevfia 6ewv MSS. The 
former is more Julianic. 

2 re Suidas omits. After ufivadias Suidas gives eight verses 
not found in the MSS. 

8 ov5e — SeSpevoi Suidas quotes ; omitted by Papadopoulos 
MSS. 4 rifxtv Buecheler adds. 

40 



TO THE HIGH-PRIEST THEODORUS 

and a love of minstrelsy. 1 For not even the lack of 
instruments avails to offset these gifts, but one who 
had these three for his portion could easily invent 
instruments also. Indeed, have we not received the 
tradition by hearsay that this very Amphion invented 
not only harmonies, but besides these the lyre itself, 
by employing either an almost godlike intelligence 
or some gift 2 of the gods in a sort of extraordinary 
co-operation with them? And most of the great 
ones of old seem to have attained to genuine philo- 
sophy 3 by setting their hearts on these three things 
above all, and not to have needed anything else. 
Therefore it is you who ought to stand by me and 
in your letters show your willingness to advise me 
what I ought to do and what not. For we observe 
in the case of soldiers that it is not those of them 
who are at peace who need allies, but, I should say, 
those who are hard pressed in war, and in the case 
of pilots those who are not at sea do not call to their 
aid those who are at sea, but those who are navigating 
call on those who are at leisure. Thus it has from 
the very first seemed right that men who are at 
leisure should help and stand by those who are 
occupied with tasks, and should suggest the right 
course of action, that is whenever they represent 
the same interests. It is well, then, that you should 
bear this in mind and act towards me as you think I 
should act towards you, and, if you like, let us make 

1 Possibly an echo of the lost play of Euripides, Amphion 
frag. 192 Nauck ; cf. Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 7. 34, 
for a similar passage. 

2 Apollo son of Zeus is said to have given the lyre to 
Amphion. 

3 An echo of Plato, Sophist 216c and Laws 642c ; cf. Julian, 
Vol. 1, Oration 2. 82b, 92b. 

4i 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

7T/905 (T€ (TTj/jLaiVCD, 1 CTV Be CLvOiS 7T/30? €{jL€ 7T€pl TWV 

e/juwv Xoycov /cat irpd^ewv' tclvttjs yap, olfxai, rr)? 
aiioi(3r)s ovBev av rj/xlv yevocro KaXXiov. eppcofievov 
ae 7] deia irpbvoia Bca^vXdtjac 7roXXol<; %p6voi<; 
dBeXcpe iroOeivoTare. iBoifii ae Bid ra^ecov, o>? 
€V%o/jlcu. 



17 

426 IloWa fiev ku\ dWa aoi fiaprvpel xal ttj? 
iarpi/cfi<; re;^?79 els rd irpoira dvtjfcetv, real r)6ov<$ 
teal €7neLtC€ia<; teal Blov acocfrpoavvijs av/xcJHovcos 

7T/0O? T7)V T6X^V V %X €iV > VVV ^ € 7TpOar)X0€ TO 

B /ce<f>d\aiov rfj? fxaprvpias' ttjv roiv ^ AXe^avBpewv 
ttoXlv diraiv iTTLCTTpefais eh aeavrov' roaovrov 
avrfj /cevrpov wairep fieXiTTa eyrcaTaXeXoiTras. 3 
etVoTO)?* AraXco? yap elpr\aQai /cal 'Ofirjprp Boicel to 

EI? lt]Tpb<; dvrjp ttoXXcjv dvrd^io^ aXXcov. 

av Be ovk larpb<; «7r\ak, dXXa Kal BiBdaKaXos 
Tot? ftovXofAevois t^9 re-ftpf]?, ware a^eBbv o 7r/?o? 
tou? ttoXXovs eiaiv ol larpol, tovto eVetrot? av. 
C Xvei Be aoi rrjv (pvyrjv Kal rj TTpocfraais avrrj, real 
fidXa XafiTTpws. el yap Bid Vecopyiov fieTearyjs 

1 Weil ; MS. ifipevu. 

2 Hertlein 45 ; apx^v T P^ * s added to the title in x- 
y Wyttenlmch, Ka.TaKe\otTas iMSS. Hertlein. 

1 Zeno had been exiled by George, the Arian bishop of 
Alexandria, in 360. He was a friend and correspondent of 

42 



TO ZENO 

this compact, that I am to point out to you what are 
my views concerning all your affairs, and you in 
return are to do the same for me concerning my 
sayings and doings. Nothing, in my opinion, could 
be more valuable for us than this reciprocity. May 
divine Providence keep you in good health for long 
to come, my well-beloved brother ! May I see you 
soon, as I pray to do ! 

17 

To Zeno 1 

There is indeed abundant evidence of other kinds 362 
that you have attained to the first rank in the art of From 
medicine and that your morals, uprightness and tern- c°£- 
perate life are in harmony with your professional skill, nopie 
But now has been added the crowning evidence. 
Though absent, you are winning to your cause the 
whole city of Alexandria. So keen a sting, like a 
bee's, have you left in her. 2 This is natural ; for I 
think that Homer was right when he said " One 
physician is worth many other men." 3 And you are 
not simply a physician, but also a teacher of that art 
for those who desire to learn, so that I might almost 
say that what physicians are as compared with the 
mass of men, you are, compared with other physicians. 
This is the reason for putting an end to your exile, 
and with very great distinction for yourself. For if 
it was owing to George that you were removed 

Libanius. George had been murdered by the mob on 
December 24th, 361. 

2 For this echo of Eupolis, a sophistic commonplace, cf. 
Vol. 1. Oration 1. 33a. 

3 Iliad 11. 51-4 ; in our texts the line begins lnjrpbs yap. 

43 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

•n}? *A\e^avBpeia<;, ov Biteaicos fi€T6crrr]<;, teal 
SiKacorara av oirlaw teaTeXOot,?. kcitiOi, tqLvvv 
iiriTifios teal to irporepov e\wv a^lwfJLa, teal 
tj/jllv koivt) irap apL(f)OT€poi<; %dpi<; diro/eeiadco, 
'AXe^avBpevai fiev Zrjvcova, crol Be diroBovaa ttjv 
'AXegdvBpeiav. 



18 1 



450 .... tovO 1 orrrep vTrdpyei rot? %vXoi<;, ovte atjiov 
B eo~TL vefieiv dvQpanrois ; v7TOfeela0co yap avOpwirov 
lepcdavvris dvTeiXrjepOai tv)(ov ov/e afyov' ov y^prf 
$>eLBeo-0ai fie^pi too-ovtov, fii^pis av eiriyvbvTes 
co? 7rovr)p6<; Igti teal tt}? XetTovpyias avTov 
eipgavTes to TrpoireTO)^ tcro)? irpoaTeOev ovofia 
tov lepecos virevOvvov diroBei^w p.ev vftpet, teal 
teoXdaei teal ^fita ; TavTa el /xev dyvoels, ovBe 
C t&v aXXcov eoL/ea<z elbevai tl twv jieTpicov. eirel 
aol irov fieTeaTiv ifATTetpLas oXcos tcov Btteabcov, 
09 ov/e olaOa tl fiev lepevs, ti Be IBioott)*; ; irov Be 
aoi /JLeTeaTL o-co(j)poavv7]<;, oanrep 2 rJKiaco tovtov, 
(p teal dwtecov e%pf}v e^aviaTaaOat ; b aXo-yio~Tov z 

1 Hertlein 62. The title is lost. 

2 oairep for efrrep Reiske, Hertlein. 

3 b at<rx ia " rov Hertlein suggests ; MSS. , Hertlein -rb 
alffxp^v. 

1 Julian writes as supreme pontiff, to whom a high-priest, 
perhaps Theotlorus, had appealed for protection for a priest 
who had been assaulted. There is no evidence that this 
priest was the Pegasius of Letter 19, as Asmus thinks. 

2 The first part of the letter with the title is lost. 

44 



TO AN OFFICIAL 

from Alexandria, you were removed unjustly, and 
it would be most just that you should return from 
exile. Do you, therefore, return in all honour, and 
in possession of your former dignity. And let the 
favour that I bestow be credited to me by both 
parties in common, since it restores Zeno to the 
Alexandrians and Alexandria to you. 

18 

To an Official 1 

. . . 2 is it not right to pay to human beings 362 
this respect that we feel for things made of wood ? 3 Say™ 
For let us suppose that a man who has obtained the ]_, 2tn 
office of priest is perhaps unworthy of it. Ought con- 
we not to show forbearance until we have actually Jjjjjg 1 ' 
decided that he is wicked, and only then by ex- 
cluding him from his official functions show that it 
was the overhasty bestowal of the title of "priest" 
that was subject to punishment by obloquy and 
chastisement and a fine ? If you do not know this 
you are not likely to have any proper sense at all of 
what is fitting. What experience can you have of 
the rights of men in general if you do not know the 
difference between a priest and a layman ? And 
what sort of self-control can you have when you 
maltreated one at whose approach you ought to 
have risen from your seat? For this is the most 

3 i. e. images of the gods. In Vol. 2, Fragment of a Letter 
297a, Julian says that we must respect priests no less than 
the stones of which altars are made. There are several close 
resemblances between these two pastoral letters. Reiske 
translated t,vkois "trees," i. c. we allow them time to recover 
before cutting them down. 

45 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

diravTcov kcli <toi fidXiaTa firjre irpbs 6eov$ 
/jLijre 777)09 dv6 pcoirovs eypv /caXcbs. ol pev tcqv 
YaXCXaiwv tacos iiriaKoiroL ical irpeaftvTepoi 
(TvytcaOi&vai aoi, real el purj Br)p,ocyia x Be e'/xe, 
D XdOpa /cal ev t<£ olkw' Blol ere Be reTviTTai 6 
lepevs' ov yap av rjXQev eVl ravrrfv 6 Trap' vp.lv 
dp%iepev<; pbh Ala ttjv Bir^aiv. aX~)C €7reiBi] 001 
irefyrjve puvOcoBrj ra Trap 'O pulped, tcov tov AiBvpuaiov 
BeaTroTov xpr)crp,ct)v erraKOvaov, el croc (paveirj 
TrdXai pev epyw vovOeTijcras fcaXcbs toW EiWrjvas, 
vGTepov Be tou? ov 2 aa)(ppovovvTa<; BiBda/ccov rot? 
Xoyois* 

451 r '0o~o~oi e? dprjTr}pa<; aTaaOaXiyai vboio 

^AOavaTcov pe'C.ova drrocficoXia, ical yepdecraiv 
*AvTia ftovXevovcnv dBei<ji6eoiai XoyicrpLols, 
OvfceO* oXrjv I3i6toio BieKTrepoooaiv aTapirov, 
f OaaoL irep puaKapeaaiv eXcofirjcravTO Oeotaiv 
B *Qv Kelvoi OeocreTTTOv eXov OepaTrr^iBa Tipa^v. 

6 puev ovv debs ov tovs TVTTTovTas ovBe tovs v/3p[£- 
ovTas, dXXa tov<; diroaTepovvTaq tcov Tipuwv elvai 
(f>r)ai s deols e%0povs' 6 Be TVirTqaas lepoavXos av 
elrj. eyeb tolvvv, eTreiBjyirep elpu KaTa puev tcl iraTpia 
p,eya<; dp%iepev<;, eXa^ov Be vvv ical tov AiBvpalov 
C Trpo(j)T)T€veiv, dirayopevw aoi Tpets TrepioBow; oe- 

1 Sri/jLoaia Cobet, S-n/xoaius Hertlein, MSS. 

2 ov Cobet adds. 

a For the lacuna after elvai Spanheim suggests (prjeri. 

46 



TO AN OFFICIAL 

disgraceful thing of all, and for it in the eyes of 
gods and men alike you are peculiarly to blame. 
Perhaps the bishops and elders of the Galilaeans sit 
with you, though not in public because of me, yet 
secretly and in the house; and the priest has actually 
been beaten by your order, for otherwise your high- 
priest would not, by Zeus, have come to make this 
appeal. But since what happened in Homer 1 seems 
to you merely mythical, listen to the oracular words 
of the Lord of Didymus, 2 that you may see clearly 
that, even as in bygone days he nobly exhorted the 
Hellenes in very deed, so too in later times he 
admonished the intemperate in these words : u Who- 
soever with reckless mind works wickedness against 
the priests of the deathless gods and plots against 
their honours with plans that fear not the gods, 
never shall he travel life's path to the end, seeing 
that he has sinned against the blessed gods whose 
honour and holy service those priests have in charge." 
Thus, then, the god declares that those who even 
deprive priests of their honours are detested by the 
gods, not to mention those who beat and insult 
them ! But a man who strikes a priest has com- 
mitted sacrilege. Wherefore, since by the laws of 
our fathers I am supreme pontiff, and moreover have 
but now received the function of prophecy from the 
god of Didymus, 3 I forbid you for three revolutions 

1 Probably Julian refers to the wrong done to the priest 
Chryses which was avenged by Apollo in Iliad 1. 

2 Apollo. For this oracle cf. Vol. 2, Fragment of a Letter 
297cd, where it is also quoted. 

3 The oracle of the Didymaean Apollo was at Didyma, 
Miletus, where an inscription on a column in honour of 
.Julian has been discovered; cf. Bulletin dc eorrtBptmdtmet 
hiilcniquc, 1877. 

47 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Xrjvrjs firj roi tcdv eh lepta firjSev evo)(Xelv' el Se 
ev tovto) to) XP° V( P 4><x>vei>Vt d^tos, eTriareikavTos 
fioi tov t% 7ro\ea)? dpxcepeco<;, el 7rapaSe/crb<; 
et?/9 riplvy ecravQis per a tcov Oecov ftovXevaopLai. 
ravT7]p eyco aou rrjs TrpoTrereias eiriTidrjpui ^rjfilav. 
Ta? Se e/c twv Oecov apa$ irakai \xev elcodeaav ol 
iraXaiol Xeyecv (ecu ypdcpeiv, ov firjv ejnocye cfial- 
D vercu /caXcos eyeiv ovSa/iov yap avrol Treiron^Kores 
ol Oeol (palvovrac. koX aXXcos ev%cov elvai See 
Siaicovovs ^a?. odev olfiai kclI avvev^ofiai croi 
iroXXd Xiiraprjaavri tou9 Oeovs dheias rv^elv cov 
eTTXrjjjbpLeXr^aa^. 



19 



Urjydcriov rjfiei? ouiror av irpoarjKapev pqhicos, 
el fir) craepcos eireireiafxeOa, ore /cal irporepov elvai 
Sokcov rcov TaXiXaicov eiricrK ottos ^TrLcrraro o~e- 
fteadai koi jifiav tovs Oeovs. ov/c aicor)V eyco aou 
ravra dirayyeXXco rcov 7T/)o? e^Opav ical cpiXlav 
Xeyeiv elco06rcov, eirel xal ifiol irdvv SiereOpvXrjTO 
to, roiavra irepl avrov, /cal vol fid tou? Oeovs 
o)fjii]V ovrco %prjvat, paaelv avrov &)? ovSeva rcov 
Trovyjpordrcov. eirel be /cXr]9eh eh to aTparoireBov 

1 Hertlein 78 ; first published from Harleianus 5610 by 
Henning in Hermes, 1875. The title is lost. 

1 We do not know the name of this city and cannot identify 
the official who is in disgrace. 

48 



TO A PRIEST 

of the moon to meddle in anything that concerns a 
priest. But if during this period you appear to be 
worthy, and the high-priest of the city x so writes to 
me, I will thereupon take counsel with the gods 
whether you may be received by us once more. 
This is the penalty that I award for your rash con- 
duct. As for curses from the gods, men of old in 
days of old used to utter them and write them, but 
I do not think that this was well done ; for there 
is no evidence at all that the gods themselves devised 
those curses. And besides, we ought to be the 
ministers of prayers, not curses. Therefore I believe 
and join my prayers to yours that after earnest 
supplication to the gods you may obtain pardon for 
your errors. 

19 
To a Priest 2 

1 should never have favoured Pegasius unhesi- 3(52 or 
tatingly if I had not had clear proofs that even in •JJ'jjJj 
former days, when he had the title of Bishop of the 
Galilaeans, he was wise enough to revere and honour 

the gods. This I do not report to you on hearsay 
from men whose words are always adapted to their 
personal dislikes and friendships, for much current 
gossip of this sort about him has reached me, and 
the gods know that I once thought I ought to detest 
him above all other depraved persons. 3 But when I 

2 Asmus is positive that this is the high-priest Theodorus, 
but there is no evidence for this. He dates the letter from 
Constantinople early in 362. Pegasius is otherwise unknown. 

a i. e. Christians, whom Julian often calls Trovqpol, " de- 
praved." 

49 

VOL. III. E 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

vtto tov /la/capiTou Kcovo-tclvtlov TaVTTjV eVo- 
pevofjirjv rr]v 6S6v, airo rrjs TpwdSos opdpov (3a6eo<$ 
SiavaaTas -qXdov eU to "Wlov irepl irXtfOovaav 
dyopdv. 6 8e vir^vrrjae poi l kcu ^ovXofievcp ttjv 
ttoXlv Icrropelv — r\v yap /jloi tovto irpoGy7)p,a tov 
(f)OLrav eh ra lepd — irepirjyrjTrjs re eyevero koX 
e^evdytjae fie iravTayov. a/cove tolvvv epya real 
Xoyovs, dfi oov dv rt? eltcdaeiev ovk dyvco/^ova rd 

7T/30? TOl>9 OeOVS CLVTOV. 

r Hpwov ear iv "E/cto/jo?, ottov yaXicovs earrj/cev 
dvhpids ev vat<r/e<p Ppaj^el. tovto) tov fieyav 
avrearrjo-av 'A%AAea Kara to viraiBpov. el tov 
toitov eOedaa), yvcopi£ei<; BrjirovOev o Xeyco. ttjv 
fiev ovv lo-TopuaVy oV fjv 6 fieyas 'AxiXXev? dvTt- 
TerayfjLevos clvtg) irdv to viratOpov /caTeiXrjcpev, 
e^eaTL gov t&v 7repir}yr)T0)v dicoveiv. iyco Be 
KCLTaXaftodv e/jLirvpow; eTi, puKpov Beco <f>dvai 
Xa/jLirpovs eTL toi>? flcofjiovs /cal Xnrapa)? dXrjXifi- 
fxevrjv ttjv tov "EtfTOyOo? elfcova, 7rpb$ Urjydaiov 
dinBoiV <( Tl TavTa" ; elirov, "^IXieLS Ovovaiv" ; 
dTTOireLpdyfievo^ rjpe/j,a, 7raJ? e^et yvcofir)*;' 6 Be 
" Kat tI tovto citottov, dvBpa dyadov eavTcov 
7roXlTr)v, coanep rjfieh" €<j)rj f " tov<; fidpTvpas, el 
Oepcnrevovaiv^ ; rj /lev ovv el/coov ov% vyirj^' i) Be 
TTpoaipeaL^ ev efcelvois e%ei a%o /xevrj Toh icaipoZs 
do-Teia. ti Br) to fxerd tovto ; " BaoYo-a)yu.ei>," 
ecj}7]v } " eVl to T?J5 'I\ta$o? 'AOrjva? Te/Jbevos" 

1 not Hertlein would add. 

5° 



TO A PRIEST 

was summoned x to his headquarters by Constantius 
of blessed memory I was travelling by this route, 
and after rising at early dawn I came from Troas 
to Ilios about the middle of the morning. Pegasius 
came to meet me, as I wished to explore the city, — 
this was my excuse for visiting the temples, — and 
he was my guide and showed me all the sights. So 
now let me tell you what he did and said, and from 
it one may guess that he was not lacking in right 
sentiments towards the gods. 

Hector has a hero's shrine there and his bronze 
statue stands in a tiny little temple. Opposite this 
they have set up a figure of the great Achilles in the 
unroofed court. If you have seen the spot you will 
certainly recognise my description of it. You can 
learn from the guides the story that accounts for the 
fact that great Achilles was set up opposite to him 
and takes up the whole of the unroofed court. Now I 
found that the altars were still alight, I might almost 
say still blazing, and that the statue of Hector had 
been anointed till it shone. So I looked at Pegasius 
and said: "What does this mean? Do the people 
of Ilios offer sacrifices?" This was to test him 
cautiously to find out his own views. He replied : 
" Is it not natural that they should worship a brave 
man who was their own citizen, just as we worship 
the martyrs ? " Now the analogy was far from 
sound ; but his point of view and intentions were 
those of a man of culture, if you consider the times 
in which we then lived. Observe what followed. 
"Let us go," said he, "to the shrine of Athene of 

1 In the winter of 354, when he was on his way from 
Nicomedia to the court at Milan, after the death of Gallus ; 
tirst he came to Alexandria Troas, and then to New Ilios. 

51 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

o Be kcu [id\a TTpo9vfiG)$ dir^yaye fie Kal dvew^e 
rbv vecov, Kal totnrep paprv pofievos eireBei^e /xot, 
irdvra a/cpi/36o<> acoa ra dyd\p,ara i Kal eirpa^ev 
ovBev tov elcoOacriv ol Bvaae^els eKelvoi irpdrreiv, 

€7rl TOU fJL€rd)7T0V TOV BvCTCreftoVS TO VTTO/uiVrj/ia 

a/ciaypa(jx)vvT€<>, ovBe eavpirrev, tocnrep eKelvoi, 
avrbs KatT eavrbv r) jap oik pa 6eo\oyia Trap 
avrols eari Bvo ravra, avpirreiv re irpbs rov<; 
Baipovas Kal o~Kiaypa$elv eirl rod puertoirov rbv 
aravpov. 

Avo ravra €7rr)yyei\dp,r}v elirelv aor rplrov 
Be eX0bv eirl vovv ovk o2/j,ai %pr)vai aicoirav. 
rjKoXovOrjae pLOi Kal 7rpo? to ' A^iWeiov 6 avros, 
Kal direBei^e rbv rdcpov acoov eireirvcrpi^v Be Kal 
rovrov vir avrov BieaKacpOai. 6 Be Kal jiaKa 
<T€J36{ievo<; avrco 7rpoayei. ravra elBov avros. 
aK7]Koa Be irapa rcov vvv e^Opccs eyovrtov rcpbs 
avrov, on Kal irpoaevyoiro Xddpa Kal irpoaKWoir} 
rbv r 'H\iov. a pa ovk av iBe^co p,e Kal IBicorrjv 
fiaprvpovvra ; t?}? irepl toi>? Oeovs Biadeaetos 
eKaarov rives av elev d^io-mcrrbrepoi fidprvpes 
avrcov rcov Oecov ; rjpieis av lepea Urjydcuov 
eTroiovpbev, el avveyvcoKeipev avrco n irepl tou? 
Oeovs Bvaaeftes ; el Be ev eKeivois roU xpovoi? 
eire Bvvatrreias 6peyop,evo<;, eiO\ oirep 777)0? rjpicis 
ecprj TroWaKis, virep rod acoaai rcov Oecov rd eBrj 
ra paKia ravra irepiapureayero l Kal rrjv doreftetav 

1 irepirj/jLTriax^ ? Hertlein. 
52 



TO A PRIEST 

Ilios." Thereupon with the greatest eagerness he 
led me there and opened the temple, and as though 
he were producing evidence he showed me all the 
statues in perfect preservation, nor did he behave 
at all as those impious men do usually, I mean when 
they make the sign on their impious foreheads, nor 
did he hiss x to himself as they do. For these two 
things are the quintessence of their theology, to hiss 
at demons and make the sign of the cross on their 
foreheads. 

These are the two things that I promised to tell 
you. But a third occurs to me which I think I 
must not fail to mention. This same Pegasius went 
with me to the temple of Achilles as well and 
showed me the tomb in good repair ; yet I had been 
informed that this also had been pulled to pieces 
by him. But he approached it with great reverence ; 
I saw this with my own eyes. And I have heard 
from those who are now his enemies that he also 
used to offer prayers to Helios and worship him 
in secret. Would you not have accepted me as 
a witness even if I had been merely a private 
citizen ? Of each man's attitude towards the gods 
who could be more trustworthy witnesses than the 
gods themselves ? Should I have appointed Pegasius 
a priest if I had any evidence of impiety towards 
the gods on his part? And if in those past days, 
whether because he was ambitious for power, or, as 
he has often asserted to me, he clad himself in those 
rags in order to save the temples of the gods, and 
only pretended to be irreligious so far as the name 

1 Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, pp. 40, 221, discusses the 
practice in magic, and especially in the ritual of Mithras, 
of hissing and whistling. 

53 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

P^XP 1 * ovofiaros vireKplvaTO- irecfujve yap ov&ev 
ovBa/jLOv Twv lepwv r)Bifcr)Koo^ ir\r)v okiywv iravrd- 
Traai Xidcov i/c KaXvfi/jLaro^, 1 I'va avrw aco^etv 
i%f) rd \onrd' tovto ev \6yw iroiovpLeQa ko\ 
ovtc alayyvbixeda ravra irepl avrbv irpdrrovje^ 
oaairep ' Aajofiio? eiroiet teal ol YaXCkaloi Trainee 
irpoo~evypv7ai irddyowa ISelv avrov ; el ti llol 
irpoae^et^, ov tovtov fibvov, dWa teal tovs 
dWovs, o'l /jLerareOeivTai, npLi]cr€i<;, iv ol /aev 
paov vTraKOvacoaiv rj/jutv 67rl rd tcaXa irpo- 
/caXovjjLevois, ol 8' r]TTov yaipwo~iv. el Be tovs 
avTOfidrow; lovras aTreXavvoifiev, ovSels vttclkov- 
aerat paBloo? irapaKaXovaiv, 

20 

 

'lovXiavbs SeoBcoprp dp^iepel. 2 

452 'E/xol 7rpb<; o~e ireTToirjTai irapd tovs aUoii? 
IBiaLrepov eVtcrroXT}? elBos, on aoi real ir\eov 
/xerean t?}? 777)0? epue </u\ta? r\irep olfiai Tot? aX- 
\oi<;' ean yap r\plv 6 reoivbs readrjye/jicov ov /itrepd, 
teal {lepvrjaat, Btfirov. %p6vo<; Be ov (Spa^is ore 
B Biarpiftcov en Kara rrjv eairepav, eireiBrj are \iav 
dpeareeiv eirvQb}xr\v avrw, qbikov evopaora' tcaiTOi 
Boreetv 3 eyov ereelvo /caXco? elwOev e/xol Bid irepir- 
rr)V evXd/Seiav to ov yap eycoye rjvjrja ovBe IBov, teal 

1 For KaraXv/naros MSS. Hertlein suggests kcl\v ixfxaros. 

2 Hertlein 63. Before 0eo5cop^> Hertlein, following He}der, 
brackets Kaicap the reading of Fossianus. 

3 5o/«iV so Capps for a lacuna here ; Spanheim o-v/j.&aivciv. 

1 See Introduction. Those who date this letter early in 
363, following Reiske, regard it as part of the Letter to a 
Priest, Vol. 2, written after the burning of the temple of 

54 



TO THE HIGH-PRIEST THEODORUS 

of the thing went — indeed it is clear that he never 
injured any temple anywhere except for what 
amounted to a few stones, and that was as a blind, 
that he might be able to save the rest — well then 
we are taking this into account and are we not 
ashamed to behave to him as Aphobius did, and as 
the Galilaeans all pray to see him treated ? If you 
care at all for my wishes you will honour not him 
only but any others who are converted, in order 
that they may the more readily heed me when I 
summon them to good works, and those others may 
have less cause to rejoice. But if we drive away 
those who come to us of their own free will, no one 
will be ready to heed when we summon. 

20 
To the High-priest Theodorus 1 
I have written you a more familiar sort of letter 362 
than to the others, because you, I believe, have May 
more friendly feelings than others towards me. For J^^ 
it means much that we had the same guide, 2 and I Con- 
am sure you remember him. A long time ago, when ^^' 
I was still living in the west, 3 I learned that he 
had the highest regard for you, and for that reason 
I counted you my friend, and yet because of their 
excessive caution, I have usually thought these 
words well said, 

" For I never met or saw him " ; 4 

Apollo at Daphne in October 362. It seems more likely that 
that fragment contains the general instructions for priests 
promised by Julian in this letter. 

* Maximus of Ephesus, who had initiated Julian and 
perhaps Theodorus also into the Mysteries of Mithras. 

3 i.e. in Gaul. * Iliad 4. 374 ; Odyssey 4. 200. 

55 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

/eaAco? 1 r)yela6ai %pr) <£t\ta? fiev yvcoaiv, yvcoaeax; 
Be irelpav. aXX' rjv tj?, a>? eoiKev, ovk e'Xa^icrro? 

C 7ra/3' ifiol Xoyo? zeal rod Auto? e$a. Bioirep eyco 
Kal rore ae rot<; yvcopifiois opfirjv Belv eyrcaraXeyeiv, 
Kal vvv €7TiTpe7r(D irpayfia i/JLol /xev (plXov, dvOpco- 
7toj? Be rrdai rravraypv XvaireXeararov. av Be 
el /caXcos, warrep ovv d^iov eXiri^eiv, avrb puera- 
yeipivaio, X0O1 7roWr)v fiev evcppoavvrjv evravOa 
TTape^cov, iXirtBa Be dyaOrjv fiel^ova rr)v eh rb 
fieXXov. ov yap Br) Kal rjfieLS eafiev rcov irerrei,- 

D afievcov ra«? i/ru^a? tfroi irpoairoXXvadai rcov aco- 
fidrcov rj avvairoXXvaOai, rreiOofieQa Be rcov fiev 
dvOpdmcov ovBevi, rocs 6eol<$ Be fiovov, 01)? Br) Kal 
fiaXiara ravra et/eo? elBevai fiovovs, ei ye %pr) 
KaXelv etVo? rb dvayKaiov cos Tot? fiev dvOpconois 
apfio^ei irepl rcov roiovrcov eiKa^eiv, eirlaraadai 
Be avra tou? Oeovs dvdyKi]. 

T& rovro ovv eanv 6 cfrrjfii aoi vvv emrpeiTeiv ; 
apyeiv rcov irepl rr)v ' 'Ao lav iepcov dirdvrcov alpov- 
453 fievco 2 rov<; Ka6* eKdarrjv itoXlv lepea? Kal oltto- 
ve/jLovrc to irpeirov eKaarco. irpeirei Be eirieiKeia 
fiev irpcorov dpyovri xprjarorT]? re eV avrfj Kal 
cf)i\av0pQ)7rla irpbs tou? d%Lov<; avrcov rvyy^dveiv. 
oj? oaris ye dBiKel fiev dvdptbrrovs, dvoaios 6° earl 
7T/30? 6eov<$, Opaavs Be rrpbs rrdvras, $} BtBaKreos 
fierd irappr]Gia^ eariv r) fier efiftpiOeias KoXaareos. 
oaa fiev ovv xph xoivrj avvrd^at, rrepl rcov lepecov 3 

1 Kal Ka\ws Capps ; a>s MSS., Hertlein. 

2 . . . ov^ev « Vossianus ; iirHTKOTrovfjievy Hertlein ; alpov/Afvy 
Cobet. 

8 Hertlein, MSS. Upwv, 

56 



TO THE HIGH-PRIEST THEODORUS 

and well said is " Before we love we must know, and 
before we can know we must test by experience." 
But it seems that after all a certain other saying 
has most weight with me, namely, " The Master has 
spoken." 1 That is why I thought even then that 
I ought to count you among my friends, and now I 
entrust to you a task that is dear to my heart, while 
to all men everywhere it is of the greatest benefit. 
And if, as I have the right to expect, you administer 
the office well, be assured that you will rejoice me 
greatly now and give me still greater good hope for 
the future life. For I certainly am not one of those 
who believe that the soul perishes before the body 
or along with it, nor do I believe any human being 
but only the gods ; since it is likely that they alone 
have the most perfect knowledge of these matters, 
if indeed we ought to use the word u likely " of 
what is inevitably true ; since it is fitting for men 
to conjecture about such matters, but the gods must 
have complete knowledge. 

What then is this office which I say I now entrust 
to you ? It is the government of all the temples in 
Asia, with power to appoint the priests in every city 
and to assign to each what is fitting. Now the 
qualities that befit one in this high office are, in the 
first place, fairness, and next, goodness and bene- 
volence towards those who deserve to be treated 
thus. For any priest who behaves unjustly to his 
fellow men and impiously towards the gods, or is 
overbearing to all, must either be admonished with 
plain speaking or chastised with great severity. As 
for the regulations which I must make more com- 
plete for the guidance of priests in general, you 

1 This Pythagorean phrase is the original of Ipst dixit. 

57 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

airavrwv evreXearepov, avrifca /ndXa avv Tot? ak- 
Xot? elcrei, fiifcpd Be Te&>? inroQeoOai aoi ftovXoficu. 

B Bitcaio<; Be el irelOeaOai /xoi rd rotavra. /cat yap 
ovBe airoa^ehid^ay ra TroXXa twv tolovtcov, &)? 
taaaiv oi Beol iravres, dXXd, elirep T£? aWos, 
ev\aj3r)<; eljJLi /cal ^>evyw rrjv KaivoTOfxiav iv diraai 
fiev, a>? €7T09 elirelv, IBia Be iv to?? 7rpo? rov? 
deovs, ol6p,evo<$ %pr}vaL tovs Trajpiovs e£ dp^rjs 
(pvXdrTeadca vofiovs, ou? on fiev eBoaav oi 6eoi, 
cfyavepov ov yap dv rjaav ovra) icaXol irapa dvOpco- 

C ircov tt7r\co? yevofievoi. avfi/3dv Be avrovs d/xe- 
Xrf6i)vai real BiafyOaprjvaL irXovrov teal rpv(j)r)<; 
eiTLKparr]advTwv, olfiai Belv coairep dfi earia? iiri- 
fieXrjOfjpai tcov toiovtcov. opcov ovv iroXXrjv fiev 
oXiycopiav ovaav rjfiiv irpos toi>? deovs, diraaav 
Be evXd/3eiav rr)V et? Toy? KpeiTTOvas direXijXa- 
fievrjv vtto tj)<z dfcaOdprov ical ^uSata? 1 rpv<^rj(;, del 
fiev a)Bvpdfi7]v eyoi) /car ifiavrbv ra roiavra, toi>? 
fiev rfj 'lovBaicov 2 evaefteias a^oXf) Trpoae^ovra^ 

D ovro) BtaTTvpow;, go? alpelaOau fiev virep avrr)^ 
Odvarov, dve)(eo~6ai ^ rrdaav evBeiav teal Xifiov, 
veicov 07ra)9 fir) yevaaivro fir)Be ttvlktov 3 fii]B' apa 
rov diro6Xij3evTO<i' r)fid<; Be ovrco padv{i(o<; ra 
717)0? tov<; 0eoi)<; Biarceifiivovs, ware eirtXeX^aOaL 
fiev twv irarpLcov, dyvoelv Be Xoiirov, el /cal ird^Orj 

1 Kai xvSaias Hertlein suggests for lacuna ; towttjs Cobet. 

2 tt} 'IovSouW Hertlein suggests for lacuna /xev . . . uv. 
8 . . . rov MS. vviktov Spanheim. 

1 Literally "from the hearth," i.e. from their origin, a 
proverb. 

2 For Julian's tolerant attitude to the Jewish religion, cf. 
To the Jews, p. 177. 

58 



TO THE HIGH-PRIEST THEODORUS 

as well as the others will soon learn them from 
me, but meanwhile I wish to make a few sugges- 
tions to you. You have good reason to obey me 
in such matters. Indeed in such a case I very 
seldom act offhand, as all the gods know, and 
no one could be more circumspect ; and I avoid 
innovations in all things, so to speak, but more 
peculiarly in what concerns the gods. For I hold 
that we ought to observe the laws that we have 
inherited from our forefathers, since it is evident 
that the gods gave them to us. For they would not 
be as perfect as they are if they had been derived 
from mere men. Now since it has come to pass that 
they have been neglected and corrupted, and wealth 
and luxury have become supreme, I think that I 
ought to consider them carefully as though from 
their cradle. 1 Therefore, when I saw that there is 
among us great indifference about the gods and that 
all reverence for the heavenly powers has been 
driven out by impure and vulgar luxury, I always 
secretly lamented this state of things. For I saw 
that those whose minds were turned to the doctrines 
of the Jewish religion 2 are so ardent in their belief 
that they would choose to die for it, and to endure 
utter want and starvation rather than taste pork or 
any animal that has been strangled 3 or had the life 
squeezed out of it ; whereas we are in such a state 
of apathy about religious matters that we have for- 
gotten the customs of our forefathers, and therefore 
we actually do not know whether any such rule has 

3 This is not directly prohibited in the Old Testament, but 
cf. Deuteronomy 12. 23, where it is implied ; and, for the 
New Testament, Acts 15. 29 "That ye abstain from things 
strangled." 

59 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

iraiTTore ri tolovtov. aXX' ovtol jjlIv ev fiepei 
Oeocreftels ovre<;, iTreiirep Oebv 1 ti/jlcocti rbv o>? 2 
454 aXrjdcos ovra Bwarajrarov /cal dyaOcorarov, 6? 
iirLTpOTrevei rbv alorOrjrbv koct/aov, ov ev olB' ore 
real rffiets aWois Oepairevofxev ovojjlclgiv, el/cora 
jjloi BoKovau iroielv, rovs vojulovs fir) Trapaftaivovres, 
e/ceivo Be s fibvov dfiaprdveiv, otl fii] /cal rovs 
aXXoi'? Oeovs, dpea/covres tovtw /ndXtara t<S flea), 
OepairevovaLv, aXX' r)fjuv olovraL tol<? eOveaiv diro- 
B K6K\r]pcoa0ai /ulovols clvtov<;, aka^ovela /3ap/3api/cr} 
7rpo? TavTTjvl ttjv dirbvoiav eirapOevTes' oi Be e/c 
t»)? TaX^Xata? 4 Bvaaej3eia^ waTrep ti voarjfia t<m 
/3l(p rr)v eavrwv . . . 



21 

AvTO/cpdrcop Kalaap 'lovkiavbs Meyicrro? 
2e/3acrT05 * AXe^avBpecov to* Brj/Mp 5 

378 Et fir) rbv 'AXeljavBpov rbv oIkhttt)v vficav /cal 

irpb ye tovtov rbv Oebv rbv fieyav rbv dyicorarov 

D ^dpairiv alBelaOe, rod kolvov yovv v/mcis /cal dvOpco- 

irlvov teal trpeiTOVTOS 7rco9 ov/c elarfkOe X0709 ovBeis; 

TTpoadijaco Be otl 6 koI r)fiwv, oft? oi Oeol Trdvres, ev 

1 Oehv Cobet suggests, hv MSS. 

2 rbv us Cobet suggests riftwcri . . . aW' MSS. oi> vexpbv 
a\\' Heyler suggests. 

3 5e Reiske adds. 4 TaXiXoiwp Hercher. 

6 Hertlein 10. Asmus thinks that before MeytcTo? the 
word 'Apx te P ei ^ s > "high priest," has fallen out; cf. Vol. 2, 
Fragment of a Letter, 298 D. The phrase would then mean 
" Pontifex Maximus." 

6 Hertlein suggests in, 

60 



TO THE PEOPLE OF ALEXANDRIA 

ever been prescribed. But these Jews are in pai 
god-fearing, seeing that they revere a god who is 
truly most powerful and most good and governs this 
world of sense, and, as I well know, is worshipped by 
us also under other names. 1 They act as is right and 
seemly, in my opinion, if they do not transgress the 
laws ; but in this one thing they err in that, while 
reserving their deepest devotion for their own god, 
they do not conciliate the other gods also ; but the 
other gods they think have been allotted to us 
Gentiles only, to such a pitch of folly have they 
been brought by their barbaric conceit. But those 
who belong to the impious sect of the Galilaeans, 
as if some disease . . . 2 



21 

The Emperor Julian Caesar, most Mighty Augustus, 
to the People of Alexandria 3 

If you do not revere the memory of Alexander, 362 
your founder, and yet more than him the great god, Sjjf' 
the most holy Serapis, how is it that you took no Con- 
thought at least for the welfare of your community, Jjjjie" 
for humanity, for decency ? Furthermore, I will add 
that you took no thought for me either, though all 

1 Cf. Against the Galilaeans 354b, where Julian says that 
he always worships the God of Abraham, who is gracious to 
those that do him reverence /j.4yas re &v irdvv Kcii Buuar6^, 
"for he is very great and powerful." 

2 The conclusion of the sentence is lost, and was probably 
deleted by a Christian because of some disrespectful reference 
to Christ. 

8 Quoted entire by Socrates, History of the Church 3. 3 ; 
cited by Sozomen, 5. 7. 9 ; for the murder of Bishop George 
to which it refers, see Introduction, under Athanasius. 

6i 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

7rpwrof? Be o fieya^ HdpaTris dpyeiv eBizealwaav 
t>5? OLKOV/xevT]^' oh irpiirov rjv rrjv virep tcov r)Bi- 
fcrj/coTcov u/xa? cfrvXdtjai Btdyvcdaiv. dXX* opyrj 
tv%6v tVco? vp,ds i^rjTrdrrjae zeal #17x09, ocnrep ovv 
e'lwOe " rd Beivd irpajreLV, rd<; <f)peva<; pLeTOizeLaas" 
o'l rd 1 Trj? op/JLrjs dvao~T6iXavTe<$ Toh irapay^pY]\xa 
379 fteftovXev/jbevois zeaXoos varepov eirrjydyeTe tt)v 
irapavopuiav, ovBe rja^vvOr^re Br)p,o^ 6We? toX/jlt)- 
crai ravrd, e\/>' oh eteeivov? ifiia^aaTe Bizcaicos. 
€L7raT€ ydp jxol irpbs rod ^apdirihos, virep iroiwv 
dSifcq/jLdTcov e^aXeirrjvaTe Tecopyiw ; top jxazeapi- 
TTjv i KcovardvTiov, ipelre Bqirovdev, oil zeaO* vfioiv 
irap(*>%vvev, elra elarjyayev eh rrjv lepdv ttoXlv 
GTpaToiTehov, zeal zcciTeXaftev 6 arpar^yo^ tt}? 

B AlyviTTOv to dyid)TaTov tov Oeov repevos, diroav- 
Xrjaas ezeelOev elzeovas /ecu dvadrj/juara zeal tov ev 
7 oh lepoh k6o-/jlov. v/jlwv Be dyava/erovvTCOV elzeo- 
T<y<? /cai ireiptojjLevwv dfjuvvetv tco Oew, fidXXov Be 
roh tov Oeov KTrj/JLaaiv, 6 Be eToXfirjaev vjmv 
eTTiirep^-ai tou? ottXltcis aBu/ccos zeal Trapavofico^ 
zeal ao-e/3w?, t'cra)? Tecopytov fiaXXov rj tov KwvaTav- 
tiov BeBoL/eoos, 09 clvtov 7rapecf)vXaTT€V, el p.€Tpid>- 
Tepov vjjblv zeal iroXiTizeooTepov, dXXd fir] Tvpavvi- 

C zcooTepov Troppcodev TTpoacpepoiTO. tovtcdv ovv 
evezeev opyi^o/jievot tw deoh e^Opa) Tecopyip ttjv 

1 ol to Hertlein suggests ; ei ra Heyler ; tlra MSS. 

2 Cobet ; /xaKapiwraTov MSS., Hertlein. 

1 Plutarch, On the Restraint of Anycr 453 ; quoted from 
Melanthius the tragic poet ; frag. 1, Nauck. This is the 
only extant fragment of Melanthius and is often quoted. 

2 Artemius, military prefect of Egypt ; he was executed 

62 



TO THE PEOPLE OF ALEXANDRIA 

the gods, and, above all, the great Serapis, judged it 
right that I should rule over the world. The proper 
course was for you to reserve for me the decision 
concerning the offenders. But perhaps your anger 
and rage led you astray, since it often " turns reason 
out of doors and then does terrible things" 1 ; for 
after you had restrained your original impulse, you 
later introduced lawlessness to mar the wise resolu- 
tions which you had at the first adopted, and were 
not ashamed, as a community, to commit the same 
rash acts as those for which you rightly detested 
your adversaries. For tell me, in the name of 
Serapis, what were the crimes for which you were 
incensed against George ? You will doubtless 
answer : He exasperated against you Constantius 
of blessed memory ; then he brought an army into 
the holy city, and the general 2 in command of 
Egypt seized the most sacred shrine of the god and 
stripped it of its statues and offerings and of all the 
ornaments in the temples. And when you were 
justly provoked and tried to succour the god, or 
rather the treasures of the god, 3 Artemius dared to 
send his soldiers against you, unjustly, illegally and 
impiously, perhaps because he was more afraid of 
George than of Constantius ; for the former was 
keeping a close watch on him to prevent his behaving 
to you too moderately and constitutionally, but not 
to prevent his acting far more like a tyrant. Accord- 
ingly you will say it was because you were angered 
for these reasons against George, the enemy of the 

by Julian at the request of the Alexandrians, in the summer 
of 362; Ammianus22. 11. 

3 Serapis ; the Serapeum according to Ammianus 22. 10, 
was, next to the Capitol at Rome, the most splendid temple 
in the world. For this incident see Sozomen 4. 30. 2. 

63 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

lepdv avOis e/jbidvare ttoXiv, e^ov v7ro/3dXXeiv av- 
tov rats tcov Bi/caarayv yjr?](f>ot,<i' ovrco yap eyevero 
av ov (j)6vo$ ovBe irapavofxia to irpay/ia, Biter) Be 
i/jLfAekrjs, vfia<i p,ev aOwov? iravTi) cfyvXarrovaa, 
Tificopoufievr] f±ev x tov aviara BvaaefirjcravTa, aco- 
D (j>povi^ovad Be 2 tol/? aXXovs irdvjas oaoi twv 
Oeeov oXiycopovai ical irpoaen t<z? roiavras TroXeis 
/cal toi>? av6ovvTa<s BtJ/jlovs ev ovBevl TiQevrai, tt)? 
eauTcov Be iroiovvrai irdpepyov Bvvaarelas rrjv 
/car eKeivcov GDfjLorrjra. 

Uapa/3dXXere toivvv ravrrjv \xov tt)v eircaTO- 
Xrjv y /jLLfcpw Trpwrjv eTreareiXa, ical to Bid<f>opov 
tcaTavorjcraTe. irocrovs fiev v/jlwv eiraivovs eypa- 
cf)ov Tore ; vvvl Be fid tovs Oeovs eOeXcov vfids 
eiraivelv ov Bvvafiai Bid rrjv 7rapavofilav. roXfia 
380 Brjfios too-irep ol /cvves Xvkov 3 dvdpwnov airapdr- 
reiv, elra ov/c alayyverai ra? %eLpa$ irpocrdyeiv 
roi? 0eoi<; ai/jLan peovaas. dXXd Vecopyios d£io<; 
rjv rod roiavra iradelv. fcal rovrcov law? eyd> 
(jyairjv dv yeipova ical iriKpoiepa. ical Bl vfids, 
epelre. o-vfic^rj/jn ical avros' wap* v/jlcov Be el 
Xeyocre, tovto ov/ceri auy^copco. vojjloc yap v/xlv 
elcrlv, ol»9 Xph TLfiaaOai /JidXiara /nev vtto irdvrcov 
B IBlq teal rrrepyeaOai. irXrjv eireiBrj av/jL^alvec rwv 
icaff eicaarov rcva? irapavo/xelv, dXXd rd Koivd 
yovv evvofxelaOai %pr) ical ireidap^elv rols vojjlols 

1 Hertlein suggests 8e from correction in margin. 

2 Hertlein suggests re. 

3 Asmus supplies ; cf. Vol. 1, Oration 1. 48c. 

1 On the turbulence of the Alexandrians cf. Ammianus 
22. 11. 4. 

64 



TO THE PEOPLE OF ALEXANDRIA 

gods, that you once more 1 desecrated the holy city, 
when you might have subjected him to the votes of 
the judges. For in that case the affair would not have 
resulted in murder 2 and lawlessness but in a lawsuit 
in due form, which would have kept you wholly free 
from guilt, while it would have punished that 
impious man for his inexpiable crimes, and would 
have checked all others who neglect the gods, and who 
moreover lightly esteem cities like yours and flourish- 
ing communities, since they think that cruel behaviour 
towards these is a perquisite of their own power. 

Now compare this letter of mine with the one 3 that 
I wrote to you a short time ago, and mark the 
difference well. What words of praise for you did I 
write then ! But now, by the gods, though I wish 
to praise you, I cannot, because you have broken the 
law. Your citizens dare to tear a human being in 
pieces as dogs tear a wolf, and then are not ashamed 
to lift to the gods those hands still dripping with 
blood ! But, you will say, George deserved to be 
treated in this fashion. Granted, and I might even 
admit that he deserved even worse and more cruel 
treatment. Yes, you will say, and on your account. 
To this I too agree ; but if you say by your hands, I 
no longer agree. For you have laws which ought 
by all means to be honoured and cherished by you 
all, individually. Sometimes, no doubt, it happens 
that certain persons break one or other of these 
laws ; but nevertheless the state as a whole ought 
to be well governed and you ought to obey the laws 

2 Ammianus 22. 11. 8 describes the murder by the mob 
of Bishop George and two officials of the Emperor Con- 
stantius on December 24th, 361. 

3 This letter is not extant. 

65 

VOL. III. F 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

L»/xa?, Kal /JUT] Trapafiaiveiv oaairep e'f dp%f}s ^ v °- 
/JLLO-07J kclXcos. EvTv^ypa yiyovev vfilv, ctvSpes 
*AXe%av8pei<;, eV i/xov irXrjppLeXrjo-aL tolovto tl 
vp,a<;, o? alSol rfj 777)0? tov debv Kal 8ia tov Oelov 
C tov ip,bv Kal 6p,(iovvp,ov, 09 rjp^ev avrr]<> re Alyv- 

7TT0V /CCti TT}<$ VpL€T€pa<Z 7ToX,66t)?, d8eX<pLKr]V eVVOLCLV 

vpZv airoaco^o). to yap t?)<; e%ovo~ia<$ d/cara^povT)- 
tov Kal to dirr)veo~Tepov Kal fcaOapbv Tr}<> dp%f}<; 
0U7T0T6 dv hr)p,ov irepdBoi ToXpui^pba fir) ov KaOdirep 
voo-qua %aXe7rw TUKporepw StaKaOrjpai (^appuaKw. 
7Tpoo-<f)6p(o 8' iyco vplv Bl do-irep eVay^o? ecfirjv 
aiTia^ to TrpocT7]veaTaTOV, irapalveaiv Kal \0y0u9, 
D v(j) o)v ev 0I8' OTi ireiaeaOe pbdXXov, elirep eare, 
KaOdirep aKOvco, to re dp%aiov r/ EiWrjves Kal tcl 
vvv €tl t?}? evyevelas e/cetV/79 vireaTiv vpuv dfjeo- 
Xoyo? Kal yevvalos ev ttj Btavoia Kal Tot? eTTiTrjBev- 
fxaaiv 6 yapaKTr)p. 

TlpOTeBiJTco tois e/iot9 iroXiTais 'AXegavSpevaiv. 



22 

> 9 q 'ApaaKL(o dp^iepel YdXaTias. 1 

C 'O 'EXX^z^cr/xo? oviTco irpaTTei KaTa Xoyov 

7]pL0)V eV€Ka T(x)V p,€TlOVTCDV aiJTOV TCL ydp T03V 

Oecov Xapurpd Kal fieydXa, KpeuTTova irda^ p.ev 

eu^i}?, Trdar)^ Be eXirlBo^. i'Xecos 8e eaTco Tot? 

D Xoyois fjpcov 'ABpdaTjEia' ttjv ydp ev oXLya* TOiav- 

1 Hertlein 49. This letter is quoted in full by Sozomen 
5. 1G, and is not extunt in any MS. of Julian. 

66 



TO ARSACIUS, HIGH-PRIEST OF GALATIA 

and not transgress those that from the beginning 
were wisely established. 

It is a fortunate thing for you, men of Alexandria, 
that this transgression of yours occurred In my reign, 
since by reason of my reverence for the god and out 
of regard for my uncle l and namesake, who governed 
the whole of Egypt and your city also, I preserve for 
you the affection of a brother. For power that would 
be respected and a really strict and unswerving govern- 
ment would never overlook an outrageous action of 
a people, but would rather purge it away by bitter 
medicine, like a serious disease. But, for the reasons 
I have just mentioned, I administer to you the very 
mildest remedy, namely admonition and arguments, 
by which I am very sure that you will be the more 
convinced if you really are, as I am told, originally 
Greeks, and even to this day there remains in your 
dispositions and habits a notable and honourable 
impress of that illustrious descent. 

Let this be publicly proclaimed to my citizens of 
Alexandria. 

22 

To Arsacius, High -priest of Galatia 

The Hellenic religion does not yet prosper as I 3C2 
desire, and it is the fault of those who profess it ; $JJJ v h £| 
for the worship of the gods is on a splendid and Antioch 
magnificent scale, surpassing every prayer and every 
hope. May Adrasteia 2 pardon my words, for indeed 

1 Julian, Count of the East; of. Misopogon 36oc; he had 
held some high office in Egypt, under Constantius. 

2 The goddess "whom none may escape" is a variant of 
Nemesis, often invoked in a saving clause, cf. To Alypius, 
p. 17. 

6 7 
p 9 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

ttjv real 77]\L/cavTr)v /jLera/3oXr}V ovS' 1 av ev^aadai 
rt? oXiyw irpbrepov eVoX/za. tl ovv r)p,els olofieOa 
tclvtcl aptcelv, ovSe airo^Xeirofiev, ft>? fiaXiara rrjv 
dOeorrjTa <Jvvr}\)%Y]G ev r) irepl tol>? feVof? (j)iXav- 
Opwirla Kal r) irepl rd<; Ta<fid<; rcov veicpoiv irpo- 
firjOeia Kal r) ireirXaa fievr] a€{ivoT7}<; Kara, rbv 
430 /3lov ; wv eicaarov oXojiai yjp*) val ' Tra P Vp&v d\rj- 
6w<; eTnrrjSeveo'Oai. Kal ovk dirbxpr) rb ae fiovov 
elvcu toiovtov, dXXa Trdvras dira^airXo)^ baot 
7repl ttjv YaXariav elalv lepels' ous i) 8uaa)7rr)crov 
rj irelaov elvat airovBaLov^, rj rfj$ UpaTi/crjs Xei- 
rovpyias diroarricrov, el p,rj rrpoaepxoivro p,erd yv- 
vcuicayv Kal iraiBwv Kal Oepairbvrwv to£<? deols, 
B dXXa dveypivro rcov oiKerwv rj vlewv r) rcov yap,e- 
twv dcreftovvrcov fiev et? rovs Oeovs, dOeorrjra Se 
Oeoo-efielas irporipbcovrcov. erreira irapaiveaov lepea 
jjbrjTe dedrpoo rrapaftdXXetv pLr)re ev KairrfkeUp irl- 
veiv rj T€)£vr)$ nvbs Kal ipyacruas al&xpas Kal 
eTToveihiarov irpotaraaOar Kal rovs fiev 7ret6ofie- 
vov<$ Ti/ia, toi>9 &e drreiOovvras etjooOei. gevoSo- 
Keca Ka9' eKaarrjv itoXlv Kardarrjaov irvKvd, Tv 
C diroXavo-waiv ol tjevoi t?}? 7ra// rjpucov (piXavdpoo- 
7rta?, ov rcov r)p,erepcov pibvov, dXXa Kal dXXoyv 
oaris av Ser/Ofj 1 xprjpidrcov. 69ev he eviroprjaeis, 
emvevbr]rai fioi Tea)?. eKaarov yap eviavrov rpta- 
puvpiovs p,ohiov<; Kara iracrav rrjv YaXariav i/ci- 
Xevaa hoOrjvai airov Kal e^aKtap^vplov^ olvov 

1 ivSe-qdfi Hertlein, not necessary. 

1 Julian often calls Christianity " atheism." 

2 In the Fragment of a Letter, Vol. 2, Julian admonishes 
priests to imitate Christian virtues, cf. especially 289-290 ; 
it is the favourite theme of his pastoral letters; for a fuller 

68 



TO ARSACIUS, HIGH-PRIEST OF GALATIA 

no one, a little while ago, would have ventured even 
to pray for a change of such a sort or so complete 
within so short a time. Why, then, do we think 
that this is enough, why do we not observe that it 
is their benevolence to strangers, their care for the 
graves of the dead and the pretended holiness of 
their lives that have done most to increase atheism ? 1 
I believe that we ought really and truly to practise 
every one of these virtues. 2 And it is not enough 
for you alone to practise them, but so must all the 
priests in Galatia, without exception. Either shame \ 
or persuade them into righteousness or else remove 
them from their priestly office, if they do not, 
together with their wives, children and servants, 
attend the worship of the gods but allow their 
servants or sons or wives to show impiety towards 
the gods and honour atheism more than piety. In 
the second place, admonish them that no priest 
may enter a theatre or drink in a tavern or control 
any craft or trade that is base and not respectable. 
Honour those who obey you, but those who disobey, 
expel from office. In every city establish frequent 
hostels in order that strangers may profit by our 
benevolence ; I do not mean for our own people 
only, but for others also who are in need of money. 
I have but now made a plan by which you may be 
well provided for this ; for I have given directions 
that 30,000 modii of corn shall be assigned every 
year for the whole of Galatia, and 60,000 pints 3 of 

account of his attempt to graft Christian discipline on 
paganism, see Gregory Nazianzen, Against Julian, Oration 3, 
ami Sozomen 5. 16. 

8 Modius, "peck," and scxtarius, "pint," are Latin words ; 
cf. use in the Letters of irpifiaTots, privatiSi fipt&ia, brcric, 
aKpiviois, scriniis. 

6 9 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

%eo~Ta<s' &v to fiev irefiTTOv eh rot/? irevqras tovs 
Tot? lepevaiv V7rr)p€TOV/nevov<; dvaXlaKeaOal (prjfjii 
Xprjvai, ra Be aXXa to?<; ffevoi? Kal to?? fieraiTov- 
D a iv eirivepueaOai Trap rj/nwv. ala^pov 'yap, el tcov 
jxev ^lovBaiwv ovBel? /neTaiTec, Tpecjyovai Be oi 
BvaaefteZs TaXtXaloi 77730? rot? eavTcov Kal tov<? 
r)/j,€T€povs, oi Be rj/AeTepoL r^? irap rjjLtojv eiriKOV- 
pias evBeeh (fyalvovTai. BlBaaKe Be Kal avvecorcfre- 
peiv Tovi 'EXXrjvio-Tas eU Ta? TOiavTas XeiTOvpylas 
431 /cal ra? 'EXXrjviKas KGo/ia? airdpyeadai rot? 6eoh 

TCOV KapTTCOV, Kal TOV<? ' EXXr]VlKOV$ Tah TOia\)Tai<$ 

ev7rouai<; irpoaeOu^e, BlBclctkwv avTovs, C09 tovto 
irdXac rjv rj/xeTepov epyov. "O/nrjpos yovv tovto 1 
7re7roi7)K€v Rvfiatov XeyovTa' 

%elv , ov floe 6e/JLL<; eo~T, ovB' el KaKicov creOev 
e\0oi, 
B %elvov dfifirjaar jrpbs yap Ato? elaiv diravTe^ 
felvoi T€ 7TTCOXOL T6. Boat 9 B' oXtyrj Te cplXr) re. 

fit) Br) to, irap r)p,2v dyaOa irapa^iiXovv aXXois 
<rvyx w povvTe<; avTol tt} paOv/xla KaTaivyyvw /xev, 
fiaXXov Be KaTarrpocofxeOa tt)v eh tov9 Oeovs evXd- 
fieiav. el TavTa 7rvdoL/j,r}v eyco ae irpaTTOVTa, 
yu,eo-ro9 evcfrpoavvrj? eaofiai. 
C Tou9 Sjyefiovas oXLyaKis eirl t/}? oIklcl<; opa, tcl 
irXelo~Ta Be avToZs €7rio~TeXXe. elcriovcu Be eh tt)v 
ttoXlv VTravraTco jmrjBels avToh lepecov, dXX\ oTav 
et9 Ta tepa (froiTwcri twv Oe&v, el'aa) twv irpoOvpwv. 
rjyelaOa) Be /jLrjBeh a&Twv ecao) aTpaTt(t)T7)<;, eireaOcd 
Be 6 ftovXo/nevo?' a/na yap eh top ovBbv i]X@e tov 

1 Klimek ; avrb MSS., Hertlein. 
70 



TO ARSACIUS, HIGH-PRIEST OF GALATIA 

wine. I order that one-fifth of this be used for the 
poor who serve the priests, and the remainder be 
distributed by us to strangers and beggars. For it 
is disgraceful that, when no Jew ever has to beg, 
and the impious Galilaeans support not only their 
own poor but ours as well, all men see that our 
people lack aid from us. 1 Teach those of the 
Hellenic faith to contribute to public service of 
this sort, and the Hellenic villages to offer their 
first fruits to the gods ; and accustom those who 
love the Hellenic religion to these good works by 
teaching them that this was our practice of old. 
At any rate Homer makes Eumaeus say : " Stranger, 
it is not lawful for me, not even though a baser 
man than you should come, to dishonour a stranger. 
For from Zeus come all strangers and beggars. And 
a gift, though small, is precious." 2 Then let us not, 
by allowing others to outdo us in good works, dis- 
grace by such remissness, or rather, utterly abandon, 
the reverence due to the gods. If I hear that you 
are carrying out these orders I shall be filled with 

joy- 
As for the government officials, do not interview 

them often at their homes, but write to them 

frequently. And when they enter the city no priest 

must go to meet them, but only meet them within the 

vestibule when they visit the temples of the gods. 

Let no soldier march before them into the temple, but 

any who will may follow them ; for the moment that 

one of them passes over the threshold of the sacred 

1 For a comparison of the charity of the Galilaeans with 
Pagan illiberality, cf. Vol. 2, Misopogon 363a, b. 

2 Odyssey 14. 56 ; cf. Fragment of a Letter 291b, where it is 
quoted in a similar context. 

7i 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

D T€[xevov^ Kal yeyovev IBicorrjs. a/j^et? yap clvtos, 
<i? OLcrOa, tcov evBov, eirel Kal 6 Oelos ravra airai- 

T6L Oea/LLOS. Kal OL fieV 7T€106/JL€VOI KCLTCL d\rj6eidv 

elai Oeocrefiels, ol Be dvTeyo^ievoi rou rvcpov Botjo- 
koitoi Kal KevoBoljoi. 

Ty TLeaacvovvrc (3or)9elv erotyiio? elfii t el ttjv 
jjL7)repa tcov Oecov r l\ecov Karaarrjaovaiv eavrols' 
a/uueXovvres Be avrrjs ovk d/jL€fi7rroc pbbvov, ciXXa, jjlt] 
iTLKpov elireiv, fjirj teal r?}? irap tj/jlcov diroXavcrcoGi 
Bvafieveia^. 
432 ov ycip fioi 6epui<; earl KOfii^e/iev ovcV eXealpeiv 

avepas, oi Ke Oeolcriv airkyditiVT dOavciTOMJiv. 
ireWe rolvvv avrovs, el tt)? irap e/Jiou KrjSefiovlas 
avTe^ovrai, TravBrj/mel rfjs /nrjTpbs tcov Oecov l/ceras 
yevecrOai. 



23 

377 'E/cStfcicp eirdpy^o Alyuirrou 1 

"AXXoi /lev Ilttttcov, ciXXol Be opvecov, ciXXoi Be 2 

378 Oripicov epcoaiv €/jloI Be ftiftXicov /CTtfcrecos eic irai- 
Baplov Beivbs evTerrj/ce ttoOos. aroirov ovv, el 
ravra 7repdBoi/u,i cTcperepicra/jLevov^ avOpomrovs, ol? 
ovk dpKel to y^pvtrlov jnovov diroirXr]aai rbv ttoXvv 
epcora tov ttXovtov, 777909 Be Kal ravra vcfrai- 

1 Hertlein 9. 

2 Doehner suggests ; Hertlein suggests &\\ocy. 

1 This letter was probably written after Julian's visit to 
Pessinus on his way to Antioch. The probable date for his 
arrival at Antioch is the first half of July. 

72 



TO ECDICIUS, PREFECT OF EGYPT 

precinct he becomes a private citizen. For you 
yourself, as you are aware, have authority over what 
is within, since this is the bidding of the divine 
ordinance. Those who obey it are in very truth 
god-fearing, while those who oppose it with arrogance 
are vainglorious and empty-headed. 

1 am ready to assist Pessinus 1 if her people suc-\ 
ceed in winning the favour of the Mother of the 
Gods. But, if they neglect her, they are not only 
not free from blame, but, not to speak harshly, 
let them beware of reaping my enmity also. " For 
it is not lawful for me to cherish or to pity men 
who are the enemies of the immortal gods." 2 
Therefore persuade them, if they claim my 
patronage, that the whole community must become 
suppliants of the Mother of the Gods. 

23 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt 3 

Some men have a passion for horses, others for 362 

birds, others, again, for wild beasts; but I, from Jalmary 

childhood, have been penetrated by a passionate From 

longing 4 to acquire books. It would therefore be Janti- 

absurd if I should suffer these to be appropriated by n °P le 
men whose inordinate desire for wealth gold alone 

2 Odyssey 10. 73 ; Julian alters the original which is said 
by Aeolus to Odysseus : 

ou yap fioi Qtfjus (crl K0/j.i£e/uL€V ouS' airoirefXTreiy 
&i8pa rbu '6s K€ Qtolaiv a.Trex^ 1 T Tai M-aKoipeaaiv. 

3 See Introduction, under Ecdicius. 

4 A proverbial phrase; of. Vol. 1, Oration 4. 130c, Vol. 2, 
Oration 8. 251 d; Plato, Menexenvs 245d. For Julian's love 
of books, Vol. 1, Oration 3. 123d. foil. 

73 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

pelaOat paBloy? Biavoovpevov*;. ravrrjv ovv IBlwti- 
kyjv pot So? tt)V y^dpiv , oVft)? dvevpeOy Trdvra TOb 

B Tecopylou fitftXia. iroXXd puev yap r)v (f)iX6cro<f)a 
Trap* avTW, iroXXd Be prjTOpi/cd, iroXXd Be rjv teal 
tt)? rcbv Bvao-eftcov TaXiXaicov BiBaa/caXla^' a 
/3ov\olp,i]v pev r)<$avia6ai Trdvrrj, rod Be p,r) avv 
tovtols vfycupeOrjvaL rd Xp-qaipLOdTepa, ^rjTelada) 
/cdfcelva per dicpi$eLa<; airavra. rjyepLwv Be t?5? 
tylT7]aecD<z €(ttco aoi ravrrjv 6 vordpio? Tewpyiov, 
o? perd irlarew^ pev dviyyevaas avra yepco? lajw 
revtjopevo? eXevdepias, el B* apwcryeircos yevotro 

C KdKovpyos nrepl to irpdypa, ftaadvcov eh irelpav 
rj^wv. eiriaTapai Be eycb rd Tecopylov fiiftXla, 
/cal el pi) Trdvra, 7roXXd puevTor pbereBco/ce yap pot 
irepl rr)V KairTTaBoKLav ovn 717309 pberaypacprjv 
riva, /cal ravra eXafte ttoXlv. 

24 
0Q0 'KXe^avBpevai Bcdraypa l 

C 'FjXpfjv rbv e^eXaOevra /3a<TiXo/coi<; ttoXXols 
irdvv /cal ttoXXwv avro/cparopcov irpoardypaaiv 

D ev yovv eTTiraypba Trepip,elvai fiacuXi/cov, eW ovrws 
et? rr)v eavrov /canevat, dXXa pr) roXpurj prjB' diro- 
voia xprjadpevov co? ov/c ovcriv evv/3pL%€iv to?? 
vopbois, eirei tol /cal to vvv to?? V aXiXaiois toZ? 

1 Hertlein 26. 



1 Perhaps to be identified with Porphyrins, to whom Julian 
wrote the threatening Letter 38, p. 123. 

2 i.e. when he was interned for six years by Constantius at 

74 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS, AN EDICT 

cannot satiate, and who unscrupulously design to steal 
these also. Do you therefore grant me this per- 
sonal favour, that all the books which belonged to 
George be sought out. For there were in his house 
many on philosophy, and many on rhetoric ; many 
also on the teachings of the impious Galilaeans. 
These latter I should wish to be utterly annihilated, 
but for fear that along with them more useful works 
may be destroyed by mistake, let all these also be 
sought for with the greatest care. Let George's 
secretary 1 take charge of this search for you, and if 
he hunts for them faithfully let him know that he will 
obtain his freedom as a reward, but that if he prove 
in any way whatever dishonest in the business he 
will be put to the test of torture. And I know 
Avhat books George had, many of them, at any 
rate, if not all ; for he lent me some of them to 
copy, when I was in Cappadocia, 2 and these he 
received back. 



24 

To the Alexandrians, an Edict 3 

One who had been banished by so many imperial 362 
decrees issued by many Emperors ought to have £ r ° m 
waited for at least one imperial edict, and then on stanti. 
the strength of that returned to his own country, nople 
and not displayed rashness and folly, and insulted 
the laws as though they did not exist. For we 
have not, even now, granted to the Galilaeans who 

Maccllum in Cappadocia. George was then at Caesarea near 
Macellum. 
3 See Introduction, under Athanasius. 

75 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fyvyaBevOelaiv vtto tov fiafcapLTOV Kcovaravrtov 
ov KaQoBov 66? ra? e/cfcXrjcrLas clvtwv, aXXa tt)v 
eh Ta? irarpihas crvve^wprjaafiev. 'AQavdaiov Be 

7TVV0dvOfiai> TOV TOX/jLTjpOTaTOV VTTO TOV GVVT]QoV^ 

eirapOevTa Opdcrovs avriXaffeaOai tov Xeyofievov 
irap 1 avTols eirio-K o~rrr}<$ dpovov, tovto Be elvai koX 
tu> deoaeftel twv 'AXeijavBpecov Brj/jL(p ov jjieTpiws 
399 drjBes. oOev clvtco irpoayopevofiev dinevai t?}? tto- 
Xecos, ef r)<; av 17/xepa? tcl tPj<; r)p,eTepa<; rj/nepoT)]- 
tos ypd/jL/jLciTa Begrjrai irapa^prjixa- /nevovTi 8' 
avTw tt)? 7ro\eft)? elcrco fie'i^ovs itoXv kcl\ ^aXeirw- 
Tepas TTpoayopevopiev TifAwplas. 



25 

426 ~Evaypi(p x 

%vy/CT7]o~eL&iov puKpov aypwv TeTTapcov BoOev- 



D 



tcdv fJbOL irapa t?}? Ti']dr)<s ev ttj Vadvvla ttj erf} 
BiaOeaei Bwpov BlBco/m, eXaTTov /JLev i) a>crT€ avBpa 
et9 TrepLOvalav ovrjaai tl pueya kcli diro(f>rjvai oX- 
427 fiiov, eypv Be ovBe a>? TravTairacnv dTepiri) ttjv 
Bocuv, el croi tcl icaO'' eKaara irepl clvtov BteXOoi- 
fii. TraL^eiv Be ovBev /ccoXvei 7rpb<z o~e yapiTiov 
yefiovTa Kal evfiovalas. dircpKio-Tai fiev Tr)<; 6a- 

1 Hertlein 46. In the codex found at Chalke, p-qropi is 
added to the title. 

1 Constantius was an Arian and had appointed Bishop 
George of Cappadocia to the see of Alexandria. Athanasius 
was then in exile by the decree of Constantius. 

2 Athanasius had installed himself in his church on 
February 21st, 362. 

76 



TO EVAGRIUS 

were exiled by Constantius x of blessed memory 
to return to their churches, but only to their own 
countries. Yet I learn that the most audacious 
Athanasius, elated by his accustomed insolence, has 
again seized what is called among them the episcopal 
throne, 2 and that this is not a little displeasing to the 
God-fearing citizens 3 of Alexandria. Wherefore we 
publicly warn him to depart from the city forthwith, 
on the very day that he shall receive this letter of 
our clemency. But if he remain within the city, we 
publicly warn him that he will receive a much greater 
and more severe punishment. 4 



25 

To Evagrius 5 

A small estate of four fields, in Bithynia, was given 3G2 
to me by my grandmother, 6 and this I give as an q™ 1 " 
offering to your affection for me. It is too small stanti- 
to bring a man any great benefit on the score of n01> 
wealth or to make him appear opulent, but even so 
it is a gift that cannot wholly fail to please you, as 
you will see if I describe its features to you one by 
one. And there is no reason why I should not write 
in a light vein to you who are so full of the graces 
and amenities of culture. It is situated not more 

3 i.e. the Pagans. 

4 Athanasius withdrew from Alexandria, but not from 
Egypt, in consequence of this edict. For a second edict 
banishing him from Egypt, see p. 151. 

6 For Evagrius see above, p. 25. 

6 Cf. Vol. 2. 290d ; and 251d for his childhood's associ- 
ations with this coast. 

77 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

XttTT?7? (TTa$iov<z ov irXeov et/eocu, teal ovre ejj,Tropo<; 

ovre vavT7)<; evo)(Xel XdXos zeal vftpicrTr)*; tco -^copico. 

B ov fJLrjv acfyyprjTca ra? irapa tov N?7yoe<y? ^dpiTa? 

iravTeXcos, e^et Be l^Ovv irpoa^arov del zeal dairai- 

pOVTCL, KoX €7TL TIVO? dlTO TCOV BcOfiaTCOV ITpoeXOcbV 

yrj\6(j)OV oyjrec rrjv OdXarrav ttjv YlpoirovTiBa zeal 
ra? vrjaovs ttjv re eircovv/jLOV ttoXlv tov yevvaiov 
/3acriXeco<;, ovcpv/eloLS efieaTcos zeal fipvois, ovBe evo- 
^Xovfievo^ V7r6 tcov ifeftaXXopLevcov eh tou? alyia- 
Xovs zeal ra? i/ra^ou? drepircov irdvv zeal ovhe 
ovofid^eiv eiTLTTjheiwv XvjiaTcov, dXX J eVl o-fiLXazeos 

C zeal Ov/jlov zeal 7roa? evco&ovs. rjavyia Be itoXXtj 
/ectTa/eXivo/jL€P(p zeal eU Tt 1 (StfiXiov dcpopcovTi, elra 
BiavairavovTi ttjv otyiv tjSmttov diriBelv et? Ta? 
vavs zeal ttjv OdXarrau. tovto i/iol fietpazeLco 
KOfJuhfj veco OeplBuov eBozeei (fylXTarov e^ei yap zeal 
irriyas ov cpavXas zeal Xovrpov ovze dvacfypoBcTOv 
zeal ktjttov zeal BevBpa. dvrjp 8' cov rjBr) ttjv ira- 
Xacav ezeeivrjv erroOovv BlaiTav, zeal rjXOov iroXXd- 
zeis, zeal yeyovev tj/jllv ov/e e^co Xbycov rj avvoBos. 

D ecrTi 8' ivravOa zeal yecopyias efxi)^ fiizepbv virb- 
fiviifia, cpVTaXua ftpayeia, cpepovaa olvov evcoBrj re 
zeal rjBvv, ovze dvapukvovrd rt irapa tov y^pbvov 
irpoaXafielv. tov Aibvvaov oyjrei zeal tA? Xa/?tra?. 
b ftoTpvs Be eirl t?}? d/inreXov teal iirl tt)<; Xtjvov 
d\i(3bp,evo<; dirb^ev tcov pbBcov, to yXeuzeo<; Be iv 
Tot? irlOois r)B)f veicTapbs eo~Tiv diroppco^ 'O/jbijpco 
428 TTitTTevovTi. tL BrjTa ov ttoXXtj 2 yeyovev oi>8' eirl 
irXedpa irdvv iroXXa rj TOiavTT] afiireXos ; 3 Tvybv 

1 Hertlein suggests ; MSS. tls t6. 

2 Hercher suggests ; iroKv MSS, Hertlein. 

8 Hercher suggests ; toiovtup afj.-irehuv MSS., Hertlein. 

73 



TO EVAGRIUS 

than twenty stades from the sea, so that no trader 
or sailor with his chatter and insolence disturbs the 
place. Yet it is not wholly deprived of the favours 
of Nereus, for it has a constant supply of fish, fresli 
and still gasping ; and if you walk up on to a sort of 
hill away from the house, you will see the sea, the 
Propontis and the islands, and the city that bears 
the name of the noble Emperor ; 1 nor will you have 
to stand meanwhile on seaweed and brambles, or be 
annoyed by the filth that is always thrown out on to 
seabeaches and sands, which is so very unpleasant 
and even unmentionable ; but you will stand on 
smilax and thyme and fragrant herbage. Very peace- 
ful it is to lie down there and glance into some book, 
and then, while resting one's eyes, it is very agree- 
able to gaze at the ships and the sea. When I was 
still hardly more than a boy I thought that this was 
the most delightful summer place, for it has, more- 
over, excellent springs and a charming bath and 
garden and trees. When I had grown to manhood 
I used to long for my old manner of life there and 
visited it often, and our meetings there did not lack 
talks about literature. Moreover there is there, as 
a humble monument of my husbandry, a small vine- 
yard that produces a fragrant, sweet wine, which 
does not have to wait for time to improve its flavour. 
You will have a vision of Dionysus and the Graces. 
The grapes on the vine, and when they are being 
crushed in the press, smell of roses, and the new- 
made wine in the jars is a "rill of nectar," if one 
may trust Homer. 2 Then why is not such a vine as 
this abundant and growing over very many acres ? 



1 Constantinople, named after Constantine. 

2 Odyssey 9. 359 venTap6s £<ttiv airopp^. 



79 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fxev ovBe eya> yecopyb? yeyova irpoOvfio^' dXXa 
irrel epuol V7)(f)dXio<; 6 rod Aiovvcrov Kparrjp teal 
eiri ttoXv t&v vvpcpwv BeiTai, oaov eh ifiavrov teal 
tou? (f)i\ov<i' oXiyov Be iarc to xprjpaToov dvBptov 
7rapeaK6uao-dfir]u. vvv Br) aoi Bcopov, <w faXi] 
B tcecfraXi], BlBcopii, putepbv fiev oirep earl,, yaplev Be 
(j)l\(p irapa (puXov, oltcoOev oltcaBe, Kara top crofibv 
7roLr)Tr)v TlivBapov. tt]V e7riaToXrjv etriavpwv 777)0? 
Xv^vov yeypacfra, ibo~T6, el tl rjpbdpTrjTac, firj 
7TLKpco<; e%€Ta£e /jlt)& co? prjTwp prjTOpa. 



26 

BacrtXe/co 1 

381 H fiev irapoipLia (frrjcrlv Ov iroXepov dyyeXXets, 
iyco Be irpoo-Oeirjv etc ttj<; /eco/zeocHa? *Q %pvcrbv 
dyyeiXas eirayv. Wi ovv epyois clvto Bel^ov, teal 
B airevBe map r)pa<;' deputy yap c/>t\o? irapa tyiXov. 
r) Be irepl tcl irpdypuaTa tcoivrj teal avve^V^ da%oXia 
Bo/cel pev elvai 7r&>? roi? /z/) irdpepyov avTa ttolov- 
glv eirayQu'^i ol Be tt)<; eVt/xeXeta? tcoivwvovvTes 
elaiv eTTieiiceZs, go? epuavTOV ireiOw, teal avveTol teal 
TrdvTWS Itcavol 7rpo? TrdvTa. BiBovgiv ovv poi 
paaToovijv, coo-re e^elvai purjBev bXiywpovvTi teal 
dvairaveaOai' avveapuev yap dXXi'fXois ov ftera 
ttjs avXitcrjS vTTOKpLo-ecos, ??? /JLovrjs olfiaL ae p<ey^pi 

1 Hertlein 12. 

1 i.e. of water. 

2 Olympian Ode 6. 99 ; 7. 5. 

3 For Basil, see Introduction. 

80 



TO BASIL 

Perhaps I was not a very industrious gardener. 
But since my mixing bowl of Dionysus is inclined to 
soberness and calls for a large proportion of the 
nymphs/ I only provided enough for myself and my 
friends — and they are very few. Well then, I now 
give this to you as a present, dear heart, and though 
it be small, as indeed it is, yet it is precious as coming 
from a friend to a friend, " from home, homeward 
bound," in the words of the wise poet Pindar. 2 
I have written this letter in haste, by lamplight, so 
that, if I have made any mistakes, do not criticise 
them severely or as one rhetorician would another. 



26 

To Basil 3 

"Not of war is thy report," 4 says the proverb, Early 
but I would add, from comedy, "O thou whose From" 
words bring tidings of gold ! " 5 Come then, show it JJjJ^j. 
by your deeds and hasten to me, for you will come nopie 
as friend to friend. 6 It is true that continuous 
attention to public business is thought to be a heavy 
burden on men who pursue it with all their energy ; 
but those who share the task of administration with 
me are, I am convinced, honest and reasonable 
men, intelligent and entirely capable for all they 
have to do. So they give me leisure and the 
opportunity of resting without neglecting anything. 
For our intercourse with one another is free from 
that hypocrisy of courts of which alone you have 

* Plato, Phaedrus 242b, Laivs 102d, cf. paroles de paix. 
5 Aristophanes, Plutus 268. 6 Plato, Menexcnus 247b. 

8r 

VOL. III. Q 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

C tov Bevpo TTeireipaaOcu, /caO' fjv iiraivovvTes jjll- 

GOVGl T>]Xl/COVTOV fMCTO^ i)\l/COV Ol/Be TOt>9 TTOXeflMD- 

To-rovs, dXXa fiera t/}? 7rpoar]/cova7j<; dXXrjXois 
eXevdeptas e^eXey^ovTe<; re orav Bey /ecu einTi- 
pLO)VT€s ov/c eXciTTOV tyikovfiev aXXr)Xov<; tcov 
acpoBpa eraipcov evOev e^ecrnv tj/jllv direlr\ Be 
cf)06vo<;' aveipuevois re airovBd^eiv kclX cnrovBd- 
fyvai firj raXaLironpeZcrOai, /caOevBeiv Be dBecos. 
en-el teal eypi]yopoi)<; ov% virep epuavrov puaXXov 

D r) /cal virep tcov aXXcov dirdvTcov, a>? et/co9, 
eyprjyopa. 

TavTa iaco<; /caTrjBoXeo-^rjad gov kcu KareXrj- 
prjaa, iraOoov tl /SXa/cwSe?" eirrjvecra yap ifiavTov 
coGTrep 'AarvBd/ias. dXX' r iva ore ireiGco irpovpyov 
ti fidXXov r)pXv tt)v crrjv irapovGiav are dvBpbs efjb- 
(ppovo? iroirjaeLV tj Trapcuprjaeo-Ocd ti tov tccupov, 

82 TavTa eireGTetXa. GirevBe ovv, oirep efyrjv, Btj/jLoglo) 
XprjardpLevos Bpo/ncp' GwBiaTptyas Be rjpblv e'</>' 
ocrov oroi cbiXov, olirep av OeXys vqj r)p,cov Tre/JLiro- 
p,evo$, a)? TrpoarjKov eaTi, ftaBiel. 



27 
Spa^l 



iv l 



428 BaaiXel piev 7rpbs tcepBos bpoovTi xaXeirbv av 

C {j/jLqov iajdvT] to aiTTjpia, Kal ov/c av co/jdrj Belv Tt]V 

Brjfjbocrlav eviroplav ftXdirTeiv ttj irpos Tivas IBLa 



Hertlein 47. 



1 A proverb derived from Philemon, frag. 190 ; for the 
whole verse, see below, p. 159. 

2 i.e. the cur sus publicus ; cf. To Eustathius, p. 139. 

82 



TO THE THRACIANS 

hitherto, I think, had experience, that hypocrisy 
which leads men to praise one another even while 
they hate with a hatred more deadly than they feel 
for their worst enemies in war. But we, though we 
refute and criticise one another with appropriate 
frankness, whenever it is necessary, love one another 
as much as the most devoted friends. Hence it is 
that I am able — if I may say so without odium — 
to work and yet enjoy relaxation, and when at 
work to be free from strain and sleep securely. For 
when I have kept vigil it was less on my own behalf 
probably than on behalf of all my subjects. 

But perhaps I have been wearying you with my 
chatter and nonsense, displaying stupid conceit, for 
I have praised myself, like Astydamas. 1 However, I 
have despatched this letter to you to convince you 
that your presence, wise man that you are, will be 
serviceable to me rather than any waste of my time. 
Make haste then, as I said, and use the state post. 2 
And when you have stayed with me as long as you 
desire you shall go your way whithersoever you 
please, with an escort furnished by me, as is proper. 

27 

To the Thracians 3 

To an Emperor who had an eye solely to gain, 362 

your request would have appeared hard to grant, J^y™ 

and he would not have thought that he ought to From 

injure the public prosperity by granting a particular ,^°». 

nople 
3 An answer to a petition. For Julian's remission of 
arrears, iWeifiara, Latin reliqua, of taxes at Antioch, of. 
Misopogon, 3(55b. For his popularity with the provincials 
due to this liberality, cf. Ammianus 25. 4. 15. 

83 

o 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

\apni' eirel Be rjpueh ov% o, n irXelara irapd tcov 
VTrrjKocov dOpoi^eiv ireiroiy]p,eQa cfkoitov, aX)C oti 
irXelarcov dyaOwv avToh airioi yiyveaOai, rod to 
Kal bplv diroXvaei ra 6^Xrjp,aTa. diroXvaei Be 

D ov% a7rXw? airavra, dXXa fiepiadr')Geiai to it pay - 
pict, to puev eh i)p,a<;, to Be eh ttjv tcov GTpaTito- 
tcov ypelav, ef ?7? ovk eXd^icrTa Kal avTol Brjirov 
cpepecrde, ttjv elpijvrjv kcu Trjv dacpdXeiav. Toiyap- 
ovv p^eypi pev T//9 TpLTrj? e7TLvep,rjaeco<; d<$>iep,ev 
vplv ttuvtcl, oaa ex tov cpOdvovTO? eXXeiirei %P°~ 
vow p,eTa TavTa Be elcroiaeTe kcltcL to e#o?. vplv 
Te yap tcl dcf>i€p,eva %a/ot? iKavij, Kal r\plv tcov 
429 kolvcov ovk dpieXrjTeov. irepl tovtov Kal rot? 

• eirdpypis eirecrTaXKa, Xv r) "fcapis vplv eh epyov 
TTpo^wprjo-r]. eppcop,evov<; vp,a<; ol deol aco^oiev 
tov diravTa ypovov. 

28 

407 'AveTTiypacpo? virep 'Apyeicov 1 

" 'Tirep tt}? 'Apyelcov 7ToXeco<; iroXXci p,ev av tj? 
elirelv eypi* crepivvveiv avTrjv eOeXcov, iraXaid Kal 
via 7Tpdyp,aTa. tov Te yap TpcoiKov, Kaddirep 

1 Hertlein 35. 

1 Apparently he means that the arrears are remitted down 
to the year 359, but they must pay what is due from that date. 

2 If the date is correct, this was probably a private com- 
munication to the newly-appointed Proconsul of Achaia, 
Praetextatus. Under the Roman dominion, Greek cities to 
settle their disputes had recourse to lawsuits which were 
often long and tedious. Seven years before Julian's accession, 
Corinth had successfully claimed the right to tax Argos. 

84 



ON BEHALF OF THE ARGIVES 

indulgence to any. But since I have not made it 
my aim to collect the greatest possible sums from 
my subjects, but rather to be the source of the 
greatest possible blessings to them, this fact shall for 
you too cancel your debts. Nevertheless it will not 
cancel the whole sum absolutely, but there shall be 
a division of the amount, and part shall be remitted 
to you, part shall be used for the needs of the army ; 
since from it you yourselves assuredly gain no slight 
advantages, namely, peace and security. Accordingly 
I remit for you, down to the third assessment, 1 the 
whole sum that is in arrears for the period preceding. 
But thereafter you will contribute as usual. For the 
amount remitted is sufficient indulgence for you, 
while for my part I must not neglect the public 
interest. Concerning this I have sent orders to the 
prefects also, in order that your indulgence may be 
carried into effect. May the gods keep you prosper- 
ous for all time ! 

28 

On behalf of the Argives ; unaddressed 2 

On behalf of the city of Argos, if one wished to 362 

recount her honours, many are the glorious deeds £™™ 

both old and new that one might relate. For stanti. 

instance, in the achievements of the Trojan War nope 

The money was spent on wild beast shows and similar enter- 
tainments at Corinth. The Argives appealed to Julian for 
a revision of the case, and he now writes to the Proconsul of 
Achaia, leaving the decision to him, but strongly supporting 
the claim of Argos. As this letter is the only evidence for 
the Corinthian exaction or the Argive appeal, we do not 
know the result. Nor can we determine whether Julian is 
writing in 362 or 363. It seems unlikely that the Argives 
appealed to him when he was a student at Athens in 355, 
as gome scholars have maintained, See Introduction. 

85 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

C varepov 'A0r)vcdoi<; ical AaKeBaifioviois rov Tiepai- 
kov, 1 irpoarjKei to irXeov i/celvois epyov. Bo/cel fiev 
yap dficpco icoivf) rrpa^d-fjvai irapa T/79 'EWaSo?* 
cl^lov Be coairep rcov epycov teal T/79 cppovruBos, 
ovtcd Ka\ tcov eiraivcov tov<z rjye/jiovas to irXeov 
ixereyeiv. dXXa ravra fjuev apyala 7ro)? elvai Bo- 

K6L, TCL Be eVt TOUTOIS, TJ T€ ' H pa/cXeiBcbv Ka6oBoS 

kclI a>? rco 7rpetj/3vTciTG) yepa<$ etjrjpeOrj, ij re eh 
D MatceBovas ifceWev airoiKia, real rb AafceBaifio- 
vioi 1 ? ovrco TrXrjcriov irapoiKovvra^ dBovXcorov del 
kcl\ eXevOepav fyvXd^ai rr)v ttoXlv, ov pu/cpas ovBe 
Tfjsi Tvxovo-rjs dvBpela? r\v. dXXa Brj ical ra ro- 
aavra irepl toi>? Ylepaas virb roov M.a/ceB6vcov 
yevofxeva ravrrj irpoarj/ceiv rfj rroXeu Bitcaieos av 
ri<; viroXaftoL' QiXiirirov re yap ical ' AXe^dvBpov 
408 rcov irdvv rcov rrpoyovcov irarph rjv aurrj. r Pco- 
fialoi? be varepov ov% dXovcra fiaXXov rj Kara 
^vfifiax^v v7T7]Kovae, ical coarrep ol/xai fiereixe 
ical avrrj KaOdirep at Xoiiral t/}? eXevOepias teal 
rcov aXXcov Bixaicov, biroaa vefjbovcn rah irepl rrjv 
'EXXdBa iroXecnv ol tcparovvres del. 

KopuvOioi Be vvv avrrjv rrpoo-vepLOjikv^v 2 avroh' 
ovtco yap elirelv evirpeirecrrepov' virb 3 t/J? fiaai- 

1 Duebner suggests ; lacuna Hertlein, MSS. 

2 Hertlein suggests ; MSS. Trpoo-yeuofxevrjv. 

3 Hertlein suggests ; awb MSS. 

1 Temenus the Heraclid received Argos as his share ; his 
descendants were expelled and colonised Macedonia ; cf. 
Julian, Oration 3. 106d ; Herodotus 8. 137. 

86 



ON BEHALF OF THE ARGIVES 

they may claim to have played the chief part even 
as did the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, in later 
times, in the Persian War. For though both wars 
are held to have been waged by all Greece in 
common, yet it is fitting that the leaders, just as 
they had the larger share of toils and anxiety, should 
have also a larger share of the praise. These events, 
however, may seem somewhat antiquated. But 
those that followed, I mean the return of the Hera- 
cleidae, the taking of his birthright from the eldest, 1 
the sending from Argos of the colony to Mace- 
donia, and the fact that, though they were such 
near neighbours to the Lacedaemonians, they always 
preserved their city unenslaved and free, are proofs 
of no slight or common fortitude. But, further- 
more, all those great deeds accomplished by the 
Macedonians against the Persians might with justice 
be considered to belong to this city ; for this was 
the native land of the ancestors of Philip and Alex- 
ander, 2 those illustrious men. And in later days 
Argos obeyed the Romans, not so much because she 
was conquered as in the character of an ally, and, 
as I think, she too, like the other states, shared in 
the independence and the other rights which our 
rulers always bestow on the cities of Greece. 

But now the Corinthians, since Argos has been 
assigned to their territory — for this is the less in- 
vidious way of expressing it — by the sovereign city, 3 

2 Alexander claimed to be an Argive. For the colonisation 
of Macedonia cf. Herodotus 5. 22. 

3 Rome, cf. Oration 4. 131d. Corinth had been made 
a Roman colony by Augustus, and claimed authority over 
certain other cities that were not colonies ; the Roman 
Proconsul regularly resided at Corinth. 

87 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Xevovarjs iroXecos eh fcarciav eirapOevres avvreXeiv 
B avroh avayfcd^ovai, /cal ravT7]<; rjp^av, w? (paai, 
tt}? KaLvorofxia^ e/38o/jLO<; ovtos eviavros, ovre ryv 
Ae\(f>wv ovre rrjv 'HXeloov dreXeiav, 979 rjijicoOrjcrav 
eirl t<w BiaTidevai tovs irapa afyiaiv lepovs dyoovas, 
alBeaOevres. rerrdpcov yap ovtcov, &>? I'd/xev, tcov 
/leytarcov /cal XauirpOTarcov dycovwv ire pi ttjv f E\- 
XdBa, 'HXetoi fiev 'OXv/jltticl, Ae\<f>ol Be Tlvdia, 
teal ra ev 'laOfirp KopLvOcoi, 'Apyeioi Be ttjv tosv 
C Nefiewv avy/cporovai iravrjyvpLV. 7rw? ovv ev\o- 
yov eiceivoLs puev virdpyeiv rrjv dreXeiav rrjv iraXai 
BoOelaav, tou? he eirl roh 6/jloiois Bairavn]\xaaiv 
dfyeOevTa? ird\at, rv)(ov Be ovBe rrjv dp%rjv vira- 
'XOevTas vvv d<prjprjaOai ri]V irpovofiiav rjs r)%Ho- 
drjaav ; 777309 Be tovtol? 'HXeiot fiev /cal AeX<j)ol 
Bid tt)s iroXvOpvXrjTOv ir evraerr) piho$ aired; eirc- 
re\elv elcodacri, Bittcl B" earl Ne/xea. irapa roh 
'Apyeiots, KaOdirep "\a6pua irapa KopivOiocs. ev 
jxevroL rovT(p tw %p6v(p /cal Bvo irpo/ceiviai irapa 
roh *ApyeLoi<$ dywves erepoi roioiBe, ware elvai 
D reaaapas tou? irdvras ev eviavroh recraapai. 7rw? 
ovv etVo? i/ceLvovs p,ev dirpdyp J ova<; elvai \eirovp- 
yovvras aira%, tovtov? Be virdyeaOai /cal irpbs ere- 
pcov cvwrlXeiav eirl T€Tpair\ao~iois roh oIkoi Xei- 
Tovpyyj/jbaatv, aXXcos re ovBe irpb<; 'RXXrjvi/crjv ovBe 
iraXaidv iravrjyvpiv ; ov yap e? yopy]ylav dycovcov 
yvjjLViK&v 7) fiovai/ccov oi KopivOtoi tcov iro\Xa>v 
409 Beovrai ^prj/jbdrcov, eirl Be rd /cvvr/yeaia rd iroX- 

1 i. e. the Corinthians ought to have allowed similar 
immunity to Argos. 

2 One of these festivals was the Heraean games. 



ON BEHALF OF THE ARGIVES 

have grown insolent in ill-doing and are compelling 
the Argives to pay them tribute ; it is seven years, 
as I am told, since they began this innovation, and 
they were not abashed by the immunity of Delphi 
or of the Eleans, 1 which was granted to them so that 
they might administer their sacred games. For 
there are, as we know, four very important and 
splendid games in Greece ; the Eleans celebrate the 
Olympian games, the Delphians the Pythian, the 
Corinthians those at the Isthmus, and the Argives 
the Nemean festival. How then can it be reason- 
able that those others should retain the immunity 
that was granted to them in the past, whereas the 
Argives, who, in consideration of a similar outlay, had 
their tribute remitted in the past, or perhaps were 
not even subject to tribute originally, should now be 
deprived of the privilege of which they were deemed 
worthy ? Moreover, Elis and Delphi are accustomed 
to contribute only once in the course of their far- 
famed four-year cycles, but in that period there 
are two celebrations of the Nemean games among 
the Argives, and likewise of the Isthmian among the , 
Corinthians. And besides, in these days two other 
games 2 of this sort have been established among 
the Argives, so that there are in all in four years 
four games. How then is it reasonable that those 
others who bear the burden of this function only 
once should be left free from the tax, whereas 
the Argives are obliged to contribute to yet other 
games in addition to their fourfold expenditure at 
home ; especially as the contribution is for a festival 
that is neither Hellenic nor of ancient date ? For 
it is not to furnish gymnastic or musical contests 
that the Corinthians need so much money, but they 

8 9 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

\aius ev Toh Oedrpois iirireXov/jbeva ap/crov<; icai 
irapBdXeis dyvovvTai. drap aurol fiev elfcorax; (f>e- 
povcri Bid tov ttXovtov tmv dvaXcofidrcov to pueye- 
60s, a\X(o<; re tcai ttoWwv irokewv, &)? et/co?, 
avToh eh tovto avvaipopevcov, ware mvovvtcli rrjv 
repyjnv tov (ppovrfpuaTO?. 1 'Apyeloi Be xp^pdTwv te 
ex oVTe s evBeeo~T€pov ical ^evi/cfj Oka kcu irap aWoi? 

B einBovXeveiv dvayrca^opievoi 7toj? ovk dBiKa p,ev 
koX irapdvofia, r>}? Be irepl Tt]v ttoXiv dpyaias 
Bvvdfieoos T€ teal Sof?;? dvdtjia irelaovTai, 6Wf? 
7* avToh dcTTvyeiTOves, ou? irpoafjKov r)v dya- 
irdcrOat pudXXov, elirep opdcos e^ei to " ovK dv ftovs 
dTToXotTO, el fir] Bed fca/ciav yetTovcov "• ^Apyeloi 
Be eoLfcaaiv ov% virep evbs iroXvirpaypiovovpevoi 
ftoiBlov TavTd tou? K.opiv0iov<; aLTidaOai, dXX! 
\J7rep iroXXSiv teal peydXwv dvaXcopLaTcov, oh ov 
Bikcl'mds elalv virevOvvoi. 

C KctLTOi Trpbs tov<; K.opiv0Lovs €ik6tq)<; dv Ti? teal 
tovto TTpoaOeirj, iroTepov avToh Bokgl kclXcos e%eiv 
Toh tt}? TraXaids 'EXXdBos eireaOai vo/JLipbois rj 
p,dXXov.oh evayyos Bofcovai irapa tt}? ftaaiXev- 
ovo~7)s irpoaeiXrjtyevaL iroXecos ; el pev yap ttjv 
t(ov jraXaicov vopLip,(ov dyairwai aepvoTijTa, ovk 
'Apyelois pudXXov eh KopivOov rj J£opiv0ioi<; eh 
"Apyos avvTeXelv irpoo~r)Kei' el Be Toh vvv virdp- 

1 &<rre Bidez suggests ; 5j/ Reiske ; wvovvrai — <pp6vr)ixa.Tos 
Hertlein, following Horkel. would delete ; wuovvtcli oZv 
Capps suggests ; uvovfiivoov Keil. 

I follow Heyler in interpreting <pp6vr}fxa as the pleasure- 
90 



ON BEHALF OF THE ARGIVES 

buy bears and panthers for the hunting shows which 
they often exhibit in their theatres. And they 
themselves by reason of their wealth are naturally 
able to support these great expenses, — especially as 
many other cities, as is to be expected, help by con- 
tributing for this purpose, — so that they purchase the 
pleasure of indulging their temperaments. 1 But the 
Argives are not so well off for money, and com- 
pelled as they are to slave for a foreign spectacle 
held in the country of others, will they not be 
suffering unjust and illegal treatment and moreover 
unworthy of the ancient power and renown of their 
city being, as they are, near neighbours of Corinth, 
who therefore ought to be the more kindly treated, 
if indeed the saying is true, " Not so much as an ox 
would perish 2 except through the wrongdoing of 
one's neighbours " ? But it appears that when the 
Argives bring these charges against the Corinthians 
they are not raising a dispute about a single paltry 
ox, but about many heavy expenses to which they 
are not fairly liable. 

And yet one might put this question also to the 
Corinthians, whether they think it right to abide 
by the laws and customs of ancient Greece, or rather 
by those which it seems they recently took over 
from the sovereign city ? For if they respect the 
high authority of ancient laws and customs, it is no 
more fitting for the Argives to pay tribute to Corinth 
than for the Corinthians to pay it to Argos. If, on 

loving "temperament," genius, of the Corinthians. Others 
translate "pride." 

2 A paraphrase of Hesiod, Work* and Days 348, ou5' 
$lv &o?s o.t:6Xoit, (I fiT) ye'iTwv K«K 2>$ fftj ; cf. PlautllS, MctOCUuT 

4. 4. 31. 

91 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

D %acn rfj iroXei, 1 eireihr) tt]v 'Pco/ia'ifcrjv airoiKiav 
ehe^avro, la^vpL^ofxevoi irXeov ex^v d^iovai, irap- 
aiTTjaofieda /leTpia)^ avroi)? pbr) twv irarepwv 
(ppovecv [xel^ov, firjSe oaa /caXco<; e/celvot KpivavTes 
rais irepl tt\v 'EXXdha Ste(f>vXa^ap iroXeaiv eOifxa, 
ravra KajaXvetv zeal /caivoro/ielu eirl f3Xdf3j) real 
Xvfirj twv darvyenovwv, aXXws re teal vecorepa 
Xpcofievovs rfj tyrjtfxp kcu rrjv dirpayfxoavvrjv rod 
\a%ovTo<; virep t?)? 'Apyelwv 7ro\e<y? rrjv hl/ctjv 
elaeXOelv epfiaiov exovra<; r^9 irXeove^ia?. el yap 
i(f)rj/cev e%Q) r^9 EWaSo? awdycov rrjv Sl/ctjv, ol 
410 KopivOioi eXarrov re icryyeiv epueXXov kcli to 81- 
icaiov i^€Ta^6/jb€Vov fcct/ccos cpalvecrOai irpbs tcov 
iruXXwv koX yevvalwv tovtcov avvrjyopcov, vcfi wv 
el/cos eari rbv BiKaaTrjv, irpocrTiOe/xevov teal rod 
Kara r?]V iroXiv dgicopaTOS, BvacoirovpLevov Tavrrjv 
tt)v -yjrrjcj)ov e^eveyicelv. 

'AUa ra fiev virep t?)? iroXews hiicaia koX tcov 

B pijropcov, el fxovov d/coveiv eOeXois zeal Xeyetv avTols 
eiriTpaireir) ttjv hlfcrjv, ef virapx^ irevo-r}, real to 
irapaarav eic twv Xeyofievcov 6p0co<; tcpiOrjaeTai. 
on he XPV Kai T0 ^ T V V Trpeo-fteiav ravrr^v irpoad- 
yovai hi rj/mwv ireiadrjvai, pu/cpa irpoadelvai XPV 
irepl clvtcov. Aioyevr)? \xev roi ical Aafiirpias cj>i- 
Xoo-ocfrovai fiev, etirep tj? aXXos roov kolQ* ?;/-t«9j 

1 Hertlein suggests ; els tV ir6\iv Reiske ; r)]v ir6\iv MSS. 

1 i.e. the present embassy led by Diogenes and Lamprias ; 
see below, 410b. 

2 Julian now addresses the Proconsul directly. If 355 is the 

92 



ON BEHALF OF THE ARGIVES 

the other hand, in reliance on the laws they 
now have, they claim that their city has gained 
advantages since they received the colony from 
Rome, then we will exhort them in moderate lan- 
guage not to be more arrogant than their fathers 
and not to break up the customs which their fathers 
with sound judgment maintained for the cities of 
Greece, or remodel them to the injury and detri- 
ment of their neighbours ; especially since they are 
relying on a recent decision, and, in their avarice, 
regard as a piece of luck the inefficiency of the man 
who was appointed to represent the case of the city 
of Argos. For if he had appealed and taken the 
suit outside of the jurisdiction of Greece, the Corin- 
thians would have had less influence ; their rights, 
would have been shown to be weak, when investigated 
by these numerous and upright advocates, 1 and, 
swayed by these, it is likely that the judge would 
have been awed into giving the proper decision, 
especially as the renown of Argos would also have 
had weight. 

But as for the rights of the case with respect to 
the city you 2 will learn them from the beginning 
from the orators if only you will consent to hear 
them and they are permitted to present their case, 
and then the situation will be correctly judged from 
their arguments. But in order to show that we 
ought to place confidence in those who have come 
on this embassy, I must add a few words concerning 
them. Diogenes and Lamprias 3 are indeed philo- 
sophers equal to any in our time, and they have 

correct date the Proconsul may be the insolent person referred 
to in To Theodoras, p. 37, as having slighted Julian's wishes. 
3 These men are otherwise unknown. 

93 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

t/}? TroXiTeias Be la p,ev evTipua 1 teal KepBaXea 
Biaire^evyaar rfj irarpiBi Be eirapKelv del Kara 
Bvvapiv irpoOvpLOvpevoi, orav rj woXis ev Xpeia 
q fieydXrj yevrjTCUy Tore prjropevova-c Kal iroXiTev- 
ovrat /cal 7rpea/3evovai /ecu Bairavcoaiv etc tcov 
virapxovTcov irpoOvfico^, 6/37049 diroXoyovpbevoL ra 
tyiXoo-ofyias oveiBrj real to Boicelv dxp^TOVS elvai 
Tat? irokeai tovs pieTiovTas (friXocrofyiav yjrevBos 
eXeyXovTes' x?^) Tai l^P avTols r\ re iraTp\s eh 
TavTci, Kal ireipoivrai florjOelv avrrj to BUaiov oV 
rj/jLcbv, rjpuels B' avOus Bid aov. tovto yap recti 
fxovov XeLireTai tols dBiKovpuevois els to acoOrjvai, 
D to Tvyeiv Bikckttov Kplveiv re eOeXovTos /ecu Bvva- 
fievov KaXcos' oiroTepov 2 yap dv airy tovtcov, 
e^airaTrjOevTOS rj KaTawpoBovTOS avrov to Bi/eaiov 
olxeaOai irdvTWS dvdy/erj. a\V eTreiBrj vvv r\plv 
rd pev T(ov Bucaarcov virdpx^ fear ev^d?, Xeyecv 
B' ovk evi pbrj Tore e<j)€VTas, dfyovai tovto TrpcoTov 
avTOis dveOrjvai, /eal pur} ttjv dirpaypoavvrjv tov 
TOTe avvenrovTOS tt} iroXei /eal ttjv Biierjv eirLTpo- 
irevaavTOS aWiav avTrj yeveaQai els tov eireiTa 
alwva [3Xdftr)S TocravTrjs. 
411 "Atottov Be ov XPV vopui^eiv to ttjv Blktjv avOis 
dvdBiKOV iroielv tols pev yap IBiuiTais ^up,(f>epei 
to /epeiTTOv Kal XvaiTeXecrTepov oXiyov irapiBelv, 
ttjv els tov eireiTa xpovov dacpaXetav oovovpbivois' 
ovtos yap avTols oXiyov ftiov, rjBv p,ev Kal to eir 
oXiyov fjavxias diroXavaai, (pofiepbv Be Kal to 

1 Hertlein suggests ; MSS., Hertlein ti>uo/j.a. 

2 8 rt Hertlein suggests for lacuna, cf. ti's for ir6repos 
Caesars 320 C; 6-n Srepov Aldiue. 

94 



ON BEHALF OF THE ARGIVES 

avoided the honours and lucrative offices of the 
state ; but they are ever zealous to serve their 
country to the best of their ability, and whenever 
the city is in any great emergency, then they plead 
causes, assist in the government, go on embassies, 
and spend generously from their own resources. 
Thus by their actions they refute the reproaches 
brought against philosophy, 1 and disprove the com- 
mon opinion that those who pursue philosophy are 
useless to the state. For their country employs 
them for these tasks and they are now endeavouring 
to aid her to obtain justice by my assistance, as I 
in turn by yours. For this is indeed the only hope 
of safety left for the oppressed, that they may 
obtain a judge who has both the will and ability 
to give a fair decision. For if either of these 
qualities be lacking, so that he is either imposed on 
or faithless to his trust, then there is no help for 
it — the right must perish. But now, since we have 
judges who are all that we could wish, and yet are 
not able to plead because they did not appeal at the 
time, they beg that this disability may first of all be 
removed for them, and that the lack of energy of 
the man who at that time was the city's advocate 
and had the suit in charge may not be the cause of 
so great detriment to her for all time to come. 

And we ought not to think it irregular that the 
case should again be brought to trial. For, though 
in the affairs of private persons it is expedient to 
forego a little one's advantage and the more profit- 
able course, and thereby purchase security for the 
future — since in their little life it is pleasant, even 
for a little, to enjoy peace and quiet ; moreover it 

1 Of. Plato, Republic 489a. 

95 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

7rpo? T&v Bi/cacmjpLcov diroXecrOaL Kpivo\xevov, koi 
B ttcuctl irapairep^ai ttjv Blktjv dre\rj' ware klvBv- 
vevei Kpelaaov elvai to koi o-rrwcrouv irpoaXaftelv 
rjpbiav r) irept rod ttclvtos dycovc^6p,evov diroOavelv 
ra<; TroXeis Be aOavaTovs ov<ras el pr) Tt? hiKalws 
Kpivas t^? 7T/30? dXXiqkas (^iXoveiKia^ aTraXXdtei, 
dOdvzrov eyeiv ryv Bvavoiav irdvTWS dvay/calov, 
real to yLtto-o? Be lo~xyp ov T <P XP° V( P KpaTuvoiievov. 
etprjrai,, (f>aalv ol prjTopes, 6 y e/^o? Xoyos, 
Kpivois 6" av avrbs ra Beovra. 



29 

'lovXiavcp 6eiw 1 

Et Ta? era? eTuaroXas eyco irapa (pauXov ttoiov- 
puai, 

ef apa Btj /jlol eireira Oeol (j)peva<; coXecrav avroi. 

tI yap ovfc eveariv ev to?? vols KaXov ; evvoia, 
irians, dXtjOeia, teal to irpo tovtcov, ov %<w/?i9 
ovBev eaTL raXXa, (j)p6vr)o-L<; airacri to£? eavrrj? 
puepeonv, ayyjLvoia, avveaei,, evftovXiq BiaBeitcvv- 
puevr). on Be ovrc dvriypd(j)(o, touto yap koX 
KarepLejuyfrco, o")(oXr]V ou/c ayco, fia tou? Oeovs, teal 
p,r) vofiiar]^ uKKta/jibp elvai /LiTjBe iraiBiav to 
TTpayfia. paprvpopuai tou? XoyLovs Oeovs, on 
ttXtjv t Op.r)pov teal HXdrcovo? ovtc dtcoXovOel pot, 
ttvktlov ovre (piXoaotyov ovre p7]ropi/cbv ovre 
ypapupaTi/cbv ov0* laropia t*? tcov ev /coivr) XP eia ' 
1 Papadopoulos 1 * ; not in Hertlein. 

96 



TO HIS UNCLE JULIAN 

is a terrible thought that one may die while one's 
case is on trial before the courts and hand down 
the lawsuit to one's heirs unsettled, so that it seems 
better to secure the half by any possible means than 
to die while struggling to gain the whole, — cities on 
the other hand do not die, and unless there be 
found someone to give a just decision that will free 
them from their quarrels with one another, they 
must inevitably maintain undying ill-will, and their 
hatred moreover is deep-rooted and gains strength 
with time. 

I have said my say, as the orators express it. You 
must yourselves determine what is proper to do. 

29 

To his Uncle Julian 

If I set small store by your letters, "Then the 362 
gods themselves have destroyed my wits." 1 For p^ 
all the virtues are displayed in them : goodwill, Con- 
loyalty, truth, and what is more than all these, since n0 pie 
without it the rest are nought, wisdom, displayed by 
you in all her several kinds, shrew T dness, intelligence 
and good judgement. You reproached me for not 
answering them, but I have no time, heaven knows, 
and pray do not suppose that this is affectation or 
a jest. The gods of eloquence bear me witness 
that, except for Homer and Plato, I have with me 
not so much as a pamphlet 2 on philosophy, rhetoric, 
or grammar, or any historical work of the sort that is 
in general use. And even these that I have are 

1 Iliad 7. 360. 

2 Lit. " folding tablet ; " the more usual form is irrvKrlov. 

97 

VOL. III. II 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

koI ravra Se aura rot? irepidiiToi^ eouce KaX 
cjjvXaKTypLois' BeSerat yap del. oXiya Xolttov 
/cal evyojiai kclitoi Beofievos, &>? el/co<;, el irep irore 
aXXore /cal vvv evyu>v ttoXXwv irdvv, /cal fieydXwv. 
dXX* dyye 1 TrdvToOev 1 nrepieyp^va rd irpdy- 
fiara, oyjrei Be ictcd*; ical avjos, orav eh ttjv Xvplav 
yevwjxai. 

Tiepl Be o)V eireaTeiXds puoi, irdvTa eiTaivw, 
irdvra Oavfid^co a evvoeh, 2 ovBev eariv diro- 
ftXr/Tov eg ifcelvoov. 3 XoQi ovv otl /cal irdvra 
irpd^co avv Oeoh. 

tou? klovcls tow? Aacf)vaLOv<; Oov irph roiv 
aXXwv tol/? etc ffaaiXeicDV rcov iravrayov Xaffcbv 
aTTOKOjiKTOV, vttq(J7Y)<jov Be eh Ta? i/celvcov 'xcopas 
rous e/c Tcov eWy^o? /caTeiXrj/jL/jLevcov olrcicov el Be 
KatceWev eiriXeiiroiev, oirrrj^ irXivdov /cal tcovea)? 
Tero? 4 e^wOev /jLap/Jiap(oaavTe^ evreXecTTepoi*; XP 7 )' 
ado/jieOa' to Be ocrcov 5 on TroXureXelas earl /cpetrrop 
/cal Toh eu (f>povovacv rjBovrjv ev ftiro /cal rfj xpijcec 
eyov iroXXrjv, avTos olBas. 

1 Weil, TrcLvTore MS. 

2 MS. eV oTs ; a ivvous Weil. 

3 TTavTct. i-KOLivoo — ixelvup Weil regards as quotation from 
the elder Julian's letter. 

4 Capps ; MS. ews, Bticheler deletes. 

5 Asmus, cf. Vol. 2, 213d ; MS. aUiov. 

1 For the use of such amulets in the Mithraic ritual to 
which Asmus here sees an allusion, see Mithrasliturgie, p. 20, 
Dieterich. 

2 Julian left Constantinople soon after May 12th for 
Antiooh, where his uncle then was. 

3 The temple of Apollo at Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, 
which was burned on October 22nd during Julian's visit, 

08 






TO HIS UNCLE JULIAN 

like personal ornaments or amulets, 1 for they are 
always tied fast to me. For the rest I do not even 
offer up many prayers, though naturally I need now 
more than ever to pray very often and very long. 
But I am hemmed in and choked by public business, 
as you will perhaps see for yourself when I arrive in 
Syria. 2 

As for the business mentioned in your letter, I 
approve of everything and admire everything you 
propose, nothing of that must be rejected. Be 
assured, then, that with the aid of the gods I shall 
leave nothing undone. 

First of all set up the pillars of the temple of 
Daphne ; 3 take those that are in any palace anywhere, 
and convey them thence ; then set up in their places 
others taken from the recently occupied houses. 4 
And if there are not enough even from that source, 
let us use cheaper ones meanwhile, of baked brick 
and plaster, casing them with marble, 5 for you are 
well aware that piety is to be preferred to splendour, 
and, when put in practice, secures much pleasure for 
the righteous in this life. Concerning the affair 

had fallen into disrepair in the reign of Constantius, and 
columns had been removed by the Christians; cf. Zonaras 
13. 12, who relates that at Tarsus, on his way to Persia, 
Julian learned that the Christians had robbed the temple of 
Aselepius at Aegae, on the coast, of its columns and used 
them to build a church. Julian ordered the columns to be 
restored to the temple at the expense of the Christians. 

4 Perhaps he means the Christian church dedicated to St. 
Babylas, which his halt-brother Gallus had erected opposite 
the temple. 

5 i.e. a coat of stucco made with marble dust. 

99 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Uepl Be rcov 7rpo? AavpLKtov *■ ovOev olfiat Belv 
eiTLGTeWeLV aoi, ttXtjv tootovtov irapaiva), iraaav 
opyrjv a<£e?, iTrirpeyfrov airavra rfj Bifcrj, ra? a/coa? 
vcf)i^(ov avrov to?? Xoyois fierd 7rdarj<; iriarews 

T>}? 7T/50? TO hlKCLlOV. KaX OV (pTJfll TOVTO, ft)? OVK 

lirayQr] ra irpos ae ypatyevra KaX irXrjprj irdarj^ 
v (3 pews fcal virepoyjria<;, dXXa %pr) (pepeiv dvBpos 
<ydp eariv dyaOov /cal fieyaXoyjrv%ov drcoveiv fiev 
hcikcos, Xeyeiv Be fir) Ka/eo)?. coairep yap ra ftaXXo- 
fieva 7rpb<; tol>? arepeovs teal yevvaiovs toi%ovs 
eiceivois fiev ov nrpoai^dvei, ovBe TrXrjTrei, ovBe 
eyicd0i"iTai, acftoBporepov Be eirl rov<; ftdWovras 
dva/cXarai, ovtco irdaa XoiBopia koX /3Xaa(f)r]fiia 
koX vftpis aBifccx; dvBpbs dyaOov fcaTa^vOeiaa 
Oiyydvei fiev ovBajiws e/ceivov, Tpeirerai Be eirl 
rbv KCLTaxeovTd. ravrd aoi irapaivco, ra Be ef?}? 
earai tt)? fcpiaews. virep Be icov ificov eiriaroXcov 
a? <jyrjai ae Xafiovra nap* ifiov Brjfioaievaai, 
yeXoiov elvai pot (f>aiveTai tyepeiv et? Kpiaiv ovOev 
yap eyco, /id toi>? Oeovs, 7rpo? ae irdnroje yeypa<f>a 
ovre 7rpo? dXXov avOpayirov ovBeva, b fir) Brjfioaia 
tois irdai irpOKeloOai flovXofiar Tt? yap daeXyeia, 
Tt? vftpis, Tt? 7rpo7rr)\afao-fi6<>, ti? XoiBopla, Tt? 
ala)(poppr)fioavvr) Tat? e/iaZ? iiriaroXais eveypd(f)r] 
Trore ; o? ye, fcal el irp6<$ riva rpa^vrepov etyov, 2 
BiBovarjs fioi t>}? vTroOeaews coairep ef a/xaf^? 

1 AavpaKiov ]\IS. , AavpiKiov Geffcken, to identify him with 
the correspondent of Libanius. 

2 ]>ucheler; MS. et KaL — %%^v ; Kaiirep — %x^v Papadopoulos 
suggests. 



1 Possibly to be identified with Bassidius Lauricius, 
governor of the province of Isauria in 359, a Christian 



TO HIS UNCLE JULIAN 

of Lauricius, 1 I do not think I need write you any 
instructions; but I give you just this word of advice: 
renounce all feeling of anger, trust all to justice, 
submitting your ears to his words with complete 
confidence in the right. Yet I do not deny that 
what he wrote to you was annoying and full of every 
kind of insolence and arrogance ; but you must put 
up with it. For it becomes a good and great-soul ed 
man to make no counter charge when he is maligned. 
For, just as missiles that are hurled against hard, 
well-built walls, do not settle on them, or penetrate 
them, or stay where they strike, but rebound with 
increased force against the hand that throws them, 
just so every aspersion directed against an upright 
man, slander, calumny, or unmerited insolence, 
touches him not at all, but recoils on the head of 
him who made the aspersion. This is my advice to 
you, but the sequel will be for the law to decide. 
With regard, however, to the letters which he asserts 
you made public after receiving them from me, it 
seems to me ridiculous to bring them into court. 
For I call the gods to witness, I have never written 
to you or any other man a word that I am not willing 
to publish for all to see. - Have I ever in my letters 
employed brutality or insolence, or abuse or slander, 
or said anything for which I need to blush ? On the 
contrary, even when I have felt resentment against 
someone and my subject gave me a chance to use 
ribald language like a woman from a cart, 2 the sort 

correspondent of Libanius ; Ammianus 19. 13.2; Libanius, 
Letter 585, Foerster. The little that we know about Lauricius 
gives no clue to what follows. 

2 A proverbial reference to the scurrilous language per- 
mitted to the women who rode in wagons in the Eleusinian 
processions ; cf. Aristophanes, Flatus 101-4. 

IOI 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

elirelv, ola tyevBcos iirl rod Av/cdpf3ov 1 'Ap^l- 
\o%o<;, aepvoTepov aura 2 kol acocfypovearepov 
i(f>0ey^dprjv i] ri<; 3 lepdv viroOeaiv peTrjei. el 
Be T77? vTrapypv(TT}<$ r)plv 77730? d\\?J\oy? evvolas 
epfyaaiv elye ra ypdppaTa, tovto eyco \av9 dveiv 
r)(3ov\6pr)v rj aTTOKpvinecrOat ; 4 Bid rl ; pdprvpas 
e^co tou? Oeovs iravra^ re kol irdaas, OTi, /cal 
ocra pot Trpo<$ ttjv yapeTrjv, ov/c dv r))^6eo-0rjv, el 77? 
eBrjpoaievaev oi/tco? r)v iravra o~G)(f)poo~vvr}<; 7r\rjprj. 
el be, a irpbs rbv epavrov Oelov eTreareika, ravra 
teal dXXos tj? dveyvco kcli Bevrepos, 6 Triicpods 
oi/tco? dviyyevaas avrd BitccuoTepav dv virbayoi 
pep^Jnv rj 6 ypdijfas iyco rj cv rj kcu, dWos dva- 
yvovs. irXrjv aWa tovto avyyoopei teal prj 
TapctTTeTG) ae, aKoirei he i/celvo povov irovijpos 
ecTTL Aavplrcio<;, vire^eXOe yevvaLw avTov. el Be 
ernei/cr]? real p&Tpios eaTi, teal qpapTe irepl ae, 
So? avTU) avyyvdyprjv tov<$ yap dya6ov$ Br/poala, 
kclv IBlq irepl r)pa<; ov Ka6i]KovTe<; yevcovTai, 
cf)i\eLV XPV' tol/9 7rovr)pov<; Be ev tols koivols, kclv 
rjplv Keyapicrpevoi Bid %et/30? eyeiv, ov piaeiv ovBe 
e/cTpeTreaOal c/>?7/u, cf>v\aKr/v Be 7rpo/3€/3Xr)o-0aL 5 
Tiva, 07ra>? prj \i]o-q)o-l KciKovpyovvTes, el Be 
Bva(f)v\atcTOi \iav elev, \pr)a6ai 77730? ixifBev clvtoIs. 
virep ov yeypacfras kol auTo?, oti OpvXovpevos iirl 
irovrjpla Tt]V laTpiicrjv viroKpiveiai, e/c\i]6r) pev 
Trap 1 rjpcov co? o-rrovBalos, rrplv Be et? oyjriv eX0elv 

1 Weil, MS. AavtaiciSov. 

2 Bides, MS. aW6v. 

8 Bidez, fj tis Weil, us fZY<9 Papadopoulos. . . elris MS. 
1 ; Weil adds ; PftpadopoalOfl inserts ^ before Aavddveiv. 
6 liuehelor ; MS. ■npoPtfS\T)<r6. 

102 



TO HIS UNCLE JULIAN 

of libels that Archilochus launched against Lycambes, 1 
I have always expressed myself with more dignity 
and reserve than one observes even on a sacred sub- 
ject. And if my letters did give emphatic proof of 
the kindly feeling that you and I have towards one 
another, did I wish this to be unknown or concealed ? 
For what purpose ? I call all the gods and goddesses 
to witness that I should not have resented it, even if 
someone had published abroad all that I ever wrote 
to my wife, so temperate was it in every respect. 
And if this or that person has read what I wrote to 
my own uncle, it would be fairer to blame the man who 
ferreted it out with such malevolence, rather than 
me, the writer, or you, or any other who read it. 
Nevertheless, concede this to me, do not let it disturb 
your peace of mind, only look at the matter thus — if 
Lauricius is really dishonest get rid of him in a dig- 
nified way. But if he is a well-meaning person of 
average honesty, and has treated you badly, forgive 
him. For when men are honest in public life we 
must be on good terms with them, even though they 
do not behave properly to us in their private capacity. 
On the other hand, when men are dishonest in public 
affairs, even though they have won our favour, we 
must keep them under control ; I do not mean that 
we must hate or avoid them, but keep careful watch 
on them, so that we may not fail to detect them 
when they misbehave, though if they are too hard to 
control in this way, we must not employ them at all. 
As for what you, as well as others, have written, that 
though notorious for bad conduct he masquerades as 
a physician, I did send for him, thinking that he was 
trustworthy, but before he had an interview with me 

1 Cf. Horace, Epode 6. 13. 

i°3 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

(fraypaOels oo~ti<s rjv, fiaWov Be Karafirjvvdei^' to 
Be vtto twos avTos evTV)((ov cppdaa) aoi' /carecppo- 
vrjOrj' aoi Be zeal virep tovtov x^P lv °^Ba. 

Teop alrrjOevrcov dypwv eireiBrjTrep e<pdr}v eiceivovs 
BcBcokcos' elai Be /jloi /xdprvpes ofioyvioi teal cf>iXioi 1 
Oeoi' Bcoaco jiaKpfo XvaireXearepov;, alaOrjarj Be 
koX avros. 

30 

'lovXiavb? ^?CkiiriT(p 2 

'E70J vr) tovs deovs en tcaiaap wv eireareiXd 
aoi, /ecu vofJLi^co irXeov rj aira^. wpfirjaa fievToi 
TroWdfCLS, a\V i/ccoXvaav aXXore dXXai irpo^d- 
aeis, elra r) yevofievq Bed rrjv dvdpprjaiv epioi re 
kcu rCo p,a/capiTr) KoyvaravTiw Xv/co<f)iXia' iravTa- 
iraai yap e<pv\arT6fMr]v virep ra? "AXireis eiriarel- 
Xai rivi, fir) TTpay/xdrcov avrco ^aXeirodv alrios 
yevcofiai. reicfxrjpiov Be fioi 3 iroiov rrjs evvoias 
to fir] ypdcpeiv ov yap eOeXei iroXXdtcis 6p,oXoyelv 
r) yXcorra Trj Biavoia. /cal laws e^ei fiev ti irpbs 
to yavpidv ical dXa^oveveaOai rols IBicorais r) 
roiv j3aaiXiK(av eiriaToXwv eTriBeifys, orav irpbs 
roi/9 davvr]6eis, wairep Ba/crvXioi rives vtto twv 
direipo/cdXcov <j)ep6fievoi, KOfii^covrai. fyiXia Be 

1 <p(\ot MS. , <pi\ioi Weil. 2 Hertlein 68. 

3 fioi iroiov, tovto — ypdcpeiv MSS.; yu^ — ypd<peiv Reiske, Hert- 
lein ; fioi — fj.^ ypdtyeiv Cobet. 

1 Schwarz wrongly suspects this letter on stylistic grounds. 
Philip was perhaps the Cappadocian to whom Libanius wrote 
several extant letters, e.g. Letter 1190. For his zeal in aiding 

104 



TO PHILIP 

 

his true character was detected, or rather he was 
denounced to me — when I meet you I will tell you 
by whom — and he was treated with contempt. For 
this too I have to thank you. 

Instead of the estates that you asked for, since I 
have already given those away — I call to witness the 
gods of our family and of friendship — I will give 
you some that pay far better, as you shall yourself 
discover. 

30 

To Philip 1 
I call the gods to witness that, when I was still 362 
Caesar I wrote to you, and I think it was more than prom g 
once. However, I started to do so many times, but Con - . 
there were reasons that prevented me, now of one nopie 
kind, now another, and then followed that wolf's 
friendship that arose between myself and Constantius 
of blessed memory, in consequence of the proclama- 
tion. 2 I was exceedingly careful not to write to 
anyone beyond the Alps for fear of getting him into 
serious trouble. So consider the fact that I did not 
write a proof of my goodwill. For it is often impractic- 
able to make one's language harmonise with one's 
real sentiments. Then, too, letters from the Emperor 
to private persons might well lead to their display 
for bragging and making false pretences when they 
come into the hands of persons with no sense of pro- 
priety, who carry them about like seal-rings and 
show them to the inexperienced. Nay, genuine 

Julian to restore paganism he suffered persecution after the 
Emperor's death. 

1 i.e. of himself as Augustus by the army in Caul, early in 
360; cf. Vol. 2, Letter to the Athenians 283-286; he was 
Caesar 355-360. 

io5 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

dXrjOivrj ylveTai fidXio-Ta fxev BC o/aolottjtos, rj 
BevTepa Be, orav Ti<? dXr)9co<;, dXXa /nrj TrXaarco^ 
Oav/idtrj, /cal irapa rod tvxv tal cvveaei KpeiT- 
tovos 6 irpaos /cal /jLerpLos /cal ardocfrpcov dycon-jOf}. 
ra ypa/ji/jLarela Be ravra ttoXXov tikjxdv /cal 
7roXXf;9 cf)\vapia<; earl fieard, /cal eycoye nroXXd/cis 
efiavTO) fie/jb(f)o/JLaL /narcporepa Troiovpbevos avrd 
/cal \a\i(TTepos cov, e%ov UvOayopeiov BtBdaiceiv 
ttjv yXcjTrav. 

'TTreBe^d/iTjv fievroi ra avfi/3o\a, cpidXrjv dpyv- 
pdv, eX/covaav fxiav p,vdv, /cal ^pvaov vopna/ia. 
icaXeaai Be ae irpos epuavTov, toairep eweareiXa^, 
efiovXn/jLrjv. r)Br] Be eap virocfxiLPeL /cal ra BevBpa 
/3Xaardvei, xeXiBoves Be oaov ovttco TrpoaBoKco- 
fievai tou? auarparevojuevov^ 77/xa?, orav eireia- 
eXOcocriv, egeXavvovcn twv olkicov, icai cpacu Betv 
virepoplovs elvai. 7ropeva6/ue6a Be Bl v/xodv, 
ware /jlol fteXriov av evTv^oi^, eOeXovTwv Beoiv, 
ev rot? aavrov. tovto £e ol/iat Tcr^ea)? ecreaOat, 
TrXrjv el firj rt, Baifioviov yevoiTO KooXvfxa. real 
tovto Be avTo toU Oeois ev^o/neda. 

31 

'lovXtavov vofjLOs irepl tcdv laTpcov. 1 

398 Tyv iaTpL/ctjV €7riaTrjfi7]i' acoTijpicoB)] to?? 
I* di'0pd)7roi<; Tvy^dveiv to evapyls tPjs %/?eta? 

1 Hertlein 25 b. In the MSS. this document has no 
title; it was placed by Hertlein after Letter 25 in his 
edition. 

1 Such tokens were often sent to friends ; cf. To Hecebolius, 
].. 210. 

106 



A DECREE CONCERNING PHYSICIANS 

friendship is produced first and foremost by similarity 
of disposition, but a second kind is, when one feels 
true and not pretended admiration, and a humane, 
moderate and virtuous man is cherished by one who 
is his superior in fortune and intelligence. Moreover 
letters of this sort are full of conceit and nonsense, 
and, for my part, I often blame myself for making 
mine too long, and for being too loquacious when I 
might discipline my tongue to Pythagorean silence. 
Yes, I received the tokens, namely, a silver bowl 
weighing one mina and a gold coin. 1 I should be 
very glad to invite you to visit me as you suggest 
in your letter. But the first signs of spring are here 
already, the trees are in bud, and the swallows, which 
are expected almost immediately, as soon as they 
come drive our band of campaigners out of doors, 
and remind us that we ought to be over the border. 
We shall travel through your part of the country, 2 
so that you would have a better chance of seeing 
me, if the gods so will it, in your own home. This 
will, I think, be soon, unless some sign from heaven 
should forbid it. For this same meeting I am 
praying to the gods. 

31 

A decree concerning Physicians 3 

That the science of medicine is salutary for man- 362 
kind is plainly testified by experience. Hence the ^£ 

2 Julian set out for Antioch about May 12th, 362, and ex- con- 
peoted to see Philip in Cappadocia. stanti- 

3 This edict, preserved more briefly in Codex Theodosianus n °P ltt 
13. 3. 4, was Julian's last known legislative act before he left 
Constantinople. It confirmed the immunity granted to phy- 
sicians by Constantine, and was probably meant to apply 
only to the heads of the medical faculties, archiatri, since 

the Latin edict is addressed to them. 

107 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fiaprvpet. Bib Ka\ ravrrjv ef ovpavov irec^oiTT]- 
icevai Bitcaiws (f>iXoa6(j)Q)v 7rat8e? /crjpvrrovai. 
to yap aaOevh Tr)? rjfieTepas <f>vaea)<; koX ra 
tcov €7riavfjL/3aiv6vT(ov appcoarrjfjbdrwv eiravop- 
Oovrai Bid tcivttjs. odev Kara tov tov Bi/caiov 
Xoyia/xov avvcpBd to?? dvcoOev ^aaiXevai Oeairi- 
£bi>Te? rj/jLeripa, fyiXavOpwiriq tceXevofiev tcov 
ftovXevTiKwv XeiTovpyrjfiaTcov dvevo , )(\r}TOV<; v/xds 
toi)? Xoittoix; ^povovs Bidyeiv. 

32 
SeoBcopq. 1 
To fiifiXlov, oirep direaTeiXas Bid MvyBoviov, 
BeBey/JieOa, koX nrpoaeTi iravra oaa o-v/xj3o\a Bid 
rf)<; eoprrjs rj/ilv eirepureTO. eaTi p.ev ovv puoi zeal 
tovtwv e/cao~Tov rjBu, 2 iravTO^ Be tfBcov, ev laOi, to 
TreirvaOai fxe irepl t/}? arjs dya06rr]TO<;,OTi o~vv deols 
eppwral aoi to adpua, teal ra irepl tovs Oeovs 
iTTifieXiarepov d/xa koX o-vvrovcorepov airovBd- 
^erai irapa gov. irepl Be &V 7roo? rbv (j)iX6ao(f)ov 
Md^i/iiov eypayjras, a>? tov (f)i\ov fiov ^eXev/cov 
Bia(f)6pcD<; exovTOS 7rpo? ae, ireireiao fjL7)6ev avTOV 
irap ifiol tolovtov irpaTTeiv rj Xeyeiv, e'f wv dv ae 

1 1'apadopoulos 2* ; not in Hertlein. 

2 Weil ; MS. iSelV. 

1 For Mygdonius cf. Letter 33, and Libanius, Letters 471, 
518 written in 357. 

2 Literally "tokens," tesserae, probably the same as the 
(TwdrinaTa mentioned by Sozomen 5. 16 ; they were letters of 
recommendation for the use of Christian travellers ; Sozomen 
says that Julian wished to establish this custom among the 
pagans. 

108 



TO THE PRIESTESS THEODORA 

sons of the philosophers are right in proclaiming that 
this science also is descended from heaven. For by 
its means the infirmity of our nature and the dis- 
orders that attack us are corrected. Therefore, in 
accordance with reason and justice, we decree what 
is in harmony with the acts of former Emperors, and 
of our benevolence ordain that for the future ye may 
live free from the burdens attaching to senators. 



32 

To the priestess Theodora 

I have received through Mygdonius 1 the books 302 
that you sent me, and besides, all the letters of ^ a "" ? 
recommendation 2 that you forwarded to me through- From 
out the festival. Every one of these gives me pleasure, s tanti- 
but you may be sure that more pleasant than anything £°P le 
else is the news about your excellent self, 3 that by Antioch 
the grace of the gods you are in good physical health, ]££„„ 
and are devoting yourself to the service of the gods 
more earnestly and energetically. As regards what 
you wrote to the philosopher Maximus, that my 
friend Seleucus 4 is ill-disposed towards you, believe 
me that he neither does nor says in my pres- 
ence anything that he could possibly intend as 

3 Literally "your Goodness" ; with this use of ayaflJ-r^s cf. 
Oribasius, Introduction to his larpiKal avvaywyal 1. irapa rf/s 
ar\s Qei6Tt)Tos, avroKparop 'Iov\iave = "by your god-like self," 
literally "your Divinity" ; see above, p. 3. 

4 Of Cilicia. He was an old friend of the Emperor's and 
accompanied him on the Persian campaign. From the letters 
of Libanius it seems that Julian had appointed Seleucus to 
some high priestly office in 362. 

109 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fidXiGTa h.aftdXXor rovvavriov he irdvra eixp^/jia 
hiegepxerai irepl gov, kcl\ ovttg) Xeyco tovO' on 
icai hidfceirat, rrepl o~e /caXws' i/ceivo pev yap avrbs 
av elheirj Kal ol nrdvra opcovTes 6eoi rb he on 
ttuvtcov aTre^erai rwv tolovtcov eir ep,ov, Xiav 
d\i]0eud)v (firj/jbi. yeXolov ovv elvai fioi (^aiverai, 
fir) tcl TTparTO/meva irap avrov GKOirelv aXXa 
ra /cpvTTTo/ieva, teal &v ovhev earl p.01 (pavepbv 
TeKjxiqpiov i^erd^eiv. eirel he KaTehpap,es avrov 
TroXXa irdvVy Kal irepl avrf]<i ehtjXwGas tlvcl, tijv 
alrlav fioi rfjs 77750? avrbv aTze)(6eia<; <f>avepdv 
iroiovaa, roGovrov eyco $r\pa rvpos gg hiapp?]hr]v, 
a)?, el' riva dvhpcov r) yvvaiKOiv r) eXevOepcov rj 
hovXcjv dyairas ovre vvv Gefiovra deovs ovre 
ev eXirihi rov ireiGeiv avrbv eypvGa, dfiaprdveis. 
ivvorjGov yap a)? eVl Gavrrjs irp&rov, el ris ol/cer&v 
rwv <$>iXovp,ev(ov vrrb gov Tot? Xoihopovpuevois real 
/3XaG(j>r)[iovGi, Ge GV/jLTTpdrToi Kal Oepairevoi 
ir\eov etcelvovs, drroGrpe^otro he. /cal fiheXvrroiro 
tov$ govs (faiXovs r)pba<;, ap* ov rovrov avriKa 
av diroXeoQai eOeXois, 1 fxdXXov he real avrr) 
Tip.wpr)Gaio ; Tt ovv ; ol 6eol rwv (J>lXg)v clgIv 
dri/jLOTtipoL ; XoyiGai KCLl &TT aiJTCOV TOVTO, 
heGiroras pev eiceivovs viroXaftovGa, hovXovs 
he >}/za9. el Ti? ovv i)picbv, ol cj>ap,ev elvai Oepd- 
rrovres 6ecov, otKerrjv Grepyoi rov ftheXvrrofievov 
avjovs fcal diroGrpe(f)6p,evov avrcov rrjv OprjGKeiav, 
ap y ov hiicaiov rj ireiOeiv avrbv teal Gco^eiv, rj T/79 
ol/cia<; d-TroirepLTTeGOaL ical nmrpaGKeiv, el T(p fiij 

1 Weil; MS. Meteis. 
I IO 



TO THE PRIESTESS THEODORA 

slandering. On the contrary, all that he tells me 

about you is favourable ; and while I do not go so far 
as to say that he actually feels friendly to you — only 
he himself and the all-seeing gods can know the 
truth as to that — still I can say with perfect sincerity 
that he does refrain from any such calumny in my 
presence. Therefore it seems absurd to scrutinise 
what is thus concealed rather than what he actually 
does, and to search for proof of actions of which I 
have no shred of evidence. But since you have 
made so many accusations against him, and have 
plainly revealed to me a definite cause for your own 
hostility towards him, I do say this much to you 
frankly ; if you are showing favour to any person, 
man or woman, slave or free, who neither worships 
the gods as yet, nor inspires in you any hope that you 
may persuade him to do so, you are wrong. For do 
but consider first how you would feel about your own 
household. Suppose that some slave for whom you 
feel affection should conspire with those who slan- 
dered and spoke ill of you, and showed deference to 
them, but abhorred and detested us who are your 
friends, would you not wish for his speedy destruc- 
tion, or rather would you not punish him yourself? l 
Well then, are the gods to be less honoured than our 
friends? You must use the -same argument with 
reference to them, you must consider that they are 
our masters and we their slaves. It follows, does it 
not, that if one of us who call ourselves servants of 
the gods has a favourite slave who abominates the 
gods and turns from their worship, we must in justice 
either convert him and keep him, or dismiss him from 
the house and sell him, in case some one does not 

1 An echo of Plato, Euthyphro 13d ; cf. Vol. 2, 289b. 

I 1 1 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

paBiov inrepopav ol/ceTOv KTrjaews ', eyco Be ov/c av 
Be^aipbrjv vtto tcov fir] fyiXovvrtov 6eov<; dya- 
nrdadai' o Brj /ecu ae ical iravra^ (firjpu Belv tov? 
iepari/ctov l dvTLTTOiovfievovs evrevdev rjBr] Biavor]- 
Oivras a-tyacrOcu avvrovcorepov tt}? eh tovs Oeovs 
dyiareias' airo rrj<; olicias Be aeftaafibv 2 evXoyov 
irapeyeaQai tt)? eavrov tov tepea, /cal 7rpcoT7]v 
avrrjv oXrjv Bi oXrjs diro$Y\vai icaOapdv tcov 
TrfkiKOVTWv voa)]fiaTcov. 

33 

%eoBcopa rfj alBeaLficoTcirrj. 3 

375 Ta 7refjL(j)0epTa irapd aov {3i/3\la irdvra 
1^ vTreBetjdfirjv ical rd<; e-maToXds aafievos Blcl 
tov /3eXriaTov MvyBoviov. /ecu pLoyi? aycov 
a%oXi]v, &)? Xaaaiv oi 6eoi, ov/c d/c/ci%6pevo<; Xeyto* 
ravra avreypa^jra 7rp6<z ae. av Be ev 7rpdrroL<; 
/cat ypdcpois del Toiavra. 



34 



EBefjdfirjv 5 baa eireaTSikev r\ ar) (ppoviiai? 
dyaOd /cal /caXa irapd tcov decov fyfiiv eiray- 
yeXfiara /cal Btopa' ical ttoXXtjv 6/uoXoytfaas 

1 Bucheler, Weil ; Papadopoulos Itparucns (AeiTovpjlas) ; 
MS. lepaTiKws. 

2 Weil ; MS. Uaarov. 8 Hertlein 5. 

4 Cobet ; ov KaKi(o/j.4i>r}v \6yu) MSS., Hertlein; ovk o.kki(o- 
fjiivr)v Reiske. 

8 Papadopoulos C*. Not in Hertlein. 

112 



TO THEODORA 

find it easy to dispense with owning a slave ? For 
my part I would not consent to be loved by those 
who do not love the gods ; wherefore I now say 
plainly that you and all who aspire to priestly offices 
must bear this in mind, and engage with greater 
energy in the temple worship of the gods. And it is 
reasonable to expect that a priest should begin with 
his own household in showing reverence, and first of 
all prove that it is wholly and throughout pure of , 
such grave distempers. 

33 

To the most reverend Theodora 1 

I was glad to receive all the books that you 362 

sent me, and your letters through the excellent ff° nt 

Mygdonius. 2 And since I have hardly any leisure,— wme 

as the gods know, I speak without affectation, — I Lette" 

have written you these few lines. And now fare- 32 
well, and may you always write me letters of the 
same sort ! 



34 

To Theodora ? 3 

I have received from you who are wisdom itself 362 
your letter telling me of the fair and blessed 
promises and gifts of the gods to us. First I 

1 The epithet as well as the preceding letter show that she 
was a priestess. 

2 Mygdonius protected Libanius in Constantinople in 343. 
There is nothing to show whether Julian was at Antioch or 
Constantinople when he wrote these letters to Theodora. 

3 This unaddressed letter must have been written to a 
priestess, who was almost certainly Theodora. 

VOL. III. I 



THE LETTERS OF JUL1AN + 

%dpiv Tot? ovpavlois 6eol<$ ev Bevreprp rfj afj 
fieyaXo^rv^ia ydpiv ecrypv, oti Kal irpoaXarapelv 
virep r)fia>v tou? Oeovs ev Tot? fidXio~Ta TTpoOvfifj 
Kal ra fyavevra Trap avrfj dyaOd Bid Tayewv 
t)filv /carafjLrjvveiv cnrovBd^eis. 



35 

'ApKTTO^eVCp fyiXoGO^Xp} 

375 ' Apd ye ^ph irepifieveiv KXrjaiv, Kal to ukXjjtI 
irpOTifidv firjBafiov ', dXX' opa fir) y^aXeTrrjv ravrrjv 
elaaydycofiev vofiodealav, el ravrd %pr) irapd twv 
(plXcov irepifieveiv, oaa Kal irapa raov dirXcos teal 

li &>? €TV%e yvcopLficov. aTTOprjaei tj? evravOa, 7ro)? 
ovk IBovTes 2 dXXrjXovs eafiev (f>L\oi', 7r&)? Be rot? 
irpb y^iXiwv erebv yeyovben teal val fid Ala 
BiaxiXloov ; oti airovBaloi irdvTes rjaav Kal tov 
Tpoirov KcCkoL re /cdyaOoi. einOufioufiev Be Kal rjfieis 
eivai toiovtoi, el kcu tov elvcu, to ye eh epe, 
TrdfiirXrjOes diroXenrofieOa. irXrjv dXX! ?/ ye eiu- 
Ovfiia tuttcl tt(o<; r)fia<; els Tr)v avTrjv eKelvois 
fieplBa. kclI tl tclvtcl iya) Xrjpto fictKpoTepov; 

C etTe yap aKXrjTov levai XPV> V^ €l< * B/jirovdev eiTe 
Kal KXrjaiv irepifieveis, IBov aoi Kal irapdKXrjais 
i]K€L Trap rjficov. evTvye ovv rjfilv nrepl ra Tvava 
777909 Aio? (f)iXlov, Kal Bel^ov rjfilv dvBpa ev Kair- 

1 Hertlein 4. 

1 Wyttenbaeli, Cobet from Parisians; tlMres MSS., 
Hertlein. 



114 



June 
On the 



TO ARISTOXENUS, A PHILOSOPHER 

acknowledged the great gratitude that I owed to 
the heavenly gods, and in the second place I ren- 
dered thanks to your generosity of soul, in that you 
are zealous, no one more so, in entreating the gods 
on my behalf, and moreover you lose no time but 
inform me without delay of the blessings that have 
been revealed where you are. 

35 

To Aristoxenus, a Philosopher 1 

Must youthen really wait for an invitation and never 3G2 
prefer to come uninvited ? Nay, see to it that you 
and I do not introduce this tiresome convention wayto 

f. . . i r r • i Antioch 

expecting the same ceremony from our mends 

as from mere chance acquaintances. At this point 
will somebody or other raise the question how we 
come to be friends when we have never seen one 
another? I answer: How are we the friends of 
those who lived a thousand, or, by Zeus, even two 
thousand years ago ? It is because they were all 
virtuous, of upright and noble character. And we, 
likewise, desire to be such as they, even though, to 
speak for myself, we completely fail in that aspira- 
tion. But, at any rate, this ambition does in some 
degree rank us in the same category as those 
persons. But why do I talk at length about these 
trifles? For if it is right that you should come 
without an invitation you will certainly come ; if, 
on the other hand, you are really waiting for an 
invitation, herewith you have from me an urgent 
summons. Therefore meet me at Tvana, in the 
name of Zeus the god of friendship, and show me 

1 This Hellenised Cappadocian is otherwise unknown. 

i 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

irahoicais feaOapax;" E\\i]va. Tea)? yap tovs fxev 
ov fiovXopivovs, oXiyovs Bi Tivas eOiXovraq flip, 
ovk elBoras Be Oveiv opco. 



36 



422 UacBelav 1 bpOrjV eivai vopl^opiev ov ttjv iv 
joh pr)paai Kal rfj yXwrrrj Trpayparevopivrjv 2 
evpvOplav, dXXa BidQeaiv vyirj vovv eyovar]^ 
Biavoias fcal aXrjOels B6%a<; virip re dyadcov Kal 
kclkwv, eaOXwv re Kal ala^pcov. octt^? ovv erepa 

B pev <f)pov€L, BiBdaKei Be erepa toi>? irX^aui^ovra^, 
ovros aTToXeXelcpOai roaovrcp BoKel T779 TraiBeias, 
oaw Kal rod xprjarbs dvrjp elvai. Kal el ptev iirl 
apLKpoZs elr] to Bid^opov tt)? yv(opLi]<; irpbs rrjv 
yXcorrav, KaKov pev olarbv Be o/xw? oircoaovv 
yiverar el Be iv Tot? pbeyiaroi^ aXXa pev cf)povoir] 
77?, eir evavrlov Be a>v cfrpovel BiBcictkoi, 7rco? ov 
tovto eKelvo Kair/]\(Di> iarLv, ovti XpycrTWV, dXXd 

C TrapLTTOvijpcov dvOpdnrcov, 01 pudXiaTa' 3 eiraivovaiv^ 
baa pdXiara (pavXa vopui^ovaiv, e^airai covres Kal 
BeXed^ovres rot? eiralvois eh 01)5 pLerariOivai 5 tcl 
a(f>irepa eOiXovaiv, oipat, KaKa. irdvTas p<ev ovv 
%pr) tou? Kal oriovv BiBdaKeiv eir ay yeXXo pivots 
elvcu rbv rpbirov eirieiKeh Kal p,rj p,a%6peva oh 

1 Hertlein 42. Suidas quotes the first three sentences. 

2 irpayixaTcvoiAivriv Asmus ; iro\iTevoixevT\v Suidas, Hertlein ; 
Tro\vTe\T) MSN. ("expensive") may be defended. 

3 /ndxiara Klimek would delete. 

4 iiraivovaiv Naber because of 4irxluois below ; Traidevouaiv 
Hertlein, MSS. 5 haTtdeadat ? Hertlein. 

116 



RESCRIPT ON CHRISTIAN TEACHERS 

a genuine Hellene among the Cappadocians. 1 For 
I observe that, as yet, some refuse to sacrifice, and 
that, though some few are zealous, they lack 
knowledge. 

3G 

Rescript on Christian Teachers 2 

I hold that a proper education results, not in 302 
laboriously acquired symmetry of phrases and langu- Jlm e e r 
age, but in a healthy condition of mind, I mean a ]; th 
mind that has understanding and true opinions about Antiocb 
things good and evil, honourable and base. There- 
fore, when a man thinks one thing and teaches his 
pupils another, in my opinion he fails to educate 
exactly in proportion as he fails to be an honest man. 
And if the divergence between a man's convictions 
and his utterances is merely in trivial matters, that 
can be tolerated somehow, though it is wrong. But 
if in matters of the greatest importance a man has 
certain opinions and teaches the contrary, what is 
that but the conduct of hucksters, and not honest 
but thoroughly dissolute men in that they praise 
most highly the things that they believe to be most 
worthless, thus cheating and enticing by their praises 
those to whom they desire to transfer their worthless 
wares. Now all who profess to teach anything what- 
ever ought to be men of upright character, and ought 

1 The Cappadocmns were, for the most part, Christians ; 
Julian visited Tyana in June on his way to Antiooh. 

2 For this law see Introduction; Zonarafl L3. 12; Sozo- 
men o. 18 ; Socrates 3. 1G. 1 ; Theodoret 3. 8. This version 
is, no doubt, incomplete. 

117 



1) 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

hij/jboala jnera^eLpi^ovrat 1 ra ev rfj ^v^r} cpepeiv 
ho^dafiara, iroXv he nrXeov dirdvrwv ol/iat hecv 

elvCLL TOLOVTOVS OGOi €7rl XoyOl? TOfc? V60LS (TUJ- 

yiyvovrai, rwv iraXcuwv i^rjyrjral yiyvbyievoi 
a vyy pa pL/xdraiV, ecre prfrope? ecre ypajufiarL/col, 
teal en irXeov ol aojucrrai. fiovkovrai yap 7rpo? 
tols aXXois ov Xe^ewv fxovov, rjOcov he elvai hihd- 
aicaXoi, teal 2 Kara acfyas elvai cfracn rrjv tto\ltlkt]v 
(faXocro^Lav. el fM€V ovv a\?;#e? rj firj, rovro 
dcj)6LaO(o ra 3 vvv. eiraiv&v he avrovs oi/toj? 
eirayyeXfidrcov /caXwv opeyopbevovs eiraiveaaijx 
av ert irXeov, el firj ^evhoivro {irj& e^eXey^oiev 
auTOvs erepa fxev cfrpovovvras, hihda/covras he 
tovs 7r\r)aid£oi>Ta<; erepa. ri ovv ; 'Q/Aijprp 
423 fievroL /cal 'Haiohro teal ArjpoaOevei /cal 'Hpohorw 
koX ®ovtcvhlh)] /cal 'Icro/cpdrei /cal Avala 6eol 
irdaY]^ rjyovvrat iraiheias. ovy ol pcev 'Eppuov 
o~(f)a<; lepovs, ol he Movacov evofit^ov; aroirov fiev 
ovv 4 olpcac toi>? e^rjyovpLevovs ra rovrwv dripid'Ceiv 
tou? V7r avrcov rifirjOevra? Oeovs. ov firjv eVetS/) 
rovro aroirov olfiai, (j)rjpX hecv avrovs fiera- 
6ep,evov<; roi$ veois avvelvar hlhco/iL he alpeaiv 
ixif hihdcr/ceiv a /jltj vojjli%ovo~i airovhala, ftovXo- 
B p,evov<; he hihda/ceLV epyw irpwrov 5 ireiOeiv rovs 
p,a6r)ra<; &>? ovre "Opurjpos ovre 'HaloSo? ovre 
rovroyv ns, ou? e^yovvrai real ojv KareyvwKore^ 

1 oTs — fx(rax^ipK 0VTai BideJB ; rots Srifxoo-tx [fieraxapaKTr]- 
plCwras] Hertlein. 

2 koX rb Kara Hertlein MSS ; rb Asmus deletes. 

3 ra Asmus adds. 

* /x«v MSS., Hertlein : uevroi Reiske ; /xev ovv Hertlein 
suggests. 

5 /cal after wpwrov MSS. ; Hertlein would delete. 

nS 



RESCRIPT ON CHRISTIAN TEACHERS 

not to harbour in their souls opinions irreconcilable 

with what they publicly profess ; and, above all, I 
believe it is necessary that those who associate with 
the young and teach them rhetoric should be of that 
upright character ; for they expound the writings of 
the ancients, whether they be rhetoricians or gram- 
marians, and still more if they are sophists. For 
these claim to teach, in addition to other things, not 
only the use of words, but morals also, and they 
assert that political philosophy is their peculiar field. 
Let us leave aside, for the moment, the question 
whether this is true or not. But while I applaud 
them for aspiring to such high pretensions, I should 
applaud them still more if they did not utter false- 
hoods and convict themselves of thinking one thing 
and teaching their pupils another. What ! Was it 
not the gods who revealed all their learning to 
Homer, Hesiod, Demosthenes, Herodotus, Thucy- 
dides, Isocrates and Lysias ? * Did not these men 
think that they were consecrated, some to Hermes, 2 
\ others to the Muses? I think it is absurd that men 
who expound the works of these writers should 
dishonour the gods whom they used to honour. 
Yet, though I think this absurd, I do not say that 
they ought to change their opinions and then instruct 
the young. But I give them this choice ; either not 
to teach what they do not think admirable, or, if 
they wish to teach, let them first really persuade 
their pupils that neither Homer nor Hesiod nor 
any of these writers whom they expound and have 

1 So too in Oration 7. 236-237c. Julian compares the impiety 
of the Cynics, who in his opinion had much in common with 
the Christians, with Plato's and Aristotle's reverence for 
religion. 2 Hermes was the god of eloquence. 

119 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

elalv darefieiav dvoidv re zeal irXdvr]v eh rovs 
Oeovs, toiovtos icrTLV. eirel £' e'f wv ezcelvot 
yey pdfyaai rraparpe^ovrat paadapvovvre^, elvai 
opboXoyovaiv alaxpozcepBeararoc zeal Spax/iwv 
oXiycav evezca nrdvra virofxeveiv. eco? p,ev ovv 
rovrov rroXXa r)v rd atria rod pir) cfroirav eh rd 
C lepd, teal 6 rravrayoOev eirizcpepidpLevos cj)6/3o<; 
eBlBov <TV<yyvd)pL7)V dirozcpvirreaOac Ta? dXrj- 
deardras virep rcov Oecov Bogas' eTreiBr) Be i)puv 
oi Oeol tt)v eXevQeplav eBoaav, droirov elvai p,oi 
fyaiverai BiBdcrzceiv ezcelva tou? dvdpdnrovs, 6a a 
fir) vopLL&v&Lv ev e^eiv. dXX' el puev olovrai 
ao(f)Ovs a)V elaiv e^rjyrjral teal odv odarrep 7rpo(j)fjrai 
D zcdOrjvrai, ^rjXovvrcov avrcov Trpwrot x rrjv eh 
tovs Oeovs €vae/3ecav' el Be eh tol>? ripacordrovf; 
v7roXap,{3dvovat, TrerrXavrjaOai, ftaBc^ovrcov eh 
ra? T(bv TaXiXaLoov e/c/cXrjala<; e^yrjaopievoL 
M.aiOatov zeal Aov/cai', oh rreiaOevre^ lepeicov 
vp,eh direxeGQai vofioOerelre. fSouXopuac vpuwv 
eyeb teal ra? azcoa? e%avayevv7)Qr)vai," <w? av vpueh 
elrroire, teal rrjv yXcbrrav rovrcov, mp epioiye etrj 
pLerexeiv del real oaris epuol $LXa voel re ko\ 
rrpdrrei. roh ptev Kadiiyepubai teal BiBaa/cdXois 
424 our wal zcoivhs zcelrai vopuos* 6 /3ovXop,epo<; Bd 
rwv vewv (fiocrdv ovzc drrozcezcXeio-rai. ovBe yap 
ovBe evXoyov dyvoovvra^ en rovs iralBa^, ecj) y 6 

1 -rrpwroi Hertlein suggests for irpwrov MSS. 

2 i^auayfvvi]Qr\vai follows y\wrrav in M!SS. Hertlein ; trans- 
posed by Cobet as a peculiarly Christian word. 

J i. c. under the Christian Emperors Constantine and 
Constant! us it was dangerous to worship the gods openlv. 

2 i. e. the beliefs of the poets about the gods. 
120 



RESCRIPT ON CHRISTIAN TEACHERS 

declared to be guilty of impiety, folly and error in 
regard to the gods, is such as they declare. For since 
they make a livelihood and receive pay from the 
works of those writers, they thereby confess that 
they are most shamefully greedy of gain, and that, 
for the sake of a few drachmae, they would put up 
with anything. It is true that, until now, there were 
many excuses for not attending the temples, and the 
terror that threatened on all sides absolved men for 
concealing the truest beliefs about the gods. 1 But 
since the gods have granted us liberty, it seems to 
me absurd that men should teach what they do not 
believe to be sound. But if they believe that those 
whose interpreters they are and for whom they sit, 
so to speak, in the seat of the prophets, were wise 
men, let them be the first to emulate their piety 
towards the gods. If, however, they think that 
those writers were in error with respect to the most 
honoured gods, then let them betake themselves to 
the churches of the Galilaeans to expound Matthew 
and Luke, since you Galilaeans are obeying them 
when you ordain that men shall refrain from temple- 
worship. For my part, I wish that your ears and 
your tongues might be " born anew," as you would 
say, as regards these things 2 in which may I ever 
have part, and all who think and act as is pleasing 
to me. 

For religious 3 and secular teachers let there be a 
general ordinance to this effect : Any youth who 
wishes to attend the schools is not excluded; nor 
indeed would it be reasonable to shut out from the 
best way 4 boys who are still too ignorant to know 

3 Kae-rjyeixwv in Julian has this implication ; cf. To Theodorus, 
p. oo. 4 Cf. To the Alexandrians, p. 149. 

121 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

ti Tpeirfovrai, trj? {3e\TL(mi<; inroKXeLeiv 6Bov, 
cf)6/3(p Be zeal afcovras ayetv eirl ra rrdrpia. 
Kaiioi Blkulov rjv, axrirep tovs (ppeviTi^ovras, 

OVTO) KoX TOVTOVS CLfCOVTa? icLcOai, TtXtjV d\Xd 

avyyva)/jLr)v virdpyeiv diracn tt}$ tolclvt)i<$ voaov. 
Kai 'yap, olfiac, BiBdcnceiv, dXX* ov)(l /coXd^eiv ^pr) 
TOU9 dvoijTovs. • 

37 

'ATCLpPUp X 

376 C 'E7W pici rov<; Oeovs ovre KTeiveaQai tov<$ TaXi- 
Xaiovs ovt6 TVTTT€(j6aL irapd to Bixaiov ovre dXXo 
it irdayeiv kclicov ftovXop,ai, TTpoTtpbdaOai pbivroc 
tou? Oeoaefiels /ecu irdvv (f)t]pl Belv Bid p,ev yap 
ttjv YaXiXaicov pwpiav oXlyov Belv dnravra dve- 
D rpdirrj, Bid Be ttjv ioov Oecov evpueveiav aw^opeOa 
iravres. oOev ^pr) rt/udv tovs Oeovs koi tou? 
OeoaefieLS dvBpas xe /cal 7roXei<;. 

38 
'lovXiavov rod Trapaftdrov irpbs Uopcf)vpiov 2 
411 C UoXXy Ti? rjv nrdvv ical pLeydXrj /3i/3Xio0)]Kii 
Tewpylov TravToBairwv puev (pLXoaocfycov, 7roXXa)V 

1 Hertlein 7. According to Cumont, IZioymcpov should be 
added to the title, and this was one of the few letters' that 
Julian wrote with his own hand. 

2 Hertlein 36. This is the title in Suidas, from whose 
Lexicon the letter was copied into the MSS. ku6o\ik6v, 
" revenue official " is added in Suidas, but is almost certainly 
an error. Hertlein's title 'lovAiavhs avroupxrup Tlopcpvplcp 
Xaipfiv is derived from Vatitimu '2131 ; Hertlein deleted 
Yiupyiif) before UopcpvpUp. 

1 For Christianity a disease cf. To Libanius, p. 207 ; for 
122 



TO ATARBIUS 

which way to turn, and to overawe them into being 
led against their will to the beliefs of their ancestors. 
Though indeed it might be proper to cure these, 
even against their will, as one cures the insane, 
except that we concede indulgence to all for this 
sort of disease. 1 For we ought, I think, to teach, 
but not punish, the demented. 

37 
To Atarbius 2 
I affirm by the gods that I do not wish the 3G2 



From 



Galilaeans to be either put to death or unjustly Con 
beaten, or to suffer any other injury ; but never- stanti- 
theless I do assert absolutely that the god-fearing or 
must be preferred to them. For through the folly Antioch 
of the Galilaeans almost everything has been over- 
turned, whereas through the grace of the gods are 
we all preserved. Wherefore we ought to honour 
the gods and the god-fearing, both men and cities. 3 

38 
Julian the Apostate to Porphyrins 4 
The library of George was very large and complete 362 
and contained philosophers of every school and many ^ e ter 

indulgence to be shown to persons so afflicted, cf. To the Q n f jy}" 
Citizens of Bostra 438b, p. 135. From 

9 This is probably Atarbius (so spelled in the Letters of Antioch 
Libanius) a native of Aneyra and at this time administra- 
tor of the district of the Euphrates. In 364 he held high 
ofiice in Macedonia. 

3 For other letters on the same subject cf. To the Citizens of 
Byzacium, p. 125, and To Hecebolius, p. 127. 

4 Perhaps this is George's secretary mentioned in the LttUr 
to Ecdicius, p. 73. Geffcken thinks this letter was a Christian 
forgery because it seems to ignore the earlier order to Ecdiciu>. 
Probably the books had not arrived, and. Julian became 
impatient. 

123 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Be v7ro/jLV>]/jLaToypd(f)cov, ov/c e\ayi<J7a 5' ev avToh 
D /cal ra tcov TaXuXaltov iroXXd /cat TravToBaira 
ffifiXla. irdaav ovv dOpotos Tavrrjv tijv fiuftXio- 
OrjKriv dva^r)T7Jo-a<; cppovTtaov eh ' ' KvTioyeiav 
aTToareVkai, yivcoa/ccov oti fieyiarr} Br) /cal avrbs 
7Tepi{3\r)d)](rr] tyifiiq, el fir) fierd ir<icn)<$ eirifieXeias 
dviyyevaeias, /cal tou? oircoaovv virovoias eyovTas 
v(prjpr)cr0ai tlov ftifiXicov irdai fiev eXey%oi<;, 
77 avi oh enrols Be op/cow, irXelovi Be tcov ol/ceTCov 
flacrdvep, ireiOeiv el fir) Bvvaio, /caTavay/cdaeta<; eh 
fieaov rravra irpo/cofiiaat. eppcoao. 

39 

380 D * Bv^a/clois x 

Toy? /3ovXevrd<; iravras vfilv diroBeBco/cafiev /cal 

toi/? irarpopovXovs, 2 elre rfj tcov TaXiXalcov kav- 

381 rovs eBoaav BeiGiBaLfLOvla, elre ircos aXXco? irpay- 

fiarevaaivro BiaBpavai to fiovXevrrjpiov, e^co tcov 

ev tt) firiTpoiroXei XeXeiTOvpyrj/coTcov. 

1 Hertlein 11. Bv£avTivois MSS., Hertlein ; Bicraydrjvo'is 
Qibbon. For the Byzacians see Codex Theodosianus 12. I. 59. 

2 Tra.Tpofi6XovsParisinus; irarpofSovhovs X, Ducange ; irarpoKo- 
Xovs edd. ; irpofiovkovs Cobet. See Cumont, Revue de Philologie, 
1902. 

1 Cumont thinks that a scribe added this inappropriate 
greeting. 

2 Byzaoium was in the district of Tunis. This is Cumont's 
conjecture for MS. title To?s BufavTivois, To the Byzantines. 
Julian never calls Constantinople Byzantium. Gibbon sus- 
pected the title and conjectured that it was addressed to the 
town Bisanthe (Rodosto) in Thrace. 

3 The meaning of this word is not clear ; Cumont translates 

124 



TO THE CITIZENS OF BYZACIUM 

historians, especially, among these, numerous books of 
all kinds by the Galilaeans. Do you therefore make 
a thorough search for the whole library without 
exception and take care to send it to Antioch. You 
may be sure that you will yourself incur the severest 
penalty if you do not trace it with all diligence, and 
do not by every kind of enquiry, by every kind of 
sworn testimony and, further, by torture of the slaves, 
compel, if you cannot persuade, those who are in any 
way suspected of having stolen any of the books to 
bring them all forth. Farewell. 1 



39 

To the citizens of Byzaciiyn 2 

I have restored to you all your senators and 3r,2 
councillors 3 whether they have abandoned them- JJj' y " 
selves to the superstition of the Galilaeans or have fr °'» 
devised some other method of escaping from the 
senate, 4 and have excepted only those who have filled 
public offices in the capital. 

" patroni " i.e. protectors, but we cannot be certain as to the 
functions of these local dignitaries in Africa. 

4 On the burden of being a Senator cf. Libanius, Oration 2 ; 
Ammianus 21. 12. 23; Julian, Misopogon 367o. It was one 
of Julian's most widespread reforms to enrol all wealthy 
men in the senates of their cities. By an edict of March 362 
he deprived the Christian clerics of their immunities from 
such public offices which had been conferred on them by 
Constantine (cf. Sozomen 5. 5) and in the present case his 
edict is directed mainly against those who had become 
clerics in order to escape municipal service. Philostorgius 
7. 4 says that this was part of Julian's malignant polic}'. 
The Emperor Valentinian restored their privileges to the 
clerics in 364. 

125 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

40 

'E/crjftoXLO) l 

424 C 'Eyw fiev K€)(p7)/j.ai tch? TaXiXaiois airaaiv ovtw 
irpaa)? teal tyiXavO pour cos, ware /xr^heva fjLijSafiov 
fiiav v7ro/Ji6V6iv /irjSe els iepbv eXfceadai lltjo^ els 
a\Xo tl tolovtov eirri ped^eaO at irapa ttjv oliceiav 
TrpoOeacv. ol Be rrjs ' Apeiavifcrjs efCKXr)alas vito 
tov ttXovtov rpv<j)covT€<; eire^eiprjaav tols aivb 
tov QvaXevrlvov teal reroX/x^Kaai roiaura Kara 
rrjv "EBeaaav, ola ovBeiTOTe ev evvo fxov Lievrj iroXei 
yevoLT av. ovkovv eTreiBr) ccvtols vito tov Qavp,a- 
D aicordrov vofiov irpoeiprjTat, TrooXrjcrac tcl virdp- 
ypvra kcli Bovvai tttw^oIs 2 %v els tt)v fiaaiXelav 
roiv ovpavdv evKOirot)Tepov 3 iropevOwai, irpbs tovto 
avvaycovi^ofjievoi toIs dv6 "puniroLS avroov ra XPV' 
/nara tt}s ^EBeaar]vu>v eKfcXrjalas diravia eiceXev- 
aa/nev dvaXi"i(f>drjvat ooOqao/xeva tols crTpaTMOTais, 
koX ra KT7]fiara tols rj/jueTepois irpoareOrjvac irpi- 
ftc'iTOLS, iva irevofJievoL acocfipovwai kclI fir) o~repr)- 
425 0o)(jlv rjs ere eXiri^ovaLv ovpaviov ftacriXelas. tols 

1 Hertlein 43. 

2 TToc\T)crai — tttodx^s Asmus supplies from Luke 12. 33 for 
lacuna in MSS. ; Thomas suggests to. virdpxovTa a<pUvai 
Matthew 19. 27. Hertlein suggests neveadai "to embrace 
poverty." 

3 Asmus suggests, from Matthew 19. 24 ; cvoBdrepov Hertlein, 
MSS. 

1 This can hardly be the sophist to whom Julian 
addressed one of his most flowery and sophistic letters, for 
which see p. 217. Probably he was some leading official of 
Edessa, the capital of Osroene in Northern Mesopotamia. 
( 'oiistantius had favoured the Arians there and encouraged 
their fanatical sectarianism by handing over to them the great 
126 



TO HECEBOLIUS 

•10 
To Hecebolius 1 

1 have behaved to .ill the Galilaeans with such End of 
kindness and benevolence that none of them has '^" T 
suffered violence anywhere or been dragged into a in 363 
temple or threatened into anything else of the sort A U °Uocii 
against his own will. But the followers of the Arian 
church, in the insolence bred by their wealth, have 
attacked the followers of Valentine 2 and have com- 
mitted in Edessa such rash acts as could never occur 

in a well-ordered city. Therefore, since by their most 
admirable law they are bidden to sell all they have 
and give to the poor that so thev may attain more 
easily to the kingdom of-we-^skies, in order to aid 
those persons in that effort, I have ordered that all 
their funds, namely, that belong to the church of 
the people of Edessa, are to be taken over that they 
may be given to the soldiers, and that its property 3 
be confiscated to my private purse. 4 This is in order 
that poverty may teach them to behave properly and 
that they may not be deprived of that heavenly 
kingdom for which they still hope. And I publicly 

basilica of St. Thomas. Sozomen 6. 1, says that on his way 
to Persia Julian hurried past Edessa because the city re- 
mained obstinately Christian ; later he relates, 6. 18, that 
the Emperor Valens visited Edessa and persecuted the non- 
Arian Christians ; cf. Socrates 4. 18. 

2 Valentine founded one of the sects of the Gnostics in the 
first century A.n. ; by the fourth century the Valentinian 
heresy had very few adherents. 

3 Probably Julian means the valuables such as Church 
plate belonging to the various churches in Edessa ; for his 
spoliation of the churches cf. Gregory Nazian/en, Against 
Ji/Nan 3. 86 D, and Sozomen 5. ">. 

4 Trpi&6.Tois=pricatis ; or "to lay uses." 

127 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

oiKovai Be ri]v"E$€(TGav irpoayopevofxev direyeGOai 
irdari^ ardoreoy; real (piXovei/cia*;, Xva /jly), ttjv r)p,ere- 
pav <f)ikav6 pwiriav KivrjcravTes, KaO* v/jlcov clvtojv 
virep t?)? rayv fcoivtjdv ara^las 1 Bi/crjv ria-qje, jjicpei 
/cal (frvyfj zeal irvpl ^/xtwOevTe^. 

41 

J$0(TTp7]V0ls 2 
"£llJjL7)V 6<yO) TOL/? TOJV VaXtXaiCOV TTpOGTCLTa? 

436 e%eiv fioL fiel^ova %dpiv rj ra> (pOdaavTL irpo e/xou 
Ttjv dpyr\v einTpoTTevaai. avve{3r] yap eirl puev 
itceivov tovs ttoXXovs clvtwv /cal <f>vyaBev8rjvai 
teal BiG))£dr}vai fcal BeafievdFjvat, 7roXXa Be tfBr) /cal 
G$ayr\vai irXrjOr] t&v Xeyofievwv alperi/ccbv, &>? ev 
iLa/jLoadrois koX K.v£lkcd /cal TlafyXayoviq real 
J^t0vvla real VaXarta, /cal ev 3 ttoXXols aXXois 
B Wveaiv apB^v dvarpaiTrjvai TTopQr)deiaa^ /CGOfias* 
eV e/xov Be rovvavriov. oi re yap e%opLo~6evre<; 
d^eldrjaav, koX oi Brj/xevOevres diroXa^dvetv 5 
t« acperepa airavra vopuw irap tj/jlcov eXaftov. oi 
£' eh roaovrov Xvcro-ofiavLas ij/covo-t, fcal dirovoia^;, 
Mare, on firj rvpavvelv e^earcv avrols [ir]Be d 
7TOT6 eirparrov /car dXXyXcov, eiretra real rj/nds 
tov<z 6eoo-el3eZ<$ elpyd^ovro, BcanOevai, irapo^vvo- 

1 Hertlein suggests ibral'ias or virep ruv kolvuv ttis 
ara^ias. 

2 Hertlein 52. The only MS. that contains this edict is 
Parisinus 2064. 

3 Hertlein adds. 

4 For Kwfxas Cobet suggests iKKXrjirias. 

6 Hertlein would delete airo\afi,3duetv and read <x7reAo3jv for 
thaflov. 

128 



TO THE CITIZENS OF BOSTRA 

command you citizens of Edessa to abstain from all 
feuds and rivalries, else will you provoke even my 
benevolence against yourselves, and being sentenced 
to the sword and to exile and to fire pay the penalty 
for disturbing the good order of the commonwealth. 

41 

To the citizens of Bostra l 

I thought that the leaders of the Galilaeans 362 
would be more grateful to me than to my pre- ^ gust 
decessor in the administration of the Empire. For From 
in his reign it happened to the majority of them to Antloch 
be sent into exile, prosecuted, and cast into prison, 
and moreover, many whole communities of those who 
are called " heretics " 2 were actually butchered, as at 
Samosata and Cyzicus, in Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and 
Galatia, and among many other tribes also villages 
were sacked and completely devastated ; whereas, 
during my reign, the contrary has happened. For 
those who had been exiled have had their exile 
remitted, and those whose property was confiscated 
have, by a law of mine received permission to 
recover all their possessions. 3 Yet they have reached y 
such a pitch of raving madness and folly that they 
are exasperated because they are not allowed to 
behave like tyrants or to persist in the conduct in 
which they at one time indulged against one another, 
and afterwards carried on towards us who revered 

1 This edict is cited by Sozomen 5. 15. Bostra, or Bosra, 
was one of the largest fortified cities in Arabia and is described 
by Amniianus 14. 8. 13 as niurorum tinnitate cautissima. 

2 Constantins persecuted Christians who did not belong to 
the Arian sect. 3 For this see Sozomen o. 5. 

129 
VOL. III. K 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fievot irdvra kivovgi XiOov /cat ovviapdjieiv toX- 
fAwat, ra irXrjOrj Kal aratrid^eiv, daeftovvTes jxev 
eh tou? Oeovs, direiOovvTes Be roh ?//xeT6/30t? 
C 7rpoaTdy/jLacri, Kaiirep ovtcos ovai fyiXavOpaiirois. 
ouBeva yovv avrcov clkovtcl irpos {3co/novs ecop,ev 
eX/ceaOai, BtapprjBrjv Be avroh 7rpoayopevofiev, el 
Ti? e/coov yepviftwv Kal airovBoiv i)plv eOeXei kolvw- 
velv, Kaddpaia 7rpocr<fiepecr6ai irponov Kal tovs 
diroTpoiraiov^ iKereveiv Oeovs. ovrco iroppa) rvy- 
^dvofiev tov nva l rcov Bvo-aeftcov eOeXyjaai irore 
D r) Biavor)Qr]vai tmv irap r)p,lv evaycov ixeraayelv 
Ovaiwv, irplv rrjv fiev ^vxv v Ta h Xiravelais 777309 
tovs Oeovs, to Be acjfia roh vo/jlljaois tcadapalois 
KaOijpaaOac. 

Td yovv 7T\y07] rd irapd twv Xeyofievcov KXrjpi- 
kcjv e^rjirarrj/jbeva irpoBrfKov otl ravTijs d<fiaipe- 
OeLcrqs GTaaid^ei t/)? dBelas. ol yap eh tovto 
437 TeTvpavv)]KOT€^ ovk dyaircoaLV otl p,j) tlvovgl 
Blktjv vrrep tov eirpa^av kcckoov, iroOovvre^ Be rrjv 
TrpoTepav Bvvaarelav, ore pur) Bitcd^eiv e^eariv 
avroh real ypdfyeiv BiaOrj/cas Kal aXXorpuov^ 
acfyerept^eaOao /cXrjpov? Kal ra irdvra eavroh 
irpoavepueLV, irdvra klvovglv a/eooyua? kuXcov /cal, 
to Xeyo/xevov, irvp iirl irvp oyeievovai /cal roh 
Trporepois /ca/co?<> fxei^ova eiriOelvai roXpLcocriv, eh 
Bidaraaiv ayovres ra TrXi'jOtj. eBotjev ovv jjlol 

1 So Reiske for MS. tov Bid nva ; Hertlein suggests *% Ata 
ruv nva ; &ia Heyler suggests. 

1 i. e. for others. Julian no longer allowed legacies to be 
left to churches ; cf. Codex Theodos. 3. 1. 3. The clergy and 
especially the bishops had exercised certain civil functions of 

130 



TO THE CITIZENS OF BOSTRA 

the gods. They therefore leave no stone unturned, 
and have the audacity to incite the populace to 
disorder and revolt, whereby they both act with 
impiety towards the gods and disobey my edicts, 
humane though these are. At least I do not allow 
a single one of them to be dragged against his 
will to worship at the altars ; nay, I proclaim in so 
many words that, if any man of his own free will 
choose to take part in our lustral rites and libations, 
he ought first of all to offer sacrifices of purification 
and supplicate the gods that avert evil. So far am 
I from ever having wished or intended that anyone 
of those sacrilegious men should partake in the 
sacrifices that we most revere, until he has purified 
his soul by supplications to the gods, and his body 
by the purifications that are customary. 

It is, at any rate, evident that the populace who 
have been led into error by those who are called 
"clerics," are in revolt because this license has been 
taken from them. For those who have till now 
behaved like tyrants are not content that they are 
not punished for their former crimes, but, longing for 
the power they had before, because they are no 
longer allowed to sit as judges and draw up wills * 
and appropriate the inheritances of other men and 
assign everything to themselves, they pull every 
string 2 of disorder, and, as the proverb says, lead 
fire through a pipe to fire, 3 and dare to add even 
greater crimes to their former wickedness by lead- 
ing on the populace to disunion. Therefore I have 

which Julian deprived them, and they lost the immunity from 
taxation that had been granted by Christian emperors. For 
this of. Sozomen 5. 5. 
2 Literally " cable," a proverb. 3 Cf. "add fuel to fire." 

*$« 

K 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

B iraai rot? Brjp,oi<; irpoayopevcrai Bid rovSe rod Bia- 
rdyparos real cfravepov Karacrrrjcrai, firj ovora- 
aid^eiv rot? /e\rjpi/eo2<i p,r)Se dvaireiOeaOai Trap 
avrcov XWovs alpeiv /j,i]Be diriareiv to?? dpyovtriv, 
dXXd trvvievai pht ecos civ eOeXcocriv, evxeaOai Be 
a? vopii^ovatv eir^a? virep eavrcov el Be dvairei- 
Ooiev virep eavrcov araaid^eiv, p,r\Keri avvaBetv, 

Xva pL7] BlfC7]V BcOCTl. 

C Tavra Be p,oi irapearr) rfj ~Boo~rpr)Vcov IBia irpo- 
ayopevcrai iroXei hid ro tov enter kottov Tltov koX 
tovs fcXrjpifcovs ef cov eireBocrav fiifiXicov rov p,era 
acficov 7r\rj6ov<; KarrjyoprjKevai, oj? avrcov piev 
rrapaivovvrcov rco TrXrjOei p,r) crracrid^eiv, oppico- 
pievov he tov irXijOovs 7rpo? draljiav. ev yovv 
Tot? ftiftXiois teal avrrjv rjv eroXpLTjaev eyypdyjrai 
ryv epeovrjv vireraljd p,ov rcpBe rco Biardyfiari. 

D " Kairoi Xpiariavcov ovrcov icf>apLiXXcov rco ttXijOci 
rcov 'EiWrjvcov, Kareyop^evcov Be rfj rjpierepa irap- 
aiveoei p,t]Beva p.r)SapLOV draKrelvT Tavra yap 
ear iv virep vpicov rod eiricr kottov rd pr}p.ara. opdre 
07T«? rr)v vperepav evra^iav ovk diro tt)? vpie- 
Tepa? elvai cpr)cu yvcopbrjs, ol ye dtcovres, oj? 76 
438 elire, KareyeaQe Bid Ta? avrov irapaivecrei^. a>? 
ovv Karrjyopov bpucov efcovres 1 t?}? 7ro\ea)? Sicojjare, 
rd 7r\rj6)] Be opbovoelre irpos dXXyXovs, koX firjBel? 
evavriovadco p,r]Se dBitcelrco' p.i)6* ol TreirXavrjpevoi 

1 Klimek suggests e\6vTts. 

1 So far tbe edict lias a general character and may have 
been sent out broadcast. The last paragraph is apparently 
added as a special instruction to the citizens of Bostra, and 
especially to the Christians, whom he incites against their 
bishop. 
132 



TO THE CITIZENS OF BOSTRA 

decided to proclaim to all communities of citizens, 
by means of this edict, and to make known to all, 
that they must not join in the feuds of the clerics or 
be induced by them to take stones in their hands or 
disobey those in authority ; but they may hold 
meetings for as long as they please and may offer on 
their own behalf the prayers to which they are 
accustomed ; that, on the other hand, if the clerics 
try to induce them to take sides on their behalf in 
quarrels, they must no longer consent to do so, if 
they would escape punishment. 1 

1 have been led to make this proclamation to the 
city of Bostra in particular, because their bishop 
Titus and the clerics, in the reports that they have 
issued, have made accusations against their own 
adherents, giving the impression that, when the popu- 
lace were on the point of breaking the peace, they 
themselves admonished them not to cause sedition. 
Indeed, I have subjoined to this my decree the 
very words which he dared to write in his report : 
" Although the Christians are a match for the Hel- 
lenes in numbers, they are restrained by our admoni- 
tion that no one disturb the peace in any place." For 
these are the very words of the bishop about you. 
You see how he says that your good behaviour was 
not of your own choice, since, as he at any rate 
alleged, you were restrained against your will by his 
admonitions ! Therefore, of your own free will, seize 
your accuser and expel him from the city, 2 but do you, 
the populace, live in agreement with one another, and 
let no man be quarrelsome or act unjustly. Neither 

2 Julian's advice was not followed, since Socrates, History 
of the Church 3. 25, mentions Titus as bishop of Bostra under 
the Emperor Jovian in 363. 

*33 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

to?? opOcos icai BifcaUo? toi>? Oeovs Oepairevovvi 
Kara ra e% altbvo? ?j/jliv irapaBeBo/ieva, fiijO' ol 
Oepairevral twv Oewv Xv/JLaiveo-Qe Tat? ol/ciais r) 

B Biapird^ere rwv dyvoiq fidXXov r) yvco/nr} ireTrXavr)- 
fievcov. Xoyw Be ireideaOai ^PV Kal BtBdaKeaOai 
tou? avOpcoirovs, ov TrXrjyals ovBe v(3peaLV ovBe 
alfci(Tfi(p tov croo/xaro?. avOis Be /cal iroXXdici*; 
irapaivS) Tot? eirl rrjv dXrjOPj Oeoaepeiav op/ico- 
fievois /xrjBev dBacelv rcov YaXiXaicov ra TrXijOrj, 
/jl7]$6 eTTLTiOeaOai firjBe. v^pl^etv et? clvtovs. eXeelv 
Be XPl fiaXXov rj paaelv rovs ev 1 to?? jueyLcrroi^ 

C irpdiTOvra^ /caKco?' /neyiarov yap rcov KaXtov go? 
dXrjdws r) deoaefteia, /cat rovvavrtov rcov Kaxtav 
r) Bvcrcre/3eia. crvfi/3aiveo Be toi>? cltto Oewv eirl 
tou? veKpov^ Kal ra Xei^rava fierarerpajji/jLevov^ 
ravrrjv dirorlaai ttjv ^rj/nlav 2 ft)? to?? p.ev eve-%0- 
fievoi? v6(T(p 3 rivi avvaXyovfiev, to?? Be diro- 
Xvo/j.evoi<; Kal d^iefxevoi^ biro rcov Oecov auvrjBo- 
fieOa. 

'EBoOij rfj rcov KaXavBcov Avyovarcov ev 

*AvTLO)(€La. 

42 
KaXXL^elvi] 4 
388 X/ooi/o? Bl/caiov dvBpa Be'ucvvaiv fiovos, 

^ &)? rrapa rcov e/jLirpoaOev eyvco/iev eyco 6" av cpalrjv 

1 M MSS. iv Hertlein suggests. 

2 After Cv^ av Hertlein thinks some words are lost. 

3 v6acf Hertlein would add ; Hevler kolkw understood. 
* Hertlein 21. 

1 Sozomen 5. 5 and 15 seems to be an echo of Julian. 
134 



TO CALLIXEINE 

let those of you who have strayed from the truth 
outrage those who worship the gods duly and justly, 
according to the beliefs that have been handed down 
to us from time immemorial ; nor let those of you 
who worship the gods outrage or plunder the houses 
of those who have strayed rather from ignorance than 
of set purpose. It is by reason that we ought to 
persuade and instruct men, not by blows, or insults, 
or bodily violence. Wherefore, again and often I ad- 
monish those who are zealous for the true religion not 
to injure the communities of the Galilaeans or attack 
or insult them. 1 Nay, we ought to pity rather than 
hate men who in matters of the greatest importance 
are in such evil case. (For in very truth the greatest 
of all blessings is reverence for the gods, as, on the 
other hand, irreverence is the greatest of all evils. 
It follows that those who have turned aside from the 
gods to corpses 2 and relics pay this as their penalty.) 3 
Since we suffer in sympathy with those who are 
afflicted by disease, 4 but rejoice Avith those who are 
being released and set free by the aid of the gods. 
Given at Antioch on the First of August. 

42 
To Callixeine 5 
"Time alone proves the just man," 6 as we learn 362 
from men of old ; but I would add the god-fearing A ' n °. m 

2 So Julian styles Christ and the martyrs ; cf. Against the 
Galilaeans 335b ; Vol. 2, Misopogon 361b. 

3 i. c. that they are in evil case. 

4 For Christianity a disease cf. Vol. 2, 229o, and below, 
p. 207. 

5 Otherwise unknown. Julian visited Pessinus in Phrygia 
on his way to Antioch. See Introduction. 

8 Sophocles, Oedipus Rex 614. 

135 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

on teal tov evo-e/3r) teal rov cpiXoOeov. uX)C 
€/jLaprvp7]07], <f)i')S, teal rj TLrjueXoirr] cpuXavBpos. 
elra fierd to (friXavBpov l to (piXoOeov ti? ev 
yvvaitcl BevTepov TiOrjo-i, teal ov <^>atverai 2 iroXvv 
irdvv tov fiavBpayopav eterr err a) /<(*)<; ; el Be teal toi>? 
D Kdipovs t*9 ev va> Xd/3oi teal tj]V fxev Tl^veXoTrrjv 
eTraivov/jLevrjv a-^eBov vrrh ttuvtwv eirl rfj (piXav- 
Bpia, teivBvvevovcras Be ra<; evaefiel? oXlyeo irpo- 
repov yvvaiteas, teal irpoadrjKrjv Be twv teatecov, 
on teal BnrXdaios 6 %p6vo<;, ap eari aol ttjv 
UTjveXoirrjv d^iw<; irapaftdXXetv ; dXXa fjirj {Aitepovs 
iroiov tov<s eiraivovs- dv& > wv djxei^fovrai fiev ere 
389 7rdvT€<; ol deoi, to Trap' rj/jLcbv Be BnrXf} ere ti/jltJ- 
crojxev rfj lepwavvrj. Trpos y yap irporepov el^e? 
t% dyi(ordT7]<; Oeov Aij/jLr-jTpos, teal tt}? /jLeylaTr]^ 
M?;t^o? Oewv tt}? Qpvyias ev tjj 6eo(j)LXel Tlecrac- 
vovvtl tyjv lepcoavv>]v eiriTpeiropev aoi. 



43 

JLvo-radlrp (piXo a 6(f)(1) 3 

Mr] Xiav fj teoivov to irpooipnov Tov eaOXov 
dvBpa. tcl Be e<£ef?}? 6la6a BtjTrovOev. dXXci teal 

1 Reiske suggests ; Hertlein, MSS. rod <piAdv8 r oj. 

2 Kliniek ; <pave?rai Hertlein, MSS. 

3 Hertlein 70. This letter is preserved in Vatlcanus 1353 
only. 

1 To drink mandragora (mandrake), is a proverb for 
sluggish wits ; but mandrake was used also as a stimulus 
to love. 

136 



TO EUSTATHIUS THE PHILOSOPHER 

and pious man also. However, you say, the love 
of Penelope for her husband was also witnessed 
to by time. Now who would rank a woman's piety 
second to her love for her husband without appearing 
to have drunk a very deep draught of mandragora ? x 
And if one takes into account the conditions of 
the times and compares Penelope, who is almost 
universally praised for loving her husband, with pious 
women who not long ago hazarded their lives ; and 
if one considers also that the period was twice as long, 
which was an aggravation of their sufferings ; then, I 
ask, is it possible to make any fair comparison between 
you and Penelope ? Nay, do not belittle my praises. 
All the gods will requite you for your sufFe rings 
and for my part I shall honour you with a double 
priesthood. For besides that which you held before 
of priestess to the most venerable goddess Demeter, 
1 entrust to you the office of priestess to the most 
mighty Mother of the gods in Phrygia at Pessinus, 
beloved of the gods. 

43 

To Eustathius the Philosopher 2 

Perhaps the proverb "An honest man" 3 — is too 362 
hackneyed. I am sure you know the rest. More AiTuoch 

a See Introduction under Eustathius. He evidently ac- 
cepted this invitation ; see the next letter. He was a pagan 
and a friend of Libanius ; cf. Amniianus 17. 5. 15 ; Eunapius, 
Lives, pp. 392 foil. (Wright). 
3 Euripides frag. 902, Nauck : 

Tbu i<r6\hi> &v5pa, ithv l/cos vairj x9° v 6s, 
Kav /j.^ttot' oaaois eiVt'Soj, Kpiuw <pi\ov. 
"An honest man, though he dwell far away and I never 
see him with my eyes, him I count a friend." 

137 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

e^ef?. olaOa puev yap are Xoyws cbv koX $1X0- 
aocpos to eirbpevov avrco, ifie Be e^ej? cf)lXov, elirep 
yovv x a/uL(f)Ct) iaOXoi eajxev. virep yap aov tovto 
kclv SiareivaL/jLrjv, on toiovtos el, irepl Be i/jbavrov 
cri(D7rco' ykvoiTO Be tovs aXXovs alcrOeaOai /cat 
i/JLOv toiovtov. rl ovv aianrep cltottov ti Xe^wv 2 
tcvfcXcp irepieijii Beov 3 elireiv ; rjtce teal cnrevBe 
tcai, to Xeyo/xevov, TnTTaao. iropevaet Be ae Oebs 
eviievr)? fieTa tt)? 'EvoBlas irapOevov, /cal virovp- 
yr)aei Bpopbos Brjfioaios oyjuxaTi ftovXopevcp XPV~ 
aaadai, ical TTapiTTiroi^ BvaLv. 



U 

JLvo-TaOlq) (fiiXoo-o^rp* 
X/?^ gelvov irapeovTa (j)iXe2v, eOeXovTa Be 7re/x- 

7T€IV 

416 "Ofiripos 6 ao(pb<; evofioOeTrjaev t)plv Be virdp- 
^ei 7rpo? aXXrjXovs fjevucfj? (pcXta? dfjueivcav rj Te 
Blcl tt)? evBexo/jLevr)*; 7raiBei,a<; koX t?)? irepl tovs 
6eov$ evaefteta?, wot ovk dv fie tl$ eypdyjraTo 
Bi/caioos Co? tov 'Ofitjpou irapaftaivovTa vo/nov, el 

1 yovv Hertlein suggests ; ovv MSS., Hertlein. 

2 Ki^wv Hertlein suggests ; Xeywv MSS., Hertlein. 
8 After 5eov Thomas would add airXobs. 

4 Hertlein 39. Cumont restores Eu<rra0ty from X (Papa* 
dopoillos); Hertlein, following Martin, t<£ avrw i.e. Maximus, 
to whom the preceding letter in Hertleiivs edition is 
addressed ; Kstienne Ma^i/xcf) <piKo<r6<pcf. The Aldine has no 
title. 



'3« 



TO EUSTATHIUS 

than this, you possess it ; for, rhetorician and philo- 
sopher as you are, you know the words that come 
next, and you possess me for a friend, at least if 
we are both honest men. On your behalf I would 
strenuously maintain that you are in that category, 
but about myself I say nothing. I only pray that 
others may find by experience that I also am 
honest ! You ask why I go round in a circle as 
though I were going to say something extraordinary 
when I ought to speak out ? Come, then, lose no 
time ; fly hither, as we sa}*-. A kindly god will speed 
you on your way with the aid of the Maiden of the 
Cross Roads and the state post 1 will be at your 
disposal if you wish to use a carriage ; and two 
extra horses. 

44 

To Eustathius 2 

" Entreat kindly the guest in your house, but 362 
speed him when he would be gone." 3 Antioch 

Thus did wise Homer decree. But the friendship 
that exists between us two is stronger than that be- 
tween guest and host, because it is inspired by the 
best education attainable and by our pious devotion 
to the gods. So that no one could have fairly 
indicted me for transgressing the law of Homer if 

1 The tursUM pitblicus was the system of posting stations 
where horses were kept ready for the use of the Emperor or 
his friends ; cf. above, p. 83 To Basil, end. 

2 Hertlein, following an error in the editions of Martin and 
Estienne, makes Julian address this letter to Maximus. For 
the answer of Eustathius see p. 291. 

3 Odi/ssey 15. 74 ; this had become a proverb, cf. Libanius, 
Letter i30. 

139 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

/cal eirl irXelov ae pueveiv irap rjfjbiv rjtjicoaa. dXXa, 
a 01 to aw/jLCLTLOV ISoov iiTifieXela^ irXeiovos Seofievov 
B e-rreTpe^ra ftahi^eiv eU rrjv nraTpiha, /cal paaroovr]^ 
eire/jLeX^drjv r?}? iropeias. 6^/nari yovv e^ecrri 
goi Srj/ioaLM xpy'-jo-acrOai, iropevoiev Be ae avv 
^Aa/cXrjiriw Travres oi deoi, /cal irdXiv rjfilv crvviv- 
yelv Bolev. 

45 
'Ei/cSlklg) eirdpytp Alyvirrov 1 
432 f H fiev irapoi\xla (f>i]crLV " ijxoX Siijyov o~v 2 rov- 
B jxov ovapT iyco $' eoaca vol to gov virap d<f>r}yel- 
aOai. 7ro\v$ ) tyaaiv, 6 NeiXo? apOels /J.€re(opo<; 
to£? nrrj'xeo- iv eirXrjpco&e iracrav rrjv Atyvirrov el 
he /cal tov apiQfxov a/covaai jroOels, eh rrjv el/cdSa 
tov HeTrrefiftpiov rpls irevre. jxrjvveL Se ravra 
®e6(piXo<$ 6 aTparoTreSap^r]^. el roivvv rjyvorjaas 
avTO, irap rjficov arcovcov ev(f>patvov. 

46 
'E/cSi/cicp eirapyjo Alyvirrov 3 
376 Et /cal rwv aXXwv eve/ca firj ypd&eis fj/uiiv, dXX* 
virep ye tov 0eo?<; ex&pov XPV V °~ e Jpd(peiv" ' ABava- 

1 Hertlein 50. 

8 This is the reading of Suidas, who quotes ifiol — a<f>riye- 
IcrQai ; Ambrosianus <ri> Znyyov ; Hertlein, following Vossianus, 
Siriyu. s Hertlein 6. 

1 Cappadocia. 

2 The premature death of Julian prevented the fulfilment 
of this wish. 

140 



TO ECDICIUS, PREFECT OF EGYPT 

I had insisted that you should remain still longer 
with us. But I see that your feeble frame needs 
more care, and I have therefore given you permis- 
sion to go to your own country, 1 and have provided 
for your comfort on the journey. That is to say, 
you are allowed to use a state carriage, and may 
Asclepius and all the gods escort you on your way 
and grant that we may see you again ! 2 

45 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt 3 

As the proverb says, " You told me my own 3G2 
dream." 4 And I fancy that I am relating to you y^ eT 
your own waking vision. The Nile, they tell me, Antioch 
had risen in full flood, cubits high, and has inundated 
the whole of Egypt. If you want to hear the 
figures, it had risen fifteen cubits 5 on the twentieth 
of September. Theophilus, the military prefect, 
informs me of this. So, if you did not know it, hear 
it from me, and let it rejoice your heart. 

46 
To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt 
Even though you do not write to me 6 on other 3G2 
matters, you ought at least to have written about October 

From 

3 For Ecdicius see p. 155. Antioch 

4 Cf. "Queen Anne is dead." Ecdicius presumably knew 
what Julian tells him. 

5 Pliny, Natural History 5. 9, says that a rise of 15 cubits 
gives Egypt security, 16 is luxury ; Ammianus 22. 15 says 
that cultivators fear a rise of more than 16 cubits. The 
Egyptian cubit was about 22 inches. 

6 Egypt was the peculiar property of the Roman Emperors 
and reports were made by the prefect to them. 

141 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

(Tiou, /cal ravra irpb irXeiovos rfir] ypovov ra /caXcos 
rjfup iyvcoafieva itettv a fievov. o/jlvu/m Se rbv /xeyav 

^dpCLTUV, ft)? el flT) TTpb TO)V A6/C€flj3pL(DV KdXavSwV 

6 Oeois exOpbs 'AOavdaws e^eXOoi eice'ivr)? r»}? iro- 
B Xecos, 1 /jlclXXov Se kcli irdarj^ rrjs Alyvirrov, rjj 
vTTCUcovovar) ooi ramjet izpoGTi fitjaofiai xpvaov 
\LTpa<; efcarov. olaOa he 6Vft)? eifil ftpaSvs fiev 
et? to /caraypcji'ai, ttoXXw he ere ftpahvTepos et? 
to dira^ /carayvov 1 ; dvelvat. ical rrj avTOv X ei P b ' 
irdvv fxe Xvirel to Kara^povetaOaL. fia toi>? Beovs 
irdvra<; ovBev outgj? clv lSoi/jli, /j,aXXov be dKOvaaifii 
r)$£co<; irapa gov irpa^Oev, oj? 'AOavdaiov iijeXr]- 
C Xafievov rcdv tt}? AlyvTTTOv opoov, 2 rbv /xiapov, 09 
iroXfjirjaev 'EWtjvlSck; eV i/iov yvvalfcas twv £ttl- 
aijfieop fiaiTTio-cu. ScioKeadco. 

47 

'A/Vef avSpevaiv 3 

432 Et fieis Tt? tcop TaXiXaicov 4 r)v v/jlcou ol/eMrTifc, 

D o'l rbv eavTcov TTCLpalBdvTes vbjiov direTiaav biroias 

rjv etVo? hiicas, kXo/jLevoL /xev ^i)v Trapavofiu)*;, elaa- 

yayovres 8e K7]pvy/j,a kclivqv 5 ical hihaa/caXiav 

1 tt)s tt6\€ws Hertleiu suggests. 

2 opwv Asmus, rSircov Hertlein, MSS. 

3 Hertlein 51. 4 Asm us ; a\Awv Hertlein, MSS. 
5 Kaivbv Asmus adds ; see below 433n. 



1 Athanasius had disregarded the order to leave Alexandria, 
but he now, on October 24th, went into exile in Upper 
Egypt ; Socrates 3. 14 ; Sozomen 5. 15 ; see p. 75. 

142 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS 

that enemy of the gods, Athanasius, 1 especially since, 
for a long time past, you have known my just decrees. 
I swear by mighty Serapis that, if Athanasius the 
enemy of the gods does not depart from that city, or 
rather from all Egypt, before the December Kalends, 
I shall fine the cohort which you command a hundred 
pounds 2 of gold. And you know that, though I am 
slow to condemn, I am even much slower to remit 
when I have once condemned. Added with his own 
/hind. 3 It vexes me greatly that my orders are 
neglected. By all the gods there is nothing I should 
be so glad to see, or rather hear reported as achieved 
by you, as that Athanasius has been expelled beyond 
the frontiers of Egypt. Infamous man ! He has 
had the audacity to baptise Greek women of rank 4 
during my reign ! Let him be driven forth ! 5 

47 

To the Alexandrians 

If your founder had been one of the Galilaeans, 362 
men who have transgressed their own law 6 and have JJ°£* or 
paid the penalties they deserved, since they elected From 
to live in defiance of the law and have introduced a 
new doctrine and newfangled teaching, even then 

2 The Greek word used is the equivalent of the Latin 
libra — 12 ounces. 

3 For similar postscripts see pp. 15, 19. 

4 Or "wives of distinguished men/' 

5 In the Neapolitan** US. the following lias been added b» 
a Christian : /xandpios ovtos, kvwv piaph nal rpia Kar apart irapa- 
fSara nal TpiaddKie. — " This man is a blessed saint, O vile dog 
of an apostate, thrice accursed and thrice miserable ! " 

6 i. e. the Hebraic law ; cf. Against the Galilaeans, 238c, foil. , 
305s, foil. 

mi 



Antioch 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

veapdv, Xoyov av el%ev ovB y w? ^ AQavdoiov vtf) 
vpcov iiri^TjTeladar vvvl Be ktigtov puev 6W09 
* AXe^dvBpov t?)? iroXecos, birdpyovTos Be vplv 
ttoXlov^ov Oeov tov {3ao-tXecos ^apdinBos dpa rfj 
433 irapeBpco /copy /ecu rfj ^aaiXiBt ti)<s Alyinrrov 
irdo-rjs "IcriBi l . . . . ttjv vyiaivovaav ov Qfkovv- 
T69 nroXiv dXXd to voaovv puepos eincprjpL^eiv 
eavTco ToXpua to tt}? 7ro\e&)9 6vop,a. 

Aiav altryyvopai vrj tou9 Oeovs, dvSpes *AXe%av- 

Bpeis, el t*9 oXcos } AXe^avBpecov opuoXoyel TaXi- 

Xalos elvac. tcov 009 dXrjOcos 'Eftpaicov 01 ircnepes 

B AlyvTTTiois eBovXevov irdXai, vvvl Be vpuels, dvBpe<; 

'AXetjavBpels, AlyvirTicov KpaTijaavTes' e/cpaTrjae 

ydp 6 KTL0-T7)<; VpLCOV T7J9 AlyVTTTOV' TO£9 KCLTCoXl- 

ycoprjKoai tcov iraTpicov Boypbdrcov BovXeiav eOeXov- 
aiov dvTiKpvs tcov rraXaicov Beapcov vcplaTaaOe. 
koX ovk elaep^eTai p,vi]p,r) t?/9 iraXaids vpds i/cec- 
vr]<; evBaipLOViciSy rjvL/carjv KOiVcovla pev irpbs tol/9 2 
Oeov? AlyvTTTCp ttj Trdarj, ttoXXcov Be direXavopev 
dyaOcov. dXX* 01 vvv elaayayovTes vplv to /caivbv 
C tovto KT}pvyp,a tlvos clItioi yeyovaaiv dyaOov rfj 
TroXeL, (fypdaaTe pot. kticttt]^ vplv rjv dvrjp deooe- 
/3r/9 ' AXe^avBpos 6 M-a/ceBoov, ovn pd Alcz /card 
Tiva tovtcov 03V ovBe Kara TrdvTas 'Effpaiovs 
paKpCo yeyovoTtxs avTcov tcpeLTTOvas. eiceLvcov ptev 
ovv /ecu 6 tov Adyov IlToXepalo? tjv dpLelvcov, 

1 Some words, e. g. oi>x vyialvere (Capps) have dropped out ; 
lacuna Hertlein, following Petavius. 

2 tovs Asmus adds. 

1 Athacasius had left Alexandria on October 24th, 362, 
and, not long after, the Alexandrians petitioned Julian for 

144 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS 

it would have been unreasonable for you to demand 
back Athanasius. 1 But as it is, though Alexander 
founded your city and the lord Serapis is the city's 
patron god, together with his consort the Maiden, 
the Queen of all Egypt, Isis . . . 2 not emulating 
the healthy part of the city ; but the part that is 
diseased has the audacity to arrogate to itself the 
name of the whole. 

1 am overwhelmed with shame, I affirm it by the 
gods, O men of Alexandria, to think that even a 
single Alexandrian can admit that he is a Galilaean. 
The forefathers of the genuine Hebrews were the 
slaves of the Egyptians long ago, but in these days, 
men of Alexandria, you who conquered the Egyptians 
— for your founder was the conqueror of Egypt — 
submit yourselves, despite your sacred traditions, 
in willing slavery to men who have set at naught the 
teachings of their ancestors. You have then no re- 
collection of those happy days of old when all Egypt 
held communion with the gods and we enjoyed 
many benefits therefrom. But those who have but 
yesterday introduced among you this new doctrine, 
tell me of what benefit have they been to the city ? 
Your founder was a god-fearing man, Alexander of 
Macedon, in no way, by Zeus, like any of these 
persons, nor again did he resemble any Hebrews, 
though the latter have shown themselves far superior 
to the Galilaeans. Nay, Ptolemy 3 son of Lagus 

his return. This is his answer to them. After this edict 
Athanasius remained in hiding in Egypt and the Sudan till 
Julian's death in 363, when he recovered his see. 

2 After "Isis" some words are missing. 

3 Ptolemy the First took Jerusalem and led many Jews 
captive into Egypt, Josephus 1. 12. 1. 

145 

VOL. III. L 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

*AXe£av8po<; Be tcav 'FwficdoLs eh dfJuXXav ld>v 
dycova irapetye. ri ovv puerd rbv KTLarrjv ol 
D UroXefiaLoi, rrjv iroXiv v/llcov (oairep yvr\alav Ovya- 
repa iraiBoTpo^rjaavre^ ; ovu roh 'Irjaov Xoyois 
rjvtjrjaav avTrjV, ovBe rfj rwv 6eoh 1 e^Otarayv 
TaXiXaioov BiBaaicaXiq rrjv oiKovofilav avrfi rav- 
rrjv, vfi 779 vvv iariv evBaiuiwv, e^eipydaavro. 
rplrov, eireiBrj 'Pco/idlot, Kvpioi yeyova/aev avrf}^, 
d(f)e\6fievoi tovs UroXefiaLovs ov KaX6i)<; apypvraSy 
o %e/3aaTO<; i7riBr)pbi]aa<; v/xcov rfj iroXei kcu tt/)o? 
robs v/jLerepovs iroXiras BcaXe^Oeh, ""AvBpes, 
434 elirev, *AXei;av8peh, d(f)Lr)fn, tyjv ttoKiv atrlas 
irdo-rjs alBol rod fxeyaXov Oeov XapaTrcBo? avrov 
re eve/ca rov Bij/xov ical rod fieyeOovs tt}? TroXeW 
alria Be [mol rplrr] r/)<? eh vfias evvolas earl koX 6 
eralpos "Apeto?." tjv Be 6 "Apeios ovros ttoXlttjs 
fiev vfierepos, Ka[aapo<; Be rov Xe/3ao~Tov o-v/jl/3lcd- 
tj?9, dvrjp (j)iX6ao(f)0<;. 
B Ta {lev ovv IBia irepl rrjv ttoXlv v/xcov virdp^avra 
Trapa t&v 'OXvpbiricov Oecov, o>? ev fipa^el (ppdaai,, 
TOLdvra, cncoirSi Be Bid to /jltj/cos rd TroXXd' rd Be 
KQivfi KaO y rjfiepav ov/c dvOpcoirois oXiyocs ovBe evl 
yevei ovBe pna iroXei, iravri Be opLov tu> Koo-fMO 
irapd rcov epi(j)avcov 2 Oeoiv BiBopLeva 7rw? vfieh ov/c 

1 6eo?s Asmus adds. 

2 e/jLcpavwv Asmus ; InHpcvuv Hertlein, M.SS. 

1 For the Alexandrine Stoic, Areius, cf. Julian, Caesars, 
Vol. 2, 32(Jb ; Letter to Thcmistius, Vol.2, 205c, where Areius 
is said to have refused the prefecture of Egypt ; and Philo- 

146 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS 

proved stronger than the Jews, while Alexander, if 
he had had to match himself with the Romans, 
would have made even them fight hard for 
supremacy. And what about the Ptolemies who 
succeeded your founder and nurtured your city from 
her earliest years as though she were their own 
daughter? It was certainly not by the preachings 
of Jesus that they increased her renown, nor by the 
teaching of the Galilaeans, detested of the gods, 
did they perfect this administration which she 
enjoys and to which she owes her present good 
fortune. Thirdly, when we Romans became her 
masters and took her out of the hands of the 
Ptolemies who misgoverned her, Augustus visited 
your city and made the following speech to your 
citizens : " Men of Alexandria, I absolve the city of 
all blame, because of my reverence for the mighty 
god Serapis, and further for the sake of the people 
themselves and the great renown of the city. But 
there is a third reason for my goodwill towards you, 
and that is my comrade Areius." * Now this Areius 
was a fellow-citizen of yours and a familiar friend of 
Caesar Augustus, by profession a philosopher. 

These, then, to sum them up briefly, are the 
blessings bestowed by the Olympian gods on your 
city in peculiar, though I pass over very many 
because they would take too long to describe. But 
the blessings that are vouchsafed by the visible gods 
to all in common, every day, not merely to a few 
persons or a single race, or to one city, but to the 
whole world at the same time, how can you fail to 

stratus, Lives of the Sopliisls, Introduction, p. xxiii (Loeb 
Library Edition). See Seneca, Dialogues 6. 4, where Areius 
consoles and exhorts the Empress Livia. 

M7 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

tare ; jxovoi t/}? e'f 'LWiov fcariovai]? avyrjs avai- 
a@/]T(o<z e^ere ; /jlovol 6epo<; ov/e tare teal yeip,cova 
C trap avrov yivopuevov ; /jLovoi ^cooyovovpeva KOI 
cpvopueva Trap* avrov ra rrdvra ; rrjv Be eg avrov 
teal nap avrov Brjpuovpybv rcov oXcov SeX/]vi]v 
ovaav ovk alaOdveade rroacov dyaOcov alria rfj 
TroXee ylverai ; teal rovrcov fxev rcov Oecov ovBiva 
irpocTKvvelv roXpdre- bv Be ovre vp,el<; ovre ol 
irarepes vpucov eopdteaatv 'Irjaovv oiecrOe ^prjvai 
6ebv Xoyov 1 vrrdpyeiv. bv Be eg alcovos arrav 
bpa rb rcov dvOpcotrcov yevo? teal /3Xeirei teal 
D ae^erai teal aeftopevov ev irpdrrei, rbv pueyav 
'HXiov Xeyco, rb £cov ayaXpua teal epbyfrv^ov teal 
evvovv teal ayaOoepybv rov vorjrov irarpos, 2 . • . ex 
ri pLoc rreidecrde irapaivovvri, teal putepa vpas 
avrovs erravaydyere 7T/30? rrjv dXrjOeiav. ovy^ 
dpaprr]creade yap r/j? opOrjs 6Bov ireidbp,evoi rco 
iropevdevri tedteeivrjv rriv 6Bbv aXP L< * e ' T ^ €iteoai 
teal ravrrjv i]Br) crvv Oeols rropevopbevcp BcoBe/earov 
eVo?. 
435 Et puev ovv cfyiXov vpuv irelOeaQai, p,eit,bvcos 

1 Cobet omits \6yov as a theologian's gloss, but Julian is 
thinking of the beginning of S. John's Gospel ; cf. Against 
llir, dalil, irans, 327n, 333b, c for his attack on the doctrine 
of Christ the Word. 

2 Here some words are lost, probably omitted by Christian 
copyists as blasphemous. Asmus rightly restores irarp6s ; 
Hertlein, following Osann, travr6s. 

1 For Selene as the artificer of the visible world cf. Vol. 1, 
Oration 4, 150a. 

148 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS 

know what they are? Are you alone insensible 
to the beams that descend from Helios ? Are you 
alone ignorant that summer and winter are from 
him ? Or that all kinds of animal and plant life 
proceed from him ? And do you not perceive what 
great blessings the city derives from her who is 
generated from and by him, even Selene who is the 
creator of the whole universe ? x Yet you have the 
audacity not to adore any one of these gods ; and 
you think that one whom neither you nor your 
fathers have ever seen, even Jesus, ought to rank 
as God the Word. But the god whom from time 
immemorial the whole race of mankind has beheld 
and looked up to and worshipped, and from that 
worship prospered, I mean mighty Helios, his intelli- 
gible father's living image, 2 endowed with soul and 
intelligence, cause of all good ... if you heed my 
admonition, do ye lead yourselves even a little 
towards the truth. For you will not stray from the 
right road 3 if you heed one who till his twentieth 
year walked in that road of yours, but for twelve 
years now has walked in this road I speak of, by the 
grace of the gods. 4 

Therefore, if it please you to obey me, you will 

2 Cf. Fragment of a Letter to a Priest, Vol. 2, 295a, where 
the stars are called "living images." Julian here refers nob 
to the visible sun, but to the " intellectual" {voepbs) Helios 
who is in the likeness of his "intelligible" (vo-nrbs) father, 
the transcendental Helios, for whom cf. Oration 4, Vol. 1, 133c, 
note. 

3 For Julian's reproach against the Christians that they 
had taken "their own road" and abandoned the teaching of 
Moses, cf. Agaivst the Galilaeans 43a. 

* Cf. Vol. 1, Oration 4, 131a where he also refers to the 
time when he was a Christian and desires that it may be 
forgotten, 

149 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

ev(j>pav€LTe' rfj BeiaiSaifiovLa he koX Karrj^a-et 
rSiv iravovpywv dvdpcoircov e/JLjieveiv elirep eOeXoire, 
to, 7rpo? dXXrfkovs ofiovoelre koX tov ^ AOavdcnov 
fit) TToOelre. iroXXol Trdvrco*; elal twv avrou fia- 
OrjTcov hvvdfievoi Ta? d/cods vficov /cvrjiicocra? koX 

B heop,evas daeftcov prj/ndrcov l/cavcos irapafjivO^aa- 
aOcu. axpeXe ydp^AOavaaiw ofiov 1 t) tov hvaae- 
/3o0? avrov hihaa/caXeiov KaraKeKkeiadat fio^drj- 
pla. vvv he ian 7r\>}#o? v/jlIv ovk dyevves, kcl\ 
irpdy/Jbd he 2 ovhev. ov yap dv eXrjade tov irXrj- 
Oovs, oaa ye eh ttjv twv ypa<fi(ov hihaaicaXLav 
tffcei, ^eipwv ovhev ecrrat tov irap vficov ttoOov- 
fievov. el he t% aXXr)<; evrpe^eta^ epcovres 'A#a- 

C vaaiov iravovpyov yap elvai tov dvhpa irvvddvo- 
puar TavTas eiroaqaaaOe ra? herjaeis, to~Te Bi* avTo 
tovto 3 avTov dTreXrjXa/jiivov T>j? iroXeco^' dvern- 
Trfieios yap <j>vaei 7rpoo~TaTeveiv hij/iov iroXvirpdy- 
ficov dviqp. el he jmrjhe dvrjp, dXX* dv6 pwiria ko<$ 
evTeXrjs, KaOdirep ovtos 6 fieyas olo/nevos rrepl t?}? 
tcecfraXTjs /civhvvevetv, tovto he 4 hihcoaiv aTa^ua^ 
dpxrfv. oOev, Yva firj ye'vrjTai tolovto nrepl v/jud^ 
fir/hev, direXOelv avT& irpoTjyopevcra/jLev t?}? 7roXeco<; 

D nrdXat, vvvl he teal AlyvTTTov irdarj^. 

IlpoTeOrJTQ) to?? rjpeTepots iroXiTais 'AXegav- 
hpevaiv. 

1 Asmus SfjLov or a/j.a ; Sintenis n6w ; Hertlein, MSS. 
p6ucp ; Hertlein suggests /j.6v(f ye. 

2 Te Hertlein, MSS. ; 5e Hertlein suggests ; Hercher would 
delete Tf. 

3 MSS. 5/otoCto; Reiske 5m to vto avr 6; Hertlein suggests 
oV ai>Tb tovto. 

* Sintenis deletes 8«; Hercher lacuna after apxhv, Capps 
suggests 5^, 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS 

rejoice me the more. But if you choose to persevere 
in the superstition and instruction of wicked men, at 
least agree among yourselves and do not crave for 
Athanasius. In any case there are many of his 
pupils who can comfort well enough those itching 
ears of yours that yearn to hear impious words. 1 
only wish that, along with Athanasius, the wicked- 
ness of his impious school had been suppressed. But 
as it is you have a fine crowd of them and need have 
no trouble. For any man whom you elect from the 
crowd will be in no way inferior to him for whom 
you crave, at any rate for the teaching of the scrip- 
tures. But if you have made these requests because 
you are so fond of the general subtlety of Athanasius 
— for I am informed that the man is a clever rascal 
— then you must know that for this very reason he 
has been banished from the city. For a meddlesome 
man is unfit by nature to be leader of the people. 
But if this leader is not even a man but only a 
contemptible puppet, like this great personage who 
thinks he is risking his head, this surely gives the 
signal for disorder. Wherefore, that nothing of the 
sort may occur in your case, as I long ago gave 
orders 1 that he depart from the city, I now say, let 
him depart from the whole of Egypt. 

Let this be publicly proclaimed to my citizens of 
Alexandria. 

1 See above, To the Alexandrians, p. 75. 

i5' 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

48 

'AXe^avBpevaLv x 

443 'OfteXbv elvai Trap vfxlv a/covco XiOivov eh v\jro<? 
B [fcavbv iirrjpfMevov, eirl tt}? f)6vo<$ wairep dXXo rt 
roiv ari/jLOTdrcov eppipu\xevov. eirl tovtov evavirrjyrj- 
aaro aKa(f>o<; 6 fiafcapiTr)*? KowcrTazmo?, a>? /nerd- 
%wv avrbv eh rrjv efir]v irarpiBa J^covaravrivov 
iroXiV' eirel he e/ceivro avveftr) decov eOeXovrwv 
evdevBe e/celae iropevQr)vai ttjv eifiapfievrjv iropeiav, 
i) itoXis airanel nrap epLOv to avdOrjfia, irarph 
ovad fiov 2 teal irpoa^Kovaa irXeov rjirep ifceivw. 
6 p,ev yap avrrjv &>9 dBeX<f>r)v, eyo) Be a>? /jurjrepa 
(j)iXa)' Kal yap iyevo/jurjv Trap avTjj /cal erpd(j)r}v 
e/celae, Kal ov Bvvap,ai Trepl avrrjv dyvco/xovrjaat. 
tl ovv ; eireiEr) Kal vfias ovBev eXarrov rr}<; iraTpi- 
So? (j>iXw, BlBcojjll Kal Trap' v/mv dvaarrjaai rrjv 
yaXKr\v eiKova. TreTTOLrjrai Be evayxos dvBpids 
tw fieyeOec KoXoaaiKos, bv dvaarijaavres e^ere 
dvrl dvaOij/naTO? XlOlvov %aXKovv, dvBpos, ov 
(pare irodelv, eiKova Kal /jLOptyrjv dvrl rerpaycovov 3 
XiOov ^apdy/xara e^ovTOS Alyvrrria. Kal to Xe- 
yofievov Be, w? rives elcrcv ol Oepairevovres Kal 

1 Hertlein 58 ; the first part of this letter was published 
by Rigaltius, Paris, 1601, the whole letter by Muratorius, 
Padua, 1709. 

2 Hertlein suggests jxoi. 

3 rpiydvov Hertlein, MSS. ; rerpaydivov La Bleterie, as the 
obelisk is four-sided. 

1 This granite monolith, which stands in the At Meiddn 
(the hippodrome) in Constantinople, was originally erected 
by Thothmes III. (about 1515 B.C.), probably at Heliopolis. 

153 



TO THE ALEXANDRIANS 

48 

To the Alexandrians 

I am informed that there is in your neighbourhood Early 
a granite obelisk 1 which, when it stood erect, ^om 
reached a considerable height, but has been thrown Antiocb 
down and lies on the beach as though it were some- 
thing entirely worthless. For this obelisk Con- 
stantius of blessed memory had a freight-boat built, 
because he intended to convey it to my native place, 
Constantinople. But since by the will of heaven he 
has departed from this life to the next on that journey 
to which we are fated, 2 the city claims the monument 
from me because it is the place of my birth and more 
closely connected with me than with the late 
Emperor. For though he loved the place as a sister 
I love it as my mother. And I was in fact born there 
and brought up in the place, and I cannot ignore its 
claims. Well then, since I love you also, no less than 
my native city, I grant to you also permission to 
set up the bronze statue 3 in your city. A statue has 
lately been made of colossal size. If you set this up 
you will have, instead of a stone monument, a bronze 
statue of a man whom you say you love and long for, 
and a human shape instead of a quadrangular block 
of granite with Egyptian characters on it. Moreover 
the news has reached me that there are certain 

The Alexandrians obeyed Julian's orders, but the boat con- 
taining the obelisk was driven by a storm to Athens, where 
it remained till the Emperor Theodosius (379-395 a.d.) 
conveyed it to Constantinople. There, as an inscription on 
its base records, it took 32 days to erect; see Palatine 
Anthology 9. 682. a Plato, Phaedo, 117o. 

3 Of himself (?) or of Constantius. The Emperor's permis- 
sion was necessary for the erection of a statue by a city. 

153 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

TrpocrfcaOev&ovTes avrov rfj /copv^fj, irdvv jie irelOei 
Xprjvai t>}? 8eio~i$aipLovia<; eve/ca ravrrj^ dirdyeiv 
avrov. oi 'yap OecopLevoi rov? icaOevhovras i/cel, 
7to\\ov fiev pvirov, 7roWr}$ Se dae\yeta<; irepl rov 
rbirov fo>? ervyev ovar}^, ovre nricrrevovcnv avrov 
Oelov elvai, real Bia rrjv rcov irpoaexovrwv avrw 
SeiaiSatfioviav drno-rbrepoi irepl robs Oeov? tcaOL- 
aravrai. hi avro hrj ovv rovro ical fiaWov vp.lv 
irpocrr)Kei avveiriXa^eaOai /cal irep,y\rai rfj ep,fj rra- 
rpL&i rfj tjevoSotcovo-j) tca\(b<; v/ias, ore eh rov Uov- 
rov elairXelre, /cal oyairep eh T«a? rpo<f>a$ koX eh 
rov e/crbs /coapiov avpiftdWeaOai. irdvrcos ovk 
ayapi /cal Trap avroh eardvat ri twv v/ierepcov, 
eh o irpoairXeovres rfj iroXec pier evfypoo-vvTjs 
tt7ro/3\e-v/r€T€. 



49 

'E/c8lfCL(p * 

422 "Aijtov ecrriv, etrrep aWov rivos, koX t/}? lepds 
ern/jbeXrjOrjvai pLovai/crjs. eVt\efa/xe^o? ovv €K rov 
hrjpbov T(hv ^AXe^avSpecov ev yeyovoras fieiparcL- 
afcovs dprdftas e/edcrrw alrov 2 tceXevaov Svo rov 

1 Herllein 56. 

2 ffiTo-j Hertlein adds. 



1 Possibly there was a martyr's grave near, at which the 
Christians worshipped ; more probably, Christian or Jewish 
ascetics who flourished at Alexandria and were called thera- 
peuts," "worshippers," had settled near the obelisk. Sozo- 

154 



TO ECDICIUS, PREFECT OF EGYPT 

persons who worship there and sleep 1 at its very 
apex, and that convinces me beyond doubt that on 
account of these superstitious practices I ought to 
take it away. For men who see those persons 
sleeping there and so much filthy rubbish and care- 
less and licentious behaviour in that place, not only 
do not believe that it 2 is sacred, but by the influence 
of the superstition of those who dwell there come to 
have less faith in the gods. Therefore, for this very 
reason it is the more proper for you to assist in this 
business and to send it to my native city, which 
always receives you hospitably when you sail into 
the Pontus, and to contribute to its external adorn- 
ment, even as you contribute to its sustenance. It 
cannot fail to give you pleasure to have something 
that has belonged to you standing in their city, and 
as you sail towards that city you will delight in 
gazing at it. 

49 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt 

If there is anything that deserves our fostering 362 or 

care, it is the sacred art of music. Do you therefore [J'Jj, 

select from the citizens of Alexandria 3 boys of good From 
birth, and give orders that two artabae 4 of corn are 

men 6. 29 says that about 2000 ascetic monks lived in the 
neighbourhood of Alexandria. See also Sozomen 1. 12. 

2 i. e. the obelisk, which was originally dedicated to the 
Sun. 

3 For the study of music at Alexandria cf. Ammianus 
Marcellinus 22. 10. 17, nondumque ap'ud eos penitus exaruit 
musica, nee harmonia conticuit. 

4 The artaba, an Egyptian dry measure, was equivalent to 
about nine gallons, 

i55 



Antioch 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

firjvbs yop^yelaQai, eXaibv re err avrw l kcu olvov 
B eo-Orjra Be rrape^ovcnv ol rov rafiieiov irpoeo rcoTe?. 
ovroi Be Tew? ifc (j)G)vr)$ KaraXeyeaOcoo-av. el Be 
rives Bvvaivro teal tt}? e7nari]/j,r}<; avrfjs et? atcpov 
fieraa^elv, carcoaav 2 arroKeifxeva rravv fieydXa 
rov rrbvov ra erradXa /cal rrap r)/xtv. on yap irpo 
rjfiwv avrol t<x? y]rv%a<; virb t>}? Oeias fjLOvai/crjs 
/caOapOevre? ovrjcrovrai, marevreov rol<$ rrpoarro- 
$aivofxevoi<$ opOcos vrrep rovrcov. vrrep fiev ovv 
C royv iraiBwv rocravra. roi)<; Be vvv atcpowfievovs 
rov fiovaiKOV Aioa/copov iroir]crov avriXafieaOai 
t/}? re)(vr]<i rrpoOvfJLorepov, o>? rj/icov eroifiwv irrl 
orrep av eOeXwaiv avrols avvdpaadai. 

50 

AlOVVO-L(t) 3 

443 'Afieivcov rjada aicorrcov rrpbrepov rj vvv drro- 
Xoyovfievos' ovBe yap iXoiBopoO rore, Kalroi 
Biavoov fievo<; I'tro)? avro' vvvl Be (oarrep odBlvcov 
rrjv fcaO^ rjficjv XoiBopiav adpoav e'fe^ea?. rj yap 
D ov xprj fie /cal XoiBopiav avrb /cal ^Xaorcfujfiiav 
vo/jli&lv, on fie rots aeavrov (J>lXols vrreXafifiaves 
eivai rrpoabfioioVy osv eicarepw BeBcoicas aeavrov 

1 After avrf Hertlein brackets Ka\ oItov. 

2 iartav Hertlein suggests. 

3 Hertlein 59. In Laurentianus LVIII the title is y lou\iavbs 
Kara rov NejAou; Aiovvaiy first appears in the Paris edition, 
1630. 

156 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

to be furnished every month to each of them, with 
olive oil also, and wine. The overseers of the 
Treasury will provide them with clothing. For the 
present let these boys be chosen for their voices, 
but if any of them should prove capable of attaining 
to the higher study of the science of music, let them 
be informed that very considerable rewards for their 
work have been set aside at my court also. For 
they must believe those who have expressed right 
opinions on these matters that they themselves 
rather than we will be purified in soul by divinely 
inspired l music, and benefit thereby. So much, 
then, for the boys. As for those who are now the 
pupils of Dioscorus the musician, do you urge them 
to apply themselves to the art with still more zeal, 
for I am ready to assist them to whatever they may 
wish. 

50 

To Nilus, surnamed Dionysius 2 

Your earlier silence was more creditable than 3G2-3G3 
your present defence; for then you did not utter JJjJf* 
abuse, though perhaps it was in your mind. But Antioch 
now, as though you were in travail, you have poured 
out your abuse of me wholesale. For must I not 
regard it as abuse and slander that you supposed me 
to be like your own friends, to each of whom you 
offered yourself uninvited; or rather, by the first 3 

1 Julian does not mean sacred music in particular : of. 
Vol. 1, Oration 3. 111c, where Oela is used of secular music. 

2 For the name and personality of Nilus see Introduction, 
under Nilus. 

3 Constans; cf. Vol. 1, Oration 1. 9i>. 

157 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

d/cXrjTov, fidXXov Be rw pbev dicXi]T0v, tw irporepcd, 
too BevTepcp Be evBei^a/jLevro \xbvov, oti o~e avvepybv 
eOeXei TrpoaXafieiv, vwyKovaw;. dXX* el p>ev eyw 
irpoaofioLo^ elpu KoovaTavTi teal MayvevTiw, to 
irpdyfia avTo, (petal, Belter o~v 6" oti Kara tov 

KCdjXLKOV 

aavrrjv eiraivels wairep 'AarvBafias, yvvat, 

444 TTpoBrfXov eanv ef a)v eiveaTeiXa^. r\ yap dfyoftia 
icai to fxeya Odpaos zeal to eWe fie yvoir]<$ ocro? iccti 
olo? elfii, zeal irdvra tt7r\co? rd roiavra, /3a/3al, 
irrjXiKov ktvttov teal /cofiTrou prifjuaTcov eajlv. 
dXXd /cal Trpbs twv HaptTcov teal t?5? ^A^poBiTt]^, 
el ToXp,r)pb<; outgo? el 1 teal yevvacos, rl zeal rplrov 
7]uXa{3ij0r]<;, dv Bey, irpoa/cpoveiv ; ol yap tow 
KparoiHTLv dire^Oavb/JievoL, to fiev Kov(porarov 
teal, co? dv eliroL t*9j r)BiaTov tgo ye vovv e\ovTi, 
tov Trpdy/xara eyeiv Ta^eco? diraXXaTTOVTai, 
puKpd Be el %pr) irpoa^rnjuwdrjvai, irepl rd XP 1 !' 
fiara Trraloucrr to Be tcefydXaiov ian t/}? opyrjs 
KaX to iraOelv, (feaal, rd dvrj/ceaTa, to tfiv 
irpoeadai. tovtwv Btj irdvTwv virepopoiv, oti koX 
tov IBlcos dvBpa 2 eireyvwicas' /cal tov /coivax; /cal 
yevLtcux; dvOpwnov vcj> t)fio)v tcov oyfn/jLaOcov 
dyvoovfievov, dvO* otov, 7r/3o? tcov Oecov, euXa- 

1 ouTus el Hertlein suggests; Fabricius ourual ; MSS. 
ouroai, or el Kal r. outuj. 

2 Lacuna Hertlein, MSS. ; &v8pa Asmus. 

1 Magnentius; cf. Oration 1 for the defeat of this usurper 
by ('onstantius. Magnentius had murdered Constans. see 
dmtian 1. 26u, 2. 55u. » Cf. Vol. 2, Caesars .307a. 

158 



TO NILUS, SURNAMF.D DIONYSIUS 

you were not invited, and you obeyed the second 1 
on his merely indicating that he wished to enlist 
you to help him. However, whether I am like 
Constans and Magnentius the event itself, as they 
say, will prove. 2 But as for you, from what you 
wrote it is very plain that, in the words of the comic 
poet, 3 

"You are praising yourself, lady, like Astydamas." 

For when you write about your "fearlessness" and 
"great courage," and say "Would that you knew 
my real value and my true character ! " and, in a 
word, all that sort of thing, — for shame ! What an 
empty noise and display of words is this ! Nay, by 
the Graces and Aphrodite, if you are so brave and 
noble, why were you " so careful to avoid incurring 
displeasure," if need be, " for the third time " ? 4 For 
when men fall under the displeasure of princes, the 
lightest consequence — and, as one might say, the 
most agreeable to a man of sense — is that they are 
at once relieved from the cares of business ; and if 
they have to pay a small fine as well, their stumbling 
block is merely money ; while the culmination of the 
prince's wrath, and the "fate beyond all remedy" 
as the saying is, is to lose their lives. Disregarding 
all these dangers, because, as you say, "you had 
come to know me in my private capacity for the man 
I am " 5 — and in my common and generic capacity 
for the human being I am, though unknown to 
myself, late learner that I am ! — why, in heaven's 
name, did you say that you were careful to avoid 

3 Philemon frag. 190 ; cf. Letter to Basil, p. 83 ; this had 
become a proverb. 

4 i.e. after his experiences with Constans and Magnen!.ius. 

5 A quotation from the other's letter. 

i59 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fteiaOcu €(/>?;?, fit] rplrov irpoaKpovar]^ ; ov yap 
hrj irovrjpov etc ^prjarov ere iroi^aco ^aXeirr/va^ 
iyco' f^Xwro? yap dv tjv ev hUrj tovto Svvdfievo?' 
y yap, w? $rj(Ti, TlXdrcov, Kal TohvavTiov olo? 
T€ r/v av. dheairoTOV he t^9 dpeTrjs 01/0-77? e^prjv 
vTTokoyi^eaOat, fir/hev tcov tolovtcov. aXX* olei 
fxeya to iravras /aev (SXaa<f)iip,eli>, iraai he a7rXw? 
Xoihopeladai, Kal to rfjs eiprjvrjs Tefievos diro- 
fyaiveiv ipyaarripiov iroXe/xov. rj tovto vo/AL^eis 

B virep T(bv iraXaiwv a/juapTrj/jLaTcov diroXoyelaOai 
7T/0O? airavTas, /cal t% irdXai iroTe jxaXaKias 
irapaireTaa fia ttjv vvv dvhpelav elvai o~oi; tov 
fivdov dtcrj/coas tov T5a/3piov " TaXrj ttot dvhpb? 
ev7rp€7rov<; epaaOelaa "• tcl he aXXa i/c tov 
fiiftXiov fiavOave. iroXXd eliroov ovheva av ire'i- 
creias dvOpcoircov, a>? ov yeyova<; oirep ovv yeyova<; 
Kal olov iroXXol irdXai ae TjiriGTavTO. ttjv vvv 
he dfiaOiav Kal to 0dpao<; ovy^ i] cf)LXoao(f)La /id 
toi/? Oeovs eveiroirjae o~oi, TovvavTiov he r\ hiTrXi) 

C KaTa HXaTcova ayvoia. 1 Kivhvvevcov yap elhevai 
firjhev, a>? ovhe rj/juet^, otei hrj 2 ttuvtcov elvai 
ao(f)(DTaTO<;, ov tcov vvv ovtcov /jlovov, aXXa Kal 
tcov yey ovotcov, taco<; he Kal twv eaofievcov. ovtco 
o~ol 7T/30? vTrepftoXrjv afxaOia^ Ta tt)? ohjaeax; 
ewchehcoKev. 



1 &voia Schwarz, cf. Plato, Timaeus 86b, 8vo 5' avoias 

2 h)] Asmus adds. 

1 Crilo 44d. 2 Plato, Republic 617». 

3 The Senate ; for the phrase 4pyacrT7)piot> iroAt/Aov cf. 
XenophoB, Hellenica 3. 4. 17. 

160 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

incurring displeasure for the third time ? For surely 
my anger will not change you from a good man into 
a bad. I should be enviable indeed, and with justice, 
if I had the power to do that ; for then, as Plato says, 1 
I could do the converse as well. But since virtue 
owns no master, 2 you ought not to have taken into 
account anything of the sort. However, you think 
it is a fine thing to speak ill of all men, and to abuse 
all without exception, and to convert the shrine of 
peace 3 into a workshop of war. Or do you think 
in this way to excuse yourself in the sight of all for 
your past sins, and that your courage now is a 
screen to hide your cowardice of old ? You have 
heard the fable of Babrius : 4 " Once upon a time a 
weasel fell in love with a handsome youth." The 
rest of the fable you may learn from the book. How- 
ever much you may say, you will never convince 
any human being that you were not what you were, 
and such as many knew you to be in the past. As 
for your ignorance and audacity now, it was not 
philosophy that implanted them in you, no, by 
heaven ! On the contrary, it was what Plato 5 
calls a twofold lack of knowledge. For though you 
really know nothing, just as I know nothing, you 
think forsooth that you are the wisest of all men, 
not only of those who are alive now, but also of 
those who have ever been, and perhaps of those 
who ever will be. To such a pitch of ignorance 
has your self-conceit grown ! 

4 Fable 32, the weasel or cat, transformed into a woman, 
could not resist chasing a mouse. 

5 Cf. Proclus on Cratylus 05 for this Neo-Platonic phrase ; 
and Plato, Apology 21d. In Sophist 229b Plato defines the 
ignorance of those who do not even know that they are 
ignorant, as twv KaK&v alria, Ka\ t) iirovfiSiaros a/xadla. 

161 

VOL. III. M 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

'AXXa crov fiev eve/ca Kal ravra tcov l/cavcov 
eiprjrai fioi irXeiw, Sec Se ccrax; airoXoyijcracrOai Sid 

<T€ Kal TOi? o\Xoi5,'OT( TTpO^eLpcO^ eVl KOlVtOVlCLV 

D ere irapeKaXecra TrpayfiaTcov. rovr ov irptoros 
ovoe jjiovos eiraOov, cj Atovvaie. e^irciTrjae Kal 
UXdrcova rbv fieyav 6 cro? opLtovvfios, dXXd Kal 1 
6 'AOrjvalos KaXXt7ro9' elSevai p.ev yap avrov 
cj>i]cri TrovTjpbv 6Wa, 2 TrfKiKavirp) he ev avrco to 
fxeyeOos KaKiav ov8' av z eXiriaat ircoTrore. Kal 
Tt xprj Xeyecv virep tovtcov, ottov Kal tcov 
WaK\7j7riaBcov 6 apiaTOS 'YTnroKpaTr)? ecprj' 
"Eo-cpr)\av Se fiou ttjv yvcofirjv at ev rfj KecpaXfj 
pacpaL; elr eKelvoi fiev virep cov fjSecrav e^Tjira- 
tcovto, Kal to re^viKov eXdvOave tov larpov 
m Oecoprjfia, Oavfiaarbv he, elirep 'lovXiavbs tiKOvaas 
e^al(f)vr)<; avhpi^eaOai tov NelXov* ixtovvaiov 
445 etjijiraTrjOr}; aKoveis eKelvov tov 'HXelov Qaihcova, 
Kal ttjv laTopiav eiriGTacrai' el Be dyvoels, ein- 
fxeXeaTepov iroXvnpayfxovrjaov, eyco £' ovv 5 epco 
tovto. eKeivos ivojAifyv ovSev dvlaTOV elvai Trj 
cpiXoaocpia, TrdvTas Be ck irdvTcov vir' avTi)<? 
KaOalpeaSai (3lcov, eirLTrjEev/judTcov, eTriOv/xicov, 

1 Aicvva Hertlein adds. 2 uvra Cobet adds. 

3 oi>8e Hertlein, MSS. ; oi>5' h.v Hertlein suggests. 

4 Hertlein, following Hercher, \?bv HeiKifov 7?]; Lauren ti- 
anus Asmus rbu NelAoi/ ; Wilamowitz rbv SeiXby omitting 
Aiovvaiov ; Heyler regards 77 Aiovvaiov as a gloss. 

5 S' oZv Wright; 5e ovk MSS., Hertlein; /jl6pov Hertlein 
suggests ; Asmus retains ovk. 

1 The tyrant of Syracuse. 

2 Callippus, who assassinated Dio in 353 B.C., was himself 
put to death by the Syracusans after he had usurped the 
government. 

162 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

However, as far as you are concerned, this that 
I have said is more than enough ; but perhaps I 
ought to apologise on your account to the others 
because I too hastily summoned you to take part 
in public affairs. I am not the first or the only one, 
Dionysius, who has had this experience. Your 
namesake l deceived even great Plato ; and Cal- 
lippus 2 the Athenian also deceived Dio. For 
Plato says 3 that Dio knew he was a bad man but 
that he would never have expected in him such a 
degree of baseness. Why need I quote the experi- 
ence of these men, when even Hippocrates, 4 the 
most distinguished of the sons of Asclepius, said : 
"The sutures of the head baffled my judgement." 
Now if those famous men were deceived about 
persons whom they knew, and the physician was 
mistaken in a professional diagnosis, is it surprising 
that Julian was deceived when he heard that Nil us 
Dionysius had suddenly become brave ? You have 
heard tell of the famous Phaedo of Elis, 5 and you 
know his story. However, if you do not know it, 
study it more carefully, but at any rate I will 
tell you this part. He thought that there is 
nothing that cannot be cured by philosophy, and 
that by her all men can be purified from all their 
modes of life, their habits, desires, in a word from 

3 Plato, Epistle 7. 351 n, e. 

4 Hippocrates, 5. 3. 561 Kiihn. This candid statement of 
Hippocrates, who had failed to find a wound in a patient's 
head, was often cited as a proof of a great mind ; cf. 
Plutarch, De profectu in virtute, 82d. 

5 For the reformation of Phaedo by philosophy, see 
Aulus Gellius 2. 18 and Julian, Vol. 2, 264n (Wright). He 
was a disciple of Socrates and wrote several dialogues ; for 
his Life see Diogenes Laertius, 2. 105 ; cf. Wilamowitz in 
Hermes 14. 

•63 
m 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

irdvTcov dira^a-rrXw rcov tolovtwv. el yap rots 
ev irefyvKoai /cal /caXw? TeOpafifievois eTnjp/cec 
fiovov, ovBev av r)v OavfjuacrTov to /car avrrjv' 
el Be teal tou? ovtco Bia/ceifievovs dvdyei irpoi 
to <£<w?, Bo/cel fJLOL BtacpepovToys elvai Oav/xdcriov. 
e/c tovtcov 7) irepl ere fioi /car oXiyov yvcofMr), o>? 
taaaiv ol Oeol irdvTe^, epperrev eirl to f3i\Tiov. 

OVTOl yOVV OVT€ €V TTpdiTOl? OVT6 €V BeVTepOL? 

twv KpaTicrT(ov eOeixr]v dvBpwv to KaTa ae. 
eiricrTacrai taws avTos' el Be dyvoels, tov icaXov 
" 'Evfifid^ov irvvOdvov. ireireiap^ai ydp, e/celvos 
otl ovttot av e/coov elvai yjrevcraLTO, to, irdvTa 
dXrjdl^ecrdaL 7T€(fjVfcu)<;. el Be dyai>a/CTel<;, otl /jltj 
irdvTw>v o~e 7rpovTLfj,r)cra/jLev, eyco fiev ifiavTW, otl 
ere koX ev ea^aToi^ €Tai;a, /le/xcfjo/jiaL, ical %dpiv 
olBa toZs 0eoc<; irdal T€ /cal Trdaais, ol /coivcovfjaai 
ae irpayfiaTcov /cal cfrlXow; 77/10:9 yevecrOai Bie- 
KGoXvcrav. . . . ical yap el nroXXa irepl ttj<; cf)r)fir)<; 
ol Tvoir)Tal cfiaaiv 609 eo~Ti 6eo<$, eo~TW Be, el j3ovXeL, 
Bai/ioviov ye 1 to t?}? </u//z?/?, ov irdvv tl 2 irpoa- 
e/cTeov avTrj, Bloti ire^v/ce to Baijmoviov ov 
irdvTa /caOapbv ovBe dyadbv TeXelcos oj? to twv 
Oewv elvai yevos, aXX' errifcoivcoveL 7ra>9 /cal Trpbs 
daTepov. el Be vrrep twv aXXwv Baijmovcov ov 

1 Zaifj.6vi.6v 76 Asnms ; Saifj.6vi.ov, na\ MSS., Hertlein ; rb 
t?is <\>-i]fxr)s Asmas rejects as a gloss. Thomas reads earco — 
(f>v,/j.T]s as a parenthesis ; so too Asmus. 

2 rrdvu tl Asmus; irxvTj) MSS., Hertlein. 

1 /. r. as Pkaedo. Wilamowitz thinks that this sentence 
and the preceding are quoted or paraphrased from Phaedo. 

2 This was probably L. Aurelius Avianius Symmaehus 
the Roman senator, prefect of the city in 3(34-5, father of 
the orator Quintal Aurelius Symmaehus; Ammianus 21. 

164 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

everything of the sort. If indeed she only availed 
those who are well born and well bred there would 
be nothing marvellous about philosophy ; but if she 
can lead up to the light men so greatly depraved, 1 
then I consider her marvellous beyond anything. 
For these reasons my estimate of you, as all the 
gods know, inclined little by little to be more favour- 
able ; but even so I did not count your sort in 
the first or the second class of the most virtuous. 
Perhaps you yourself know this ; but if you do 
not know it, enquire of the worthy Symmachus. 2 
For I am convinced that he would never willingly 
tell a lie, since he is naturally disposed to be 
truthful in all things. And if you are aggrieved 
that I did not honour you before all others, I for 
my part reproach myself for having ranked you 
even among the last in merit, and I thank all 
the gods and goddesses who hindered us from 
becoming associated in public affairs and from 
being intimate . . . 3 And indeed, though the 
poets have often said of Rumour that she is a 
goddess, 4 and let us grant, if you will, that she at 
least has demonic power, yet not very much attention 
ought to be paid to her, because a demon is not 
altogether pure or perfectly good, like the race of 
the gods, but has some share of the opposite quality. 
And even though it be not permissible to say this 

12. 24, describes the meeting of the elder Symmachus and 
Julian in 361 at Nish. 

3 The lack of connection indicates a lacuna though there 
is none in the MSS. Probably Julian said that their 
intimacy existed only as a rumour. 

4 Hesiod, Works and Days 703 

<p7]fxr) 8' ovtis Trd/xirav airoWvrai, r\v ma ttu\\u\ 
\ao\ <pr]/j.i£w(rr 6*6s vv ris iari Kal avT-f]. 

165 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

06/jus tovto fydvat, irepl t% (pjjfirj^ olB' oti Xeycov 
&)? iroXXa fjuep tyevBws, TroXXa Be dXrjOax; dyyeXXec, 
ovttot av avrbs dXoirjv yjrevBopapTvpicov. 

'AXXa T7]v Trapprjalav ttjv arjv ocei rerrdpcov 
elvcu 6(3oXwv, to Xeyopevov, d^iav; ov/c olaO' otl 
zeal Sepo-LTrjs ev rocs "EiXXrjcnv eirapprjcnd^eTo, 
/ecu 'OSvo-aevs fiev aurbv 6 avveTcoTaTos eiraie 
r(p aKrjTTTpcp, To> Be 'Ayafie/jLVovi T/79 SepariTOV 
irapoivias eXarrov ep,eXev rj ^eXoovrj pivicbv, 
to r% TTapoifiia^ ;, irXrjv ov pueya epyov iarlv 
iirLTi/uav aXXois, eavrbv Be dveiriTipL^Tov irapa- 
ayelv, el Be gov ravrrj^ fierearL t>}? p,epl8o<i, 
eTTtBei^ov rj/uv. dp 1 ore veos yaOa, tcaXas eBco/cas 
V7rep aavTov toZ? irpeafivTepois opuXias ; dXX' 
eyco /card ttjv Kvpi7Ti8eiov y 'HXeKTpav rds roiavras 
o~iyu> Ti>%a<;. eVel Be dvrjp yeyovas real arparo- 
TreBco irapeftaXes, eirpa^a^ 7T&)? tt/jo? tov Ato? ; 
virep rrj? dXr]9eias (£779 irpoaKpovaa^ dirifXXd^OaL. 
Ik tlvcov tovto e^wv 8e2j;cu, (oairep ov iroXXcov 
zeal TroprfpoTUTcov, vcj) y wvirep tcai avTos dirifXaOi^, 
eKTOTTiaOevTwv ; ov tovto eaTiv, w o~vv€T(t)TaTe 
Auovvaie, airovBaiov teal adxfypovos dvBpos, dire^- 
Oavopevov direXOelv to£? KpaTovaiv. r)ada Be 
av fteXTteov, el tovs dvOpcoTrovs i/c T/79 77-^0? 
C aeavTov avvovaias direfyrjvas tj/jllv fieTpuoTepovs. 
dXXd tovto fiev ov KaTa ere, pa tovs Oeovs, ovBe 
KaTa pLvpiov; aXXovs, oo~oi t,r\Xovo~i tov gov TpbiroV 

1 Cf. Julian's reverence for ^t\ixt\ in Vol. 1, pp. 409, 423 ; 
V<»1. 2, ]). 847, Wright. 

2 Iliad 2. 265. 

8 Orestes 16; ras yap iv neat? <riyw rvxas. Cf. Vol. 2, To 
Themittiut, 254b, p. 204, Wright. 
1 66 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSUS 

concerning the other demons, I know that when I 
say of Rumour that she reports many things falsely 
as well as many truthfully, I shall never myself be 
convicted of bearing false witness. 1 

But as for your "freedom of speech," do you 
think that it is worth four obols, as the saying 
is ? Do you not know that Thersites also spoke his 
mind freely among the Greeks, whereupon the most 
wise Odysseus beat him with his staff, 2 while Aga- 
memnon paid less heed to the drunken brawling of 
Thersites than a tortoise does to flies, as the proverb 
goes ? For that matter it is no great achievement 
to criticise others, but rather to place oneself beyond 
the reach of criticism. Now if you can claim to be 
in this category, prove it to me. Did you not, when 
you were young, furnish to your elders fine themes 
for gossip about you ? However, like Electra in 
Euripides, 3 I keep silence about happenings of this 
sort. But when you came to man's estate and be- 
took yourself to the camp, 4 how, in the name of 
Zeus, did you behave? You say that you left it 
because you gave offence in the cause of truth. 
From what evidence can you prove this, as though 
many men 5 and of the basest sort had not been 
exiled by the very persons by whom you yourself 
were driven away ? O most wise Dionysius, it does 
not happen to a virtuous and temperate man to go 
away obnoxious to those in power ! You would have 
done better if you had proved to us that men from 
their intercourse with you were better behaved. But 
this was not in your power, no, by the gods, nor is 
it in the power of tens of thousands who emulate 

4 i, r. of Constans. 

5 We do not know to whom Julian refers. 

167 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

irerpai yap Trerpais /cal XiOol XlOois irpoaapaT- 
TOfievoi ov/c w(f)€\ov(Ti fiev dXXr)Xov<;, o £' lo"xypo- 
repos tov rJTTova ev^epoy<; GWTpiftei. 

' A pa fir) AaK(ovLKO)<; ravra /cal (tvvto/mo? XeYft); 
D aXX' iyco fiev olfiai XaXiarepos Bid ae /cal tmv 
'Atti/ccov a7ro7T€(f)dv0ai rerTiycov. virep Be wv 
et? ifie Treirapojvrj/ca^, eirid/jaco gol Bl/crjv rr)v 
irpeirovaav, edeXovTwv Oewv /cal rrjs Beairoivr}^ 
' ASpaaTeias. t^? ovv r) Bl/cr) teal ri fidXiaTa to 
Bvvdfievbv crov tt)v yXwrTav /cal rrjv Bidvoiav 
bBvvr)aai ; &>? eXd^iaTa ireipdo-ofiai Bid re toov 
Xoycov /cal Bid twv epywv e^afiapTODv fir) irapa- 
a-ykddai gov rfj /ca/crjyopqy yXcorrrj iroXXrjv 
fyXvapiav. /caiTOi fie ov XeXrjOev, otl /cal t% 
'AcfipoBiTrjs (paalv vrrb tov Md)fiov €G/cwcf>0aL 
41G to advBaXov. aXX* opa^ on rroXXa /cal 6 Mw/zo? 
eppijyvvTO, /cal yuoXi? iXap/3dv€TO rod GavBdXov. 
elrj Be /cal ere nrepl Tavra ipiftbfievov Karayqpaaai 
Kal tov Tidcovov fiaOvrepov /cal tov Kivvpov 
TrXovaiwTepov /cal tov ^.apBavairdXov Tpvcpr)- 
XoTepov, oVft)? to Tr)? irapoifiias eirl gov 
irXrjpooOf} At? TralBes oi yepovTes. 

'A XX' 6 deaireaios '±Wil;avSpo$ i/c tlvgov icj)dvi) 
gol TTfki/covTos ; dp on fiifirjTrjs avTOv yevojievos 
e^Xeocra? 6o~a e/ceiva) to fiecpd/ciov 6 'RpfioXaos 
wveLBiaev ; i) tovto fiev ovBels ovtco? cgtIv 

1 See the similar passage on p. 101. Asmus thinks that 
the Lauricius there mentioned and Nilus were both Cynics 
and therefore obnoxious to Julian. 

2 A reference to the letter of Nilus, who had perhaps 
asked for a brief answer. 

3 Cf. Misopogon 370b, vol. 2, p. 508, Wright. 

1 61 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

your way of life. For when rocks grind against 
rocks and stones against stones they do not benefit 
one another, and the stronger easily wears down 
the weaker. 1 

I am not saying this in Laconic fashion 2 and con- 
cisely, am I ? Nay, I think that on your account I 
have shown myself even more talkative than Attic 
grasshoppers. However, in return for your drunken 
abuse of myself, I will inflict on you the appropriate 
punishment, by the grace of the gods and our lady 
Adrasteia. 3 What, then, is this punishment, and 
what has the greatest power to hurt your tongue 
and your mind ? It is this : 1 will try, by erring as 
little as may be in word and deed, not to provide 
your slanderous tongue with so much foolish talk. 
And yet I am well aware that it is said that even 
the sandal of Aphrodite was satirised by Momus. 
But you observe that though Momus poured forth 
floods 4 of criticism he could barely find anything to 
criticise in her sandal. 5 Even so may you grow old 
fretting yourself over things of this sort, more 
decrepit than Tithonus, richer than Cinyras, more 
luxurious than Sardanapalus, so that in you may be 
fulfilled the proverb, " Old men are twice children." 

But why does the divine Alexander seem to you 
so pre-eminent ? Is it because you took to imitating 
him and aspired to that for which the youth 
Hermolaus 8 reproached him? Or rather, no one is 

4 Or " burst with the effort," cf. rumpi invidia. 

6 Philostratus, Epistle 37 ; Momus complained that 
Aphrodite wore a sandal that squeaked. 

6 For the plot of Hermolaus and Callisthenes against 
Alexander, cf. Quintal Cortina 8. (i ; Arrian, Anabasis I. 
13. 14; Plutarch, Alexander 66. 

169 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

avorjTOS ob? virovorjaat, irepl aov' Tovvavriov Be 
zeal oirep aTrcoBvpero iraOwv 'EppoXaos, Kal Bioirep 
Btevoelro tov 'AXe^avBpov, o5? cfraaiv, cnroKTelvai, 
tovto Be ovBels oarcs TTerreiapevo? ovk eari irepl 
aov ; ttoXXcov Be eyco vrj tou? Oeovs /ecu a<f>6Bpa 
ae (pa/jievcov fyiXelv a/eijtcoa ttoXXcl virep ravri]^ 
diroXoyov pevcov tt)? a/naprlas, 77877 Be tivo<? teal 
aino-TovvTOS. dXX' ovros eariv 77 pia ^eXtBcov, 
ov iroiel to eap. aXX! Xaoos eiceWev 'AXe^avBpo? 
w(f)0t] aoi fieyas, on KaXXiaOei'7] pev direKreive 
TTLKpct)*;, KXetTo? Be avrov tt}? irapoivia^ epyov 
eyevero, <I>t\ft)Ta? re /cal Ylappeviwv Kal rb 
Ylappeviwvos ttcllBiov. 1 eirel ra irepl rbv e/ E/cropa 
tov ev Alyvirrw 2 rod NetXou Tat? Bivais 77 Tat? 
Ev(f>pdroV Xeyerac yap eKarepov' evairoirviyevra 
Kal t<z? aXXas avrov TraiBias aMDirco, pur) @Xaa- 
cfiTjpetv avBpa Sofa) to KarcopOcopevov p.ev ovBapws 
e\ovra, Kpdriarov puevroi ra, iroXepiLKa arparr]ybv? 
a)v av Kara rrjv irpoalpeaiv /cal Kara rrjv dvBpeiav 
eXarrov pere^ei^ rj rpi)£(bv l^dves. aicove 8/7 tt)? 
Trapaiveo~e<o<$ pur] Xlav opylXcos, 

ov tol, re/cvov epov, BeBorai iroXeprjia epya, 

to Be efjf}*; ov irapaypdfico aoi, ala^yvop^ai yap 

1 Kal — iraiZiov Heyler and Hertlein would delete as a gloss, 
A sinus retains and reads inel ra for (ireiTa to. 

2 iu AlyviTTcp Hertlein would delete, Asmus retains, seeing 
in the phrase some sneer, the point of which is not now 
clear, 

3 OTpaTTiybu Hertlein would delete, Asmus retains. 

1 The historian who accompanied Alexander to the East. 

2 Cf. Vol. 2, Cottars 331c, p. 403, note, Wright. 

170 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

so foolish as to suspect you of that. But the very 
opposite, that which Hermolaus lamented that he 
had endured, and which was the reason for his 
plotting, as they say, to kill Alexander — everyone 
believes this about you also, do they not? I call 
the gods to witness that I have heard many persons 
assert that they were very fond of you and who made 
many excuses for this offence of yours, but I have found 
just one person who did not believe it. However he 
is that one swallow who does not make a spring. But 
perhaps the reason why Alexander seemed in your 
eyes a great man was that, he cruelly murdered 
Callisthenes, 1 that Cleitus 2 fell a victim to his 
drunken fury, and Philotas too, and Parmenio 3 and 
Parmenio's son; for that affair of Hector, 4 who was 
smothered in the whirlpools of the Nile in Egypt 
or the Euphrates — the story is told of both rivers — 
I say nothing about, or of his other follies, lest I 
should seem to speak ill of a man who by no means 
maintained the ideal of rectitude but nevertheless 
excelled as a general in the works of war. Whereas 
you are less endowed with both these, namely, 
good principles and courage, than a fish with hair. 
Now listen to my advice and do not resent it too much. 

" Not to thee, my child, have been given the works 
of war." 5 

The verse that follows c I do not write out for you, 

3 The general Parmenio and his son Philotas were executed 
for treason ; Arrian, Anabasis 3. 26. 

4 Cf. Quintus Curtius 5. 8. 7 ; Hector, a son of Parmenio, 
was, according to Curtius, accidentally drowned, though 
Julian ascribes his death to Alexander. 

5 Iliad 5. 428, Zeus to Aphrodite. 

6 a.\A.ct ai> 7' IfiepoeiTa /urepx^o tpya ya/j.o'io. 

171 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

v>) tovs Oeovs. dtjioo fievTOi G€ TTpOGVirateovuv 
avTo' teal yap evXoyov eireaOai TOi? epyois tol»? 
Xoyovs, dXXa /jut) cj)€vyeiv to, prjfiaTa t6v yu^Sa/zw? 
hunrefyevyoTa to, epya. 

'AAA' 6 tt)V MayvevTiov teal ¥LoovGTai>TO<; oatav 
ala^vvofievo^, avd' orov tols ^cjgl iroXefiel^ teal 
tols ottohgovv /3€Xtlgtol<; XocSopfj ; irorepov oti 
fiaXXov iteeivoi hvvavrai twv £govtcov a/xyveaOai 
tovs Xvirovvra? ; dXXa aol tovto ov TTpoatj/ceo 
XeyeiV el yap, &>? ypdejieis, dappaXeodraros. dXX! 
el fir) tovto, Tvypv erepov' &)? yap ovte alaOavo- 
fievovs 67riatcco7rT€iv laws ov fiovXei. toov ^goptcov 
Se apd 77? ovtcds €vr,dr]<; earlv r) pLLtcpo\Jrvxo<;, 09 
d^Lcioaecev av avrov irapa goI Xoyov elvai Tiva, 
teal ov /3ov\r]a6rai fxdXiGTa fiev dyvoelaOai irapa 
gov iravidiraGiv, el £' dhvvarov eirj, XothopelaOai 
irapa gov fiaXXov, teaOdirep iyco vvv, 1 rj TipbdaOat; 
fiijiroie ovtci) tea/ccos (frpovrJGaifjii, firjirOTe twv irapa 
gov fiaXXov eiraivcov r) yjroycov dvTLiroirjGai/jLijv. 

'AAA,' avrb tovto to ypd^ecv irpos G€ Sa/evofievov 

TV)(OV tGCOS eGTLV ,' OV flO, TOl>? @€Ol><; TOL/? GCOTTjpa^, 

dXX eiTLKoiTTOVTO^ ty)V ayav avOdSeiav teal tiiv 
OpaGVTTjTa teal Trjv dteoXaGiav tt\v tt)<; yXcoTTr)? 
teal to ti}? tyv^l? aypiov teal to fiaivofxevov tmv 
(frpevwv teal to irapa/eetetvr]t(bs ev ttclgiv. e^rjv 
yovv, elirep eheorjyfiriv, epyoi<s dXXa fir) Xoyots gc 
G(f>6Bpa vofiifiG)? teoXaGai. ttoXlttjs yap &v teal 

1 Ka.0j.Trep — vvv Cobet would delete as a gloss. 

1 Julian seems to anticipate the criticism of Nilus that he 
is not showing himself superior to Alexander. 
- For Julian's mildness in such cases, see Ammianus. 25. 4. 

!). Constat cum in apertos aliquos inimicos insidiatores suos 
172 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

because, by the gods, I am ashamed to do so. 
However 1 ask you to understand it as said. For 
it is only fair that words should follow on deeds, 
and that he who has never avoided deeds should 
not avoid the phrases that describe them. 

Nay, if you revere the pious memory of Magnentius 
and Constans, why do you wage war against the 
living and abuse those who excel in any way ? Is 
it because the dead are better able than the living 
to avenge themselves on those who vex them? Yet 
it does not become you to say this. For you are, as 
your letter says, " Very brave indeed." But if this 
is not the reason, perhaps there is a different one. 
Perhaps you do not wish to satirise them because 
they cannot feel it. But among the living is there 
anyone so foolish or so cowardly as to demand that 
you should take any notice of him at all, and who 
will not prefer if possible to be altogether ignored 
by you ; but if that should be impossible, to be 
abused by you, as indeed I am now abused rather than 
honoured ? May I never be so ill-advised — may I 
never aspire to win praise rather than blame from you ! 

But perhaps you will say that the very fact that 
I am writing to you is a proof that I am stung ? l 
No, I call the Saviour Gods to witness that I am but 
trying to check your excessive audacity and bold- 
ness, the license of your tongue and the ferocity of 
your soul, the madness of your wits and your per- 
verse fury on all occasions. In any case it was in 
my power, if I had been stung, to chastise you with 
deeds and not merely with words, 2 and I should have 
been entirely within the law. For you are a citizen 

ita consurrexisse mitissime, ut poenarum asperitatem genuina 
lenitudine castigaret. 

173 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

t>7? yepovcrlas fieieyj^v avro/cpdropos eirirayfia 
TTaprjrrjdco' tovto Be ov/c e^rjv BrjirovOev tw fir) 
ueydXrjv dvdy/criv irpolGyofievw. ov/covv etjrjprcei 

flOl V7T6p TOVTOV fyfllCOGal (76 TTCLVTOiaV tflfliaV, 

aXX (prjOrjv Belv ypdyfrac irpos ae irpcorov, vofxl^wv 
Idaifjiov eTTi(TTo\i(p /Syoa^et. ®? £e <* ififievovTa 
to?? avToh, fiaWov Be to \e\r)0o<; rew? tj}? 
fiavias i(f)(i)paaa, . . . * fir) it /cal vofiiaOeir)^ 
dvrjp, ov/c dvr)p cov, /cal 7rapp>io~la$ fiearos, 
ifi/3povTr]crla<; a>v 7r\ijpr)s, ical irauBeLas fiere- 
g)(tj/co)<;, oi/Be ypv Xoycov dyfrdfievos, oaa ye el/cos 
io~ri rats eirLo-ToXals gov Te/Cfi>] pacrOai. to yap 
(jypovBov ovBels elire twv dp^alcov eirl tov irpo- 
B fyavovs, toairep gv vvv, eirel t<z? dXka? gov t?}? 
enLGToXfjs dfiapTias ovBels av eire^e\Oelv ev 
fia/cp(p /3t/3\Lrp ovvr}0€L7] ica\ to fiaGTpoirbv i/cetvo 
/cal /3Be\vpbv r)6o$, vfi ov Geavrbv irpoaywyeveis. 
oi) yap toi>? ef eroifiov (f)r)$ rj/covras oi/Be rovs 
icfreBpevovTas Tat? appals, dXXa tou? fieftaia 
KpiGei xpcofievov? ical Kara tovto to Beov alpov- 
fievovs tovtovs Belv, dX)C ov rovs eroifiws 
viraKovovras, alpeiaOcu. /caXds ye r)fiiv iXirlSasi 
v7ro<f)aLV€i,<; ovBev BeofLevoi? co? vireitjoov, r)v avdls 
Ge /caXco/iev iirl Koivwviav 2 irpayfidrwv. ijioi Be 
togovtov fiepos tovtov irepceGTiv, cogtc ere, twv 

1 Lacuna. Some reference to the letters written by 
Niloa ii needed here. 

2 Kotvuviav Asmus cf. 444c ; koivwvIx Hertlein, MSS. 

174 



TO NILUS, SURNAMED DIONYSIUS 

and of senatorial rank and you disobeyed a command 
of your Emperor ; and such behaviour was certainly 
not permissible to anyone who could not furnish the 
excuse of real necessity. Therefore I was not satis- 
fied with inflicting on you any sort of penalty for 
this conduct, but I thought I ought to write to you 
first, thinking that you might be cured by a short 
letter. But since I have discovered that you per- 
sist in the same errors, or rather how great your 
frenzy is which I previously did not know . . .* lest 
you should be thought to be a man, when that 
you are not, or brimful of freedom of speech, when 
you are only full of insanity, or that you have had 
the advantage of education when you have not the 
smallest acquaintance with literature, as far, at any 
rate, as one may reasonably judge from your letters. 
For instance, no one of the ancients ever used 
<l>povSo<> 2 to mean "manifest" as you do here, — for, 
as for the other blunders displayed in your letter, 
no one could describe them even in a long book, 
or that obscene and abominable character of yours 
that leads you to prostitute yourself. You tell me 
indeed that it is not those who arrive offhand or 
those who are hunting for public office w r hom we 
ought to choose, but those who use sound judge- 
ment and in accordance with this prefer to do their 
duty rather than those who are ready and eager to 
obey. Fair, truly, are the hopes you hold out to me 
though I made no appeal to you, implying that you 
will yield if I again summon you to take part in 
public business. But I am so far from doing that, 



1 Some words have fallen out. 

2 In Attic the word means "vanished. 



175 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

dXXcov elate fievcov, 1 ovBe irpoaeiprjKa ircoirore. 
Kalroi ye 777)0? 7roXXou? eycoye rovro eiroiqaa 

yVCOplpCOV T€ KaX dyVOOVpbeVCOV ifiol Kara T7]V 

OeofytXr) 'Vcofirjv Biarptf3ovra<>. ovrco aov ttJ9 
<piXla<; dvrerroiovprjv, ovrco ae arrovBrj^ d^iov 
cp6p,r)v. et/co? ovv on Kal rd fieXXovra 777)09 
ae roiavra earai. Kal 'yap vvv eypayjra ravrrjvl 
tt]V CTnaroXrjv, ov aol jjlovov dvdyvcoapua, errel 
Kal dvay/calap rroXXols avrrjv rjBeiv, Kal Bcoaco 
ye rrdaiv ovk aKOvaiv, &)? epuavrov rreiOco, 
Xr)\jro/jLevoL<;' ae/xvorepov yap opcovres ae Kal 
oyKcoBearepov rcov eparpoadev aov fteftico/ievcov 
d^Oovrai. 

TeXeiav e^ei? Trap' rjpcov rrjv diroKpiaiv, ware 
ae firj&ev eiriiroOelv. ovkovv ovBe rj/jLel? irapa 
aov n rrXeov drrairovpev a\V evrvywv, eh 6 
ri 2 (BovXei rol$ yptififiaai, ^prjaar rd yap t/}? 
i)perepa^ (fiiXias rreirepavrai^ aoi. eppcoao rpvcpcov 
Kal XoiBopovp,evo<; epol TTapairXrjaLcos. 

51 

3% 'lovSaicov rep kolvco 4 

^ Udvv v/jllv cpopriKcorarov yeyevrjrai errl rcov 

rrapfp^rjKorcov Kaipcov rcov ^vycov t/)? BovXeLas 

rb Biaypacfaais dKrjpvKrois vrrordrreaOai v/ids 

397 /cal xpvalov rrXrjOos deparov elaKopLL^eiv rots 

rov rapuieiov Xoyow cov rroXXd puev avro\jrel 

1 Asmua suggests /ier' &\\u>v date fie vou to improve the sense. 

a els '6 n Asmus ; ore Hertlcin, MSS. 

8 ."ireTT* pavral Cobet, ireirpaTai Hercher, Hertlein ; 4ir4irpaTai 
MSS., iirtiparai A. Asmus suggests 4 cireirpaTai = "sold 
OUt," " ruined." 

I 7 6 



TO THE COMMUNITY OF THE JEWS 

that, when the others were admitted, I never even 
addressed you at any time. And yet 1 did address 
many who were known and unknown to me and 
dwell in Rome, beloved of the gods. Such was my 
desire for your friendship, so worthy of consideration 
did I think you ! Therefore it is likely that my 
future conduct towards you will be much the same. 
And indeed I have written this letter now, not for 
your perusal alone, since I knew it was needed by 
many besides yourself, and I will give it to all, since 
all, I am convinced, will be glad to receive it. For 
when men see you more haughty and more insolent 
than befits your past life, they resent it. 

You have here a complete answer from me, so 
that you can desire nothing more. Nor do I ask 
for any further communication from you. But when 
you have read my letters use them for whatever 
purpose you please. For our friendship is at an end. 
Farewell, and divide your time between luxurious 
living and abuse of me ! 

51 

To the community of the Jews l 

In times past, by far the most burdensome thing Late 
in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that JJrtJ* 
you were subjected to unauthorised ordinances and 3;»3 
had to contribute an untold amount of money to Antioch 
the accounts of the treasury. Of this I used to 

1 For this rescript see Introduction. 

4 Hertlein 25. 

177 

VOL. III. N 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

eOecopow, irXeiova he tovtwv e/xadov eupcov ra 
ftpefiia ra /caff vficov (frvXaTTO/ieva' en he kcli 
fieXXovaav iraXiv elacj)opav /cad' vfiwv irpoajaT- 
TeaOau elpga, /cal rb t/)<? TOiavrr]^ hvo-^fiia^ 
aae/3)]jbia evravOa eftiacrdiArjv arrjaai, /cal irvpi 
Trapehw/ca ra fipeftia ra /caO' vficov ev tols efiols 
GKpivloi^ avroiceifAeva, go? /xtj/ceTi hvvaaOat tcaO 
v/xebv Tiva TOiavTrjv d/covri^eiv acre/3eia? (f)i]/jbr]V. 

B teal tovtwv fxev v/mv ov toctovtov clitlos /carearrj 
6 t/}? /jLvrj/nrfs d^LO<; K.(ovo-Tdvrio<; 6 dSeXtyos, oaov 
ol rrjv yvcofjLrjv ftdpftapoi /cal ttjv tyv)(r)V aOeoi, oi 
rrjv tovtov rpdire^av eo-TLoofxevot, ou? iyco fiev ev 
Xepalv ifiaU Aa/So/xe^o? ek fiodpov waa? coXeaa, 
co? pLrjhe /JLV7]fir)v en ^epeadai Trap' rjfiLV t/}? clvtwv 
dircoXeias. eirl irXeov he vfias evw^elaOai ftovXo- 

C fjuevo?, rbv dheX(j>bv "lovXov, rbv alheatfjiooTaTov 
7raTpidpx7]v, irapyveaa /cal ri]v Xeyofxevrjv elvai 
nap vjilv diTOGro\i]V KcoXvOrjvac, /cal /i^/ceTi 
hvvaoQai ra TrXrjOr] v/xcov riva dhi/celv TOiavrais 
(popcov elairpd^aiv, go? iravrayoQev vfilv to d\x'epi- 
/jLVov vndpyeiv eirl l tt)? i[if}<; (SaaiXeLas, Xva diro- 
Xavovres elprjv7-j<; 2 ere fxei^ova^ ei)^a? TroifjaOe 
virep 3 t>)? €fir)<; ftaaiXelas tw iravrcov /cpeirrovi 
/cal hrjfjuovpya) 6ew, tw /caTafjuoaavTi areyfrat /xe 

T) t?7 a%pdvTcp avrov he%ia. Trecfrv/ce yap tol>? ev 
tivl fieptfivrj e^era^ofjuevovs irepthelaOai ttjv hid- 

1 Reiske M rf/s ; rrjs Hertlein, MSS. 

2 dp-buys R,eiske supplies for lacuna after aToAavovres, 
Hertlein lacuna ; ^(rvx'tas Thomas. 

8 Reiske v-ncp r?)s ; Hertlein, MSS. rrjs. 

1 Or airvActa may be active = " their wickedness." 

>78 



TO THE COMMUNITY OF THE JEWS 

see many instances with my own eyes, and I have 
learned of more, by finding the records which are 
preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was 
about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and 
compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here ; 
and 1 threw into the fire the records against you 
that were stored in my desks ; so that it is no longer 
possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach 
of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured 
memory was not so much responsible for these 
wrongs of yours as were the men who used to 
frequent his table, barbarians in mindj godless in 
soul. These I seized with my own hands and put 
them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that 
not even any memory of their destruction x might 
still linger amongst us. And since I wish that 
you should prosper yet more, I have admonished 
my brother lulus, 2 your most venerable patriarch, 
that the levy 3 which is said to exist among you 
should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer 
to have the power to oppress the masses of your 
people by such exactions ; so that everywhere, dur- 
ing my reign, you may have security of mind, and 
in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid 
prayers 4 for my reign to the Most High God, the 
Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own 
immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men 
who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered 

2 The Patriarch Hillel II. was at this time about seventy. 

3 Literally "the apostole," paid by the Jpws to maintain 
the Patriarchate. It was later suppressed by the Emperor 
Theodosius II. 

4 Sozomen 5. 22 sa3 r s that Julian wrote to the community 
of the Jews asking them to pray for him : etfxe<r0ai vwep avrov 
koX ttJs avrov fiaaiXdas. 

179 
n 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

voiav kcli fxrj ToaovTov eh rrjv Trpoaevyi^v Ta? 
Xelpas dvarelveiv toX/jlclv, tovs Be iravraxbOev 
e^ovTCLS to a/xepL/jLVOv oXoKKrjpw tyvxf) xaipovras 
virep rod /3aai\eiov i/ceriipLovs Xarpeia^ iroielaOat 
TO) fiei^ovL, ra> Bvvap,ev(p fcarevOvvai tt]v paatXeiav 
r)p.wv eirX ra KaXXiara, KaOdrrep irpoaipovpLeOa. 
oirep XPV iroieZv v/mas, I'va Kayo) rbv rwv Uepacov 
398 tt6\€/jlov Biopdodadpevos 1 rr)V etc ttoWwv ircov eiri- 
6vpovpevt]v Trap vfMcbv IBelv ol/cov/jievrjv itoXiv 
dylav r \epovcraXr]fi e/Ltot? /ca/jbdrois dvoiKoBopLrjaas 
olfciaa) Koi ev avrfj Bo^av Boo pueO^ v/jlwv to> Kpeir- 

TOVl. 

52 

KifiavLw 2 

374 'EiretBy rf}<; viroaxecrew^ eireXddov rptrr} yovv 
C earl o-rjfiepov, kcu 6 </h\oo-og5o? Upta/cos avrb? 
pev ov% rj/ce, ypd/LLfiara 8' direareiXev &>? en 
XpovL^cov 3 v7ro/jLi/jLVt]o-/cco ae to %/9€09 diraiTwv. 
6$Xr)p,a Be ecrriv, oj? olaOa, aoi fiev diroBovvai 
paBiov, epol Be 7]Bmttov irdvv KopiaaaOai. irepare 
Brj rbv \6yov kcu T7jv lepdv avfjL^ovXrjV, dXXa 

7TyOO? RpflOU KCtl M.OUaO)V TO^€0)5, iircl KCll TOVTWV 

p,e twv rpioov rjpuepcbv tadi avvTptyas, el'rrep 

d\i]6rj (prjaiv o Xl/ccXloottjs TroniTrjs, ev jj/jlclti 

1) (frda/ctov tous ttoOovvtcls y)]pdo~/ceiv. el Be raura 

1 Asm us would read KaTop9wad/u.evos. 

2 Hertlein 3. aocpiarrj xal Koiaia-Twpi (quaestor) is added to 
the title in one MS., X ; cf. p. 201. 3 Cobet xpovi&p. 

1 For Julian's project of rebuilding the Temple, see 
Introduction. 

180 



TO LIBANIUS 

in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in 
raising their hands to pray; but that those who are 
in all respects free from care should rejoice with 
their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers 
on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even 
to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest 
ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to 
do, in order that, when I have successfully con- 
cluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my 
own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem, 1 which for 
so many years you have longed to see inhabited, 
and may bring settlers there, and, together with 
you, may glorify the Most High God therein. 

52 

To Li ban ius 2 

Since you have forgotten your promise — at any sea 
rate three days have gone by and the philosopher ^ t " lter 
Priscus 3 has not come himself but has sent a letter Antioch 
to say that he still delays — I remind you of your 
debt by demanding payment. The tiling you owe 
is, as you know, easy for you to pay and very pleasant 
for me to receive. So send your discourse and your 
u divine counsel," and do it promptly, in the name 
of Hermes and the Muses, for 1 assure you, in these 
three days you have worn me out, if indeed the 
Sicilian poet 4 speaks the truth when he says, " Those 
who long grow old in a day." And if this be true, 

2 Both Libanius and Julian were at this time at Antioeh. 
We have the answer to this letter, Libanius, /setter 7i'»<> 
Foerster ; Libanius had promised to send Julian his speech, 
Fur Aristo/tha/ies, Oration 14, for which see below, p. ls;{. 

3 For Priscus, see above, pp. 3, 15. 

* Theocritus, 12. 2 o\ §f iroQevvres $v ffjucrn yjipdcricovaiv. 

181 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

eCTTLV, COO"TT6p OVV 6(771, TO yfjpCLS 7]plv ejpLir\a- 

aiaaas, w yevvale. ravra pera^v rod irpdrreiv 
inrrjybpevad gov ypdfyeiv yap ov% 0I09 re f)v, 
dpyorepav e^cov rr)<; y\a)TTr]<z rrjv yelpa. /cairoi 
fioi /cal rrjv yXcorrav elvat o~v pbfte ftrj /cev vtto t>}? 
dvaaKi]ala<; dpyorepav /cal dBidpOpcorov. eppcoao 
poi, dBe\(f>e iroOeivorare /cal TrpoacpLXearare. 

53 

A 1 ft av Up 1 

'ATroBeBco/cas 'Apiarocpdvet, *ra? dpuotfta^ tt)^ 
re irepl toi/? Oeovs evaeftelas /cal t??? irepl aeavrbv 
TTpodvpias, upuetyas avrw /cal pueTaOeh ra irpoaOev 

eTTOVeihlGTCL 7T/90? €V/c\€iaV, OV T7)V vvv pLOVOV, 

aXKa ical eh rbv eireira ypovov, &)? ov\ opoibv ye 
r) HavXov avKotyavna ical rj rou Beivos K.picn<$ 
rot? vtto aov ypa(f>opevoi<; \6yow e/celva pev yap 
dvdovvrd re ipuaelro /cal avvaireaftrj roh Bpdaa- 
aiv, 01 Be aol \6yoL /cal vvv vtto twv dXijdcos 
'Fi\\7]VG)v dyairwvrai, ical eh rbv eireira ypovov, 
el pr\ Ti a<f)dWop,ai /cpcaeco<; opOrjs, dyamjaovTai. 
irevay Br) Xoiirbv el ireireitcds p,e, paXkov Be 
pLeTaTreirei/cas virep 'Apiarocfrdvovs. p,r) vopi^eiv 
avrbv ijBovcZv rjjTova /cal yprfparcov bjioXoyco. r[ 
Be ov piWay r(p <f)i\oao<fccoTdT(p /cal <f)i\a\r)de- 

1 Hertlein 74+14; Cumont, following Vaticanus 941 and 
certain other MSS., restored Hertlein 14 to its proper place 
.is postscript to Hertlein 74. 

1 Plato, Phaedrus 242e «I 8' iariv, &<rirep ovv io-ri, 6e6s. . . . 

2 Sophocles, Philoctctes 97 yhwaaav /uj> apy6v, %tipa. ^' * l X 0V 
Ipyariv. 

182 



TO LIBANIUS 

as in fact it is, 1 you have trebled my age, my good 
friend. I have dictated this to you in the midst of 
public business. For I was not able to write myself 
because my hand is lazier than my tongue. 2 Though 
indeed my tongue also has come to be somewhat 
lazy and inarticulate from lack of exercise. Fare- 
well, brother, most dear and most beloved ! 

53 
To Libanius 

You have requited Aristophanes 3 for his piety 362 
towards the gods and his devotion to yourself by ]J t inter 
changing and transforming what was formerly a Antioch 
reproach against him so that it redounds to his 
honour, and not for to-day only but for the future 
also, since the malicious charges of Paul 4 and the 
verdict of So-and-so 5 have no force compared with 
words written by you. For their calumnies were 
detested even while they flourished, and perished 
along with their perpetrators, whereas your speeches 
are not only prized by genuine Hellenes to-day but 
will still be prized in future times, unless I am mis- 
taken in my verdict. For the rest, you shall judge 
whether you have convinced, or rather converted, 
me on behalf of Aristophanes. I now agree not to 
believe that he is too weak to resist pleasure and 
money. What point would I not yield to the most 

3 For Aristophanes of Corinth and for the answer of 
Lihanius, Letter 758, Foerster, see Introduction, Aristophanes. 

4 Paul, the notary nicknamed Catena, " the chain," a tool 
of Constantius, was burned alive on Julian's accession, by 
order of the Chalcedon Commission ; Ammianus 14. 5. 6 ; 22. 
3. 11. He was a Spaniard, malevolent and inquisitorial. 

6 The real name is suppressed, probably by a cautious 
editor when the letter was first published. 

183 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

OTttTft) tcov l prjTopcov ec/ceiv ; eirerao teal to eirl 
tovtois irapa gov it poaavepcoTCLcrOcu' tl ovv ov 
fieraTiOefiev avrco ra? crvficpopds eh djieivco rvx 7 ! 1 * 
kcu a^avi^Ofxev ra Karao-^ovra 8ia Ta? hvenrpa- 
yia<$ oveihrj ; crvv re hv epxopievco, cpatriv, eyco 
teal o~v ^ovXevacofieOa. h'uecuos he el purj ltv/j,- 
ftovXeveiv /novov, ore XPV $or\Qelv dvhpl roil? Oeovs 
ahoXcos reTt/jLrjrcoTi, dXXa kcl\ ov xph Tpoirov. 
Kairoi fcal 2 rovro yvi^co rpoirov rivd. /SeXriov 
be iltco<; virep tcov tolovtcov ov ypdcpeiv, dXXa 
huaXeyeaOai irpb<; dXXrjXovs. eppcoao fioi, dheXcpe 
iroOeivoTare zeal tt poo-cpiXecrraTe. 
S82 'Aveyvcov he 3 %#e? rbv Xoyov irpb apiarov 
D o-^gBov, dpicmrjaa^ he, irplv avairavaacrOai, to 
Xolttov irpoaairehcofca t% dvayvcoaeco<;. fictfcdpios 
el Xeyeiv ovtco, /idXXov he cppovelv ovtco hwu/xevo^. 
co Xoyo?, co eppeves, co avveoris,* co hialpecns, co eiri- 
Xeipr)/.uiTa, co rd^is, co d$opjiai y co Xetjis, co dpfio- 
vta, co crvvOi'jfcr}. 

54 
387 Evaroxlfp 5 

'Haiohco fxev ho/cel rco aocfrco /caXeiv eirl Ta? 
£88 eopras tou? yeirovas oj? avvrjaOrjcroixevov^, eireihr) 

1 rwv Hercher supplies, Cumont omits. 

2 lief ore toCto Cumont restores nal omitted by Hertlein 
and some MKS. 

3 5e Cumont restores, omitted by Hertlein following MSS., 
which make this section a separate letter. After x^* 5 
Hercher supplied aov unnecessarily. 

4 ovv«n$ Asmus following Monaeensis, avvdeais Hertlein 
following Voss/inuis, but cf. avvd^K-n at end of letter with 
lame meaning, lioth readings have good MS. authority. 

G Hertlein 20. 

i«4 



TO EUSTOCHIUS 

philosophic and truth-loving of orators ? Naturally 
you will proceed to ask me why, in that case, I do 
not alter his unhappy lot for the better and blot out 
the disgrace that attaches to him on account of his 
ill fortune. " Two walking together," l as the 
proverb says, namely, you and I, must take counsel. 
And you have the right, not only to advise that we 
ought to assist a man who has honoured the gods so 
straightforwardly, but also as to how it ought to be 
done. Indeed, you did hint at this in an obscure 
way. But it is perhaps better not to write about 
such matters, but to talk it over together. Farewell, 
brother, most dear and most beloved ! 

I read yesterday almost all your speech before 
breakfast, and after breakfast, before resting, I gave 
myself up to reading the remainder. Happy man 
to be able to speak so well, or rather to have such 
ideas ! O what a discourse ! what wit ! what 
wisdom ! what analysis ! what logic ! what method ! 
what openings ! what diction ! what symmetry ! 
what structure ! 2 

54 

To Eustochius 3 

The wise Hesiod 4 thinks that we ought to invite lutein 
our neighbours to our feasts that they may rejoice y r " om 

Iliad 10. 224 gov re Sv ipxofJ.evu, Kai re irpb 6 too Iv6t\(T*v, 
cf. Plato, Symposium \'4n. 

2 Julian may have read Marcus Aurelius, To Fronlo : 
O Z-xixeipiiixaTa. ! O ra^is ! argutiae ! O U(tk7)(tis ! omnia ! 

3 This is either Eustochius of Palestine, whose knowledge 
of law and eloquence is praised by Libanius, Letter 090 (7o9 
Foerster), or a sophist of Cappadocia of the saint- name. 
We do not know which of these men it was to whom Gregory 
Na/ian/en addressed his Letters 189-191. 

* rbv Se fxiXirrra kol\uv us tis a^Qey ^yyoflt vata ; I forks and 
Days 313, a favourite quotation, 

185 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Kal avvaXyovcn Kal avvayGyviwcriv, orav rt? 
d7rpoaB6/C7]TO<; ifxirecrrj Tapayj). iya) Be §r\\xi 
tous (plXov; Belv rcakelv, ov)(l tou? yeirovas' to 
alriov Be, on yeirova /nev eveaiiv e^Opbv eyeiv, 
cf)i\ov Be eyOpbv ov fiaWov rj to Xev/cbv [xeXav 
elvai Kal to Oepfibv yjrv^pov. on Be i)plv ov vvv 
/jLovov, dWa Kal irdXat (fiiXos el Kal Biere\eaa<; 
evvoi/ccos £X WV > et ' KaL H L7 1^ V virrjp^ev aXko tck- 
B [i^piov, d\\a to 75 r)p>a<; ovrco BiaieQelaOai Kal 
BiaKetaOai l irepl ae fxeya dp etrj tovtov arj/jLetov. 
r)Ke Toivvv fxeOe^wv rrfi biraieias avros. a%ei Be 
ae 6 Br)p.6o-Lo<; Bp6p,os b^/jLaro xpcop.evov evl Kal 
irapiinrw. 2 el Be ^Pl Ti KCLi eirev^aaOai, ryv 
'RvoBiav evpevrj aoi Kal top 'JLvbBiov irapa- 
KeK\r)Ka[xev. 



55 

Iulianus 3 etenini Christo perjidus Imperator sic 
Vhotino haeresiarchae ad versus Diodorum scribit : 

1 /cal 5iaKer<r0ai bracketed by Hertlein, Cobet deletes. 

2 iv\ irap'nrTTcp Hereher ; some MSS. evl ko: wapi-mry, others, 
followed by Hertlein, omit M, 

3 Hertlein 79. These fragments of a lost letter are preserved 
only in the Latin version of Facundus Hermianensis, who 
wrote at Constantinople about 546 a.d. For a partial recon- 
struction of the original see Neumann, Contra Ckristianos, 
Leipzig, 1880, p 5. 

1 Julian, with Sallustius as colleague, entered on the 
consulship January 1st, 303. 

2 Hecate, Latin Trivia. 3 Hermes. 

4 This letter may have been written at any time between 

186 



TO PHOTINUS 

with us, since they sorrow and mourn with us when 
any unexpected misfortune befals us. But I say 
that it is our friends that we ought to invite, rather 
than our neighbours ; and for this reason, that it is 
possible to have a neighbour who is one's enemy, 
but that a friend should be an enemy is no more 
possible than for white to be black, or hot cold. 
And if there were no other proof that you are my 
friend not now only, but for a long time past, and 
that you have steadily maintained your regard for 
me, nevertheless the fact that my feeling for you 
has been and is what it is, would be strong evidence 
of that friendship. Come, therefore, that you may 
in person share my consulship. 1 The state post 
will bring you, and you may use one carriage and 
an extra horse. And in case we ought to pray for 
further aid, I have invoked for you the blessing of the 
goddess of the Crossroads 2 and the god of the 
Ways. 3 

55 

To Photinus 4 

Moreover the Emperor Julian, faithless to Christ, in 
his attack on Diodorus 5 writes as follows to Photinus the 

Julian's arrival at Antioch in July 362 and his departure 
thence, in March 363. The Greek original is represented 
by curious and sometimes untranslatable Latin. Photinus, 
bishop of Sirmium, where Constantius resided in 351, was 
tried, deposed and banished by a s3'nod convened there by 
Constantius. According to Sozomen 4. 6, he wrote many 
Qreek and Latin works in support of his heretical views on 
the divinity of Christ, which were opposed by both Arians and 
Nicaeana. He is mentioned bv Julian, Against the QaWaeant 
262c. 

6 Bishop of Tarsus, a celebrated teacher j Ue was at Antiooh 
in 362. 

187 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Tu quidem, o Photine, verisimilis videris, et proximus 
salvari/ benefaciens nequaquam in utero inducere 
quern credidisti deum. Diodorus autem Nazaraei 
magus, eius pigmentalibus manganis 2 acuens irra- 
tionabilitatem, acutus apparuit sophista religionis 
agrestis. Et post paululum : Quod si nobis opitulati 
fuerint dii et deae et musae omnes et fortuna, 
ostendemus infirmum et corruptorem legum et 
rationum et mysteriorum paganorum et deorum 
infernorum 3 et ilium novum eius deum Galilaeum, 
quern aeternum fabulose praedicat, 4 indigna morte 
et sepultura denudatum confictae a Diodoro deitatis. 
Sicut autem solent errant es convicti Jingere, quod arte 
magis quam veritate vincantur, sequitur dicens : Iste 
enim malo communis utilitatis Atlienas navigans et 
philosophans imprudenter musicarum participatus 
est rationum, et rhetoricis confictionibus 5 odibilem 
adarmavit linguam adversus caelestes deos, usque 
adeo ignorans paganorum mysteria, omnemque mise- 
rabiliter imbibens, ut aiunt, degenerum et impe- 
ritorum ejus theologorum piseatorum errorem. 
Propter quod iam diu est quod ab ipsis punitur 
diis. Iam enim per multos annos in periculum 
conversus et in corruptionem thoracis incidens, ad 

1 salvari Neumann ; sal care Facundus, Hertlein. 

2 manganis Neumann ; manyancs Faeundus, Hertlein. 

3 in/, rnorum, Hertlein, comma deleted by Neumann. 

* praedkat, sepultura Neumann; />raed teal— sepultura 
Faeundus, Hertlein. Before indigna Asmus supplies et. 

'■' rhetoricis confietionxbus Asmus; rltetoris con feet ion thus 
F&cundus, Hertlein, 

1 88 



TO PHOTINUS 

kerenarck : x O Photinus, you at any rate seem to 
maintain what is probably true, and come nearest to 
being saved, and do well to believe that he whom 
one holds to be a god can by no means be brought 
into the womb. But Diodorus, a charlatan priest of the 
Nazarene, when he tries to give point to that nonsen- 
sical theory about the womb by artifices and juggler's 
tricks, is clearly a sharp-witted sophist of that creed 
of the country-folk. A little further on he says : But 
if only the gods and goddesses and all the Muses 
and Fortune will lend me their aid, I hope to show 2 
that he is feeble and a corrupter of laws and customs, 
of pagan 3 Mysteries and Mysteries of the gods of the 
underworld, and that that new-fangled Galilaean 
god of his, whom he by a false myth styles eternal, has 
been stripped by his humiliating death and burial of 
the divinity falsely ascribed to him by Diodorus. Then, 
just as people who are convicted of error always begin to 
invent, being the slaves of art/ /ice rather than of truth, he 
goes on to say : For the fellow sailed to Athens to the 
injury of the general welfare, then rashly took to 
philosophy and engaged in the study of literature, 
and by the devices of rhetoric armed his hateful 
tongue against the heavenly gods, and being utterly 
ignorant of the Mysteries of the pagans he so to speak 
imbibed most deplorably the whole mistaken folly of 
the base and ignorant creed-making fishermen. For 
this conduct he has long ago been punished by the 
gods themselves. For, for many years past, he has 
been in danger, having contracted a wasting disease 

1 The italicised passages are the words of Facundu*. 

2 This is a forecast of Julian's treatise Against (he Oalilacans. 

3 Twice in this letter Facundus translates Julian's 
"Hellenic" as "pagan." 

189 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

summum pervenit supplicium. Omne eius corpus 
consumptum est. Nam malae eius conciderunt, 
rugae vero in altitudinem corporis descenderunt. 
Quod non est philosophicae conversationis indicio, 
sicut videri vult a se deceptis, sed iustitiae pro certo 
deorumque poenae, qua percutitur competenti ratione, 
usque ad novissimum vitae suae finem asperam et 
amaram vitam vivens et faciem pal lore confectam. 



56 



Xprjv x fiev OLKoOev StavorjOevra o Brj vvv eSo^e 
fcparvvcu to) vofMp, to iraXatov e#o? avaXafietv, b 
Siavoovfiei'ot, ptev oi irdXat /eaXco? Oeptevoi tovs 
vofAovs, elvat irXelcnov vtreXafiov ev pteaw fo>^? re 
teal Oavdrov, l&ia Se eKarepw irpeireiv evoptaav 
rd eTTiT7]hevpaTa twv epywv. elvat ptev yap rov 
Qdvaiov r)avyiav &ir)ve/ei] — /cal tovto dpa iarlv o 

^aX/COVS V7TV0S 6 V7T0 TCDV TTOirjTOdV VpVOVpieVOS , 

airevavTLas he ttjv £coi]v e%eiv 7roXXa ptev aXyeiva 
iroXXa Se rjSea, /cal to irpdrretv vvv ptev crepecs, 
av6i<$ he apteivov. o Srj hiavorjOevres eratjav ISla 

1 Hertlein 77. This edict, which has no Greek title, does 
not appear in any MS. collection of the Letters and was first 
published by Hertlein (from Marciamis 366) in Hermes 8. 

1 Here and in the last sentence I give what seems to be 
the general meaning. 

2 This is probably the earlier form of the Latin Edict in 
Codex Theodnsianus 9. 17. 5 dated February 12th, 363. It is 
not clear whether it was aimed at the Christians, but of course 

190 



EDICT ON FUNERALS 

of the chest, and lie now suffers extreme torture. 
His whole body has wasted away. For his cheeks 
have fallen in and his body is deeply lined with 
wrinkles. 1 But this is no sign of philosophic habits, as 
he wishes it to seem to those who are deceived by him, 
but most certainly a sign of justice done and of 
punishment from the gods which has stricken him 
down in suitable proportion to his crime, since he 
must live out to the very end his painful and bitter 
life, his appearance that of a man pale and wasted. 



56 

Edict on Funerals 2 

It was my duty, after considering with myself, to 303 
restore the ancient custom which I have now decided pebra- 
to confirm by a law. For when they considered the » r >' 1 - 1 ' 1 
matter, the men of old, who made wise laws, believed Antloch 
that there is the greatest possible difference between 
life and death and thought that each of these two 
states has customs and practices peculiarly appropriate 
to it. For they thought that death is an unbroken rest, 
— and this is surely that " brazen sleep" of which 
the poets sing, 3 — but that life, on the contrary, brings 
many pains and many pleasures, and now adversity, 
now greater prosperity. Considering thus, they en- 

they had to observe it. They buried their dead by day, and 
did not share the pagan fear of pollution by a corpse, for 
which cf. Eunapius, Life of Iambi ichus, p. 367, Wright. 
Julian desired to suppress the Christian demonstrations at 
public funerals such as that of the bones of St. Jiabylas, at 
Antioch, for which see Philostorgius 7. 8, Sozomen 5. 19, 
Julian, Misopogon 361b, note, p. 485, Wriflht. 

3 Iliad 11. 241, x° L ^ Keov virs/ov ; Vergil, Acnrid 10. 7l~> 
ferreus Somnus. 

IOI 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fiev dcpoaiovaOai rd irpb<; rov? Karoi^ofievov^, 
IBia Be rd 777)0? rbv kcl(? rj/xepav oiKovo/jueiaOai 
ftiov. en Be irdvrcov vTreXd/jufiavov dpyj]v elvai 
Kal reXos tou? Oeovs, ^covrds re t)/jlci<; evb/iiaav 
virb Oeois elvat Kal diribvra^ rrdXiv irpos toi>? 
0eov<; iropeveaOai. rb fiev ovv virep rovrcov Xeyeiv, 
elre to?? avrois dp,c\>brepa irpoarjKei Oeois, eire 
erepoi fjuev emrpoirevovai toi>? %covra<;, erepoi Be 
tou? reOvecoras, ovB' a£iov iacos Br-j/jioaieveiv. el 
ye /jL7)v /caOdirep rjfjbepas Kal vvktos acrio<; rjXios 
Kal xei/jiwvos Kal Oepovs diricov Kal irpoaicov, 
ovrco Be Kal avrcov rcov Oecov 6 Trpeaftvraros, et? 
bv irdvra Kal ef ov irdvra, %coal re era^ev dpyov- 
t<x? Kal reXevrijaaaiv direKXr)pcoae Kvplovs, 
eKarepco rd rrpeirovra %pr] ve/ieiv ev fiepei, Kal 
fii/jLeia&ai Bid rov Kad* y/xepav j3uov rrjv ev Tot? 
ovai, rcov Oecov BiaKoajurjaiv. 

Qvkovv t)av%ia piev 6 Qdvarbs iariv, ^av^la Be 
r\ vvt; dp/jLorrei. Bioirep ol/xai irpeireiv ev avrfj rd 
irepl rds racpds TTpay/xareveaOai rcov reXevrrj- 
advrcov, eirel rb ye ev rjfJiipa irpdrreiv ri roiovro 
ttoXXcov eveKa irapair-qreov. a\Xos ev aXXrj 
irpd^ei arpecperai Kara rrjv rroXiv, Kal fieard 
nrdvra earl rcov p,ev et? BiKaar/jpia Tropevofxevcov 
rcov Be eh dyopdv Kal ef dyopas, rcov Be Tat? 
rivals rrpoaKaQruxevcov, rcov Be eirl rd lepd 
(f>oircbvTcov, ottcos Ta? dyaOds eXnriBa^ rrapd rcov 
Oecov /3e/3aicoaaivro' elra ovk olBa olrives civa- 
Oevres ev KXivy veKpbv Bid fieacov coOovvrai rcov 
raura airovBa^ovrcov. Kal rb wpdyfid eari nrdvra 
rpbirov ovk dveKTov. dvairlpurXavrai yap oi 



92 



EDICT ON FUNERALS 

joined that expiations connected with the departed 
should be conducted apart, and that apart from them 
the daily business of life should be carried on. More- 
over, they held that the gods are the beginning and end 
of all things, and believed that while we live we are 
subject to the gods, and when we depart from this life 
we travel back to the gods. But perhaps it is not right 
to speak openly about these matters or to divulge 
whether both are in the hands of the same gods or 
one set of gods has charge of the living and another 
set the dead. However, if, as the Sun is the cause 
of day and night and winter f and summer by his 
departure and arrival, so also the most venerable one 
of the gods themselves, unto whom are all things and 
from whom all things proceed, has appointed rulers 
over the living and allotted lords over the dead, then 
we ought to assign to both of these classes in turn 
what is fitting for them, and to imitate in our daily 
life the orderly arrangement of the gods in things 
which exist. 

As I have said, death is rest ; and night harmonises 
with rest Therefore I think it is fitting that business 
connected with the burials of the dead should be 
performed at night, since for many reasons we ought 
to forbid anything of the sort to go on by day. 
Throughout the city men are going to and fro each \ 
on his own business, and all the streets are full of 
men going to the lawcourts, or to or from the 
market, or sitting at w T ork at their crafts, or visiting 
the temples to confirm the good hopes that the gods 
have vouchsafed. And then some persons or other, 
having laid a corpse on the bier, push their way into 
the midst of those who are busy about such matters. 
The thing is in every way intolerable. For those 

193 
vol. in. o 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Trpoarv^ovres iroXXdiCLS drjhla*;, ol /aev olofxevoL 
irovrjpbv to oloovHT/jia, tch? Be eh lepa flaBl^ovoriv 
ou #£/z£? irpoo'eXOelv eari irplv aTroXovcraaOai. 
TOt9 yap alrlois rod £fjv deots real /xaXto-ra irdvrcov 
aXXorpicorara Trpbs (j>6opav Bia/cei/jLevois ov Oepas 
irpoaeXOelv dirb Toiavrrjs oi^eco?. koX ovttw ra 
fjLel^co KCLTTjyoprjfca rod ycyvo/Aevov. Tiva Be ravrd 
iariv ; lepol irepiftoXoi ical 6ea>v vaol dveatyaar 
/cal 7roXXd/ci$ Qvei rt? evBov teal aTrevBei kcli 
evyeTCLi, ol Be irapepyowai irap avrb to lepbv 
veKpbv fco/JLi^ovTes, teal rj rwv oBvpficbu (pcovrj teal 
&uo-(f)r]/jLLa a>XP l T ™ v /3&>yn<wz; (peperat. 

Ovk tare oil irpb ttclvtwv tu>p aXXcov to, t?}? 
f]fiepa<? koX rd t?)? vv/crbs epya Biyprjrai ; ovtcos 1 
ovv ettforo)? t?5<? piev d^rjpeOrj, rfj Be dv' 1 dva/ceoiTO. 
ou yap Btj Tfj<; iaOr/Tos rrjv XevKrjv enl Tot? 
irevOeaLV opOcbs eyov earl TrapairelaOai, Odirreiv 
Be rou? TeXevrrjaavTas ev rjfiepa /cal (pearl. fieXTtov 
7)v itcelvo, el ye eh ovBeva TOdv Oeobv e7rX7]fifieX€LTo f 
tovto Be ovk, i/c(f)evyet, to /jltj els airavTas toi>? 
Oeovs elvat Bvo-aefteiav. Tot? tc yap 'OXv/jlttlois 
ov Beov avrb Trpoavefiovori, /cal rebv yQoviwv, rj 
oircoaovv aXXcos ol to)v tyvvcbv eir'nooTTOi ical 
Kvpioi yaipovoiv ovofiaQofievot, irapa to oeov 
dXXorpiovaiv. eyco Be olBa real tovs irepiTTOvs 
/cal aKpifiels rd Oela Oeols to*? tcdrco vvKrcop rj 
irdvTws fjuerd BeKarrjV 7]jxepa<i copav lepa Bpdv 
djjiovvTas. el Be rrjs eiceivwv OepaTreias ovtos 

1 ovrws — rrjs Hertlein suggests for corrupt ovtos — to?s. 

2 ttv Hertlein suggests; t?) S« avr\n*i tovto "appertains 
to," Capps suggests. The sentence remains unsatisfactory. 

194 



EDICT ON FUNERALS 

who meet the funeral are often filled with disgust, 
some because they regard it as an evil omen, while 
for others who are on the way to the temples it is 
not permitted to approach for worship till they have 
cleansed themselves from the pollution. For after 
such a sight it is not permitted to approach the gods 
who are the cause of life and of all things least akin 
to decay. And I have still to mention what is worse 
than this. And what is that ? The sacred precincts 
and temples of the gods lie open ; and it often 
happens that in one of them someone is sacrificing 
or pouring libations or praying, at the moment 
when men carrying a corpse are passing close 
by the temple itself, and the voice of lamenta- 
tions and speech of ill omen is carried even to the 
altars. 

Do you not understand that the functions belong- 
ing to the day and the night have been separated 
more than all other things? With good reason, 
therefore, has burial been taken out of the day and 
would be reserved for the night. For it is not right 
to deprecate the wearing of white for mourning and 
yet to bury the dead in the daytime and sunlight. 
The former was better, at least if it was not offensive 
to any of the gods, but the latter cannot escape being 
an act of impiety towards all the gods. For thereby 
men wrongly assign burial to the Olympian gods and 
wrongly alienate it from the gods of the underworld, 
or whatever else the guardians and lords of souls 
prefer to be called. And I know that those who are 
thoroughly versed and punctilious in sacred rites 
think it right to perform at night the ritual to the 
gods below or in any case not till after the tenth 
hour of the day. But if this is the better time for 

195 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

afieivcov 6 Kaipos, ovBe rfj Oepairela ttuvtcds to)v 
reOvecorcov erepov diroBdiGOfxev. 

To?? fxev ovv e/covai TreiOo/jiivoLS e^apicel ravra. 
a yap rjfidpravov fiadovres, fieTarcOeadcov irpbs 
to fieXriov. el Be ris tolovtos eanv olos a7rei\f)<; 
val fyfjLias BelaOat, icttco ttjv fjbeyiarrjv vcfiegoov 
Blkijv, el 7rpb Be/cdrr)<; r)pepivfj<; aypas ToXfirjaei re 
T(hv diroyivofievwv tlvos KTjBevaaL gco/jlcl teal Bid 
t?}? 7roA-ea)? eveytcelv dXXa Bvvtos rjXlov teal av 
TTplv dvia^eiv ravra yeveadco, rj Be ijfiepa icaOapd 
Kadapols T0Z9 Te epyois * real tois 'OXv/jlttiois 
ava/ceicrOco Oeols. 



57 

^Kpadtcrj 'Ap/nevicov (Tarpdirrj 2 

'E7ret'x#?7T£ irpb^ tt)v tcov iroXefiicdV irapdra^iv, 
^Apadicie, Odrrov rj Xoyos, rijv Begidv /card t>}? 
WepGLfcrjS jAavias oirXlaas. rj yap rj/xerepa irapa- 
a/cevi] re /cal irpoOvfiia Bvolv Qdiepov /SefiovXevraL, 
V T0 XP e ^ v diroBovvai eVl t>}? Uapdvaiwv evo~ 
plas 3 rd fieyiara Biair pa%a{ievov<? /cal rd Beivo- 
rara Biade/juevovs tov<$ dvrnrdXovs, rj tovtovs 
yeipwGap,kvov<$, irpuravevovrcov rjfjilv tcop Oewv, 

1 For rots Te tyyois Hercher conjectures ro7s lepols. Before 
toIs 'O\vij.iriois Hevtlein suspects the loss of to?s \6yots. 

2 Hertlein 66 ; he regards the letter as spurious, and 
brackets the title. Schwarz, Geffcken, and Cumont also 
reject it. 

8 ebopias Ambrosianus ; ivopias Monaceiisls ; evohlas Mura- 
torius ; 4<poplas Reiske. 

196 



TO ARSACES, SATRAP OF ARMENIA 

the worship of these gods, we will certainly not 
assign another time for the service of the dead. 

What I have said suffices for those who are willing 
to obey. For now that they have learned what 
errors they used to commit, let them change to the 
better way. But if there be any man of such a 
character that lie needs threat and penalty, let him 
know that he will incur the severest punishment if, 
before the tenth hour of the day, he shall venture to 
perform the offices for the corpse of any dead person 
and to carry it through the city. But let these 
things be done at sunset and before sunrise, and let 
the pure day be consecrated for pure deeds and the 
pure gods of Olympus. 

57 

To Arsaces, Satrap of Armenia x 

Make haste, Arsacius, 2 to meet the enemy's battle 363 

line and quicker than I tell 3 you arm your right hand Autioch 

against the madness of the Persians. For my J"*t 

military preparations and my set purpose are for Julian's 

one of two things ; either to pay the debt of nature J^™ 1 ' 111 

within the Parthian 4 frontier, after I have won the paign 
most glorious victories and inflicted on my foes the 
most terrible reverses, or to defeat them under the 
leadership of the gods and return to my native land 

1 See Introduction, under Arsaces. 

' 2 This form is given also by Sozomen C. 1. who gives the 
general contents of the letter. The correct form Arsaces 
occurs in Ammianus. 

3 Cf. To Hermogenes, p. 32, 390 B wapa Zvva/xiv inelxOvTi. 

4 The writer seems to confuse the Persians and the 
Parthians : Julian, however, distinguishes them in Oration 2. 
63a, Vol. 1, p. 169, Wright; Ammianus sometimes confuses 
them. 

197 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

kclWivlkovs iiraveXdelv eirl rrjv evey/ca/nevTjv, 
rpoiraia Kara twv iroXepbiwv iyeipavras. iraaav 
ovv paarcovrjv /cal <f)€va/cio~{ibv aTroOefievos, /cal 
tov fJiaicapiTr}v Kajvaravrlvov 1 Kal ra? tcoi> 
ev yeyovoTO)v Trepiovaias to? eU ae re Kal 

TOU9 OfJLOTpOTTOV? GOi (BapftdpOVS VTTO TOV d/3pOTci- 

rov /cal 7ro\vTe\ov<; 2 Kcdv&tcivtlov Kevw6eiaa^ y 
vvv fioi tov 'Iov\iavov, tov dp^iepea, tov /caiarapa, 
tov avyoucrTov, tov Oecov Te kclI "Apeco? Oepairev- 
T7jv evvorjerov, 3 tov Qpay/ccov 4 re^ kola, ftapftdpwv 
okeTrjpa, tov TdWcov T€ Kal 'ItclXwv eXevOepcoTijv. 
el he eTepov ti /3ov\evaaLO' irvvOdvofxai yap elvai 
ae TTavovpyov Kal kclkov o-TpaTioaT^v Kal dXa^ova, 
w? tcl TvapbvTCL fioi nrpdyfiaTa heifcvvaiv e-^Opov 
yap Tiva tt)? koivt)? XvcnTeXelas XavOdvovTa 
airofcpviTTeiv irapd aol ireipdadar reeo? /xev tovto 
virepTiQepuai hia ttjv tov iroXepLov TvyY\v dp/cel 
yap 7]/mv rj toov 6eoov av/xp,a^(La irpbs ttjv tcov 
TToXe/ilcov /caOaipeartv. el Be ti tcl t?}? elfiappLevr)*; 
tcpiveie' Oecov yap (3ov\r)o~i<; y TavTrj? e%ovo~ia* 
d&e(t)<; Kal yevvalcos olaco tovto. XgQl he go? av 
/iev irdpepyov ear) tt)? YlepaiKr)^ %eLp6<$, avvacf)- 
@eiar)<; aoi irayyevel tt)? eo-Tta? Kal r?}? 'Ap/nevlcov 
upxW' /coivcoi'tfaei he o~oi t?}? hvo-Tv^as Kal rj 

1 Wright restores KwvcTTavTlvov from Laurcntianus ; ixelvou 
Hertlein following Monacensis. 

2 troAv€Tovs MSS. (Consiantius died aged about 45) ; 
Teuffel aae&ovs, cf. Sozomen 6. 1, who says that Julian in tin's 
letter reviled Constantius u>s avdvtipcp Kal acre^e?. Hertlein 
TD\vTe\ovs following Sintenis. 

3 evv6r)(Tou Ambrosianus ; evvSicrov Muratorius. 

4 Julian uses the form Qpayyoi in Oration 1. 34 D. 

198 



TO ARSACES, SATRAP OF ARMENIA 

as a conquering hero, after I have set up trophies of 
the enemy's defeat. Accordingly you must discard 
all sloth and cheating, and the Emperor Constantine 
of blessed memory, and the wealth of the nobles 
which was lavished in vain on you and on barbarians 
of your character by the most luxurious and extra- 
vagant Constantius, and now I warn you, take heed 
of me, Julian, supreme pontiff, Caesar, Augustus, the 
servant of the gods and of Ares, the destroyer of 
the Franks and barbarians, 1 the liberator of the 
Gauls and of Italy. But if you form some other 
design, — for I learn that you are a rascal 2 and 
a coward in war and a boaster, as the present 
condition of affairs proves; indeed I have heard 
that you are secretly trying to conceal at your court 
a certain enemy of the public welfare, — for the 
present I postpone this matter because of the 
fortune of war ; for my alliance with the gods is 
enough to secure the destruction of the enemy. 
But if Destiny should also play some part in the 
decision, — for the purpose of the gods is her 
opportunity, — I will endure it fearlessly and like a 
brave man. Be assured that you will be an easy 
victim 3 of the power of Persia when your hearth and 
home, your whole race and the kingdom of Armenia 
all blaze together. And the city of Nisibis 4 also will 

1 Cf. Ammianus 22. 5, of Julian : saepeque diotitabat 
11 audite me quern Alemanni audierunt et Franci." 

2 Arsaces was almost certainly a Christian ; cf. Sozomen 
6. 1. ' 

3 For this phrase cf. Vol. 2. Caesars 326a trdpepyov . . . 
T7/s 4/xavTov (TTparrjyias. 

4 After Julian's death Nisibis reverted to the Persians ; 
their kins; Sapor captured and killed Arsaces ; Ammianus 
27. 12. 

199 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Nio-i/3lg)v ttoXis, twv ovpavlcov 6ewv TOVTO irdXai 
rjfitv 7rpoayop€vadvTQ)V. 

58 

AiftapUo aofyiGTrj teal tcoialaTajpt 1 

399 Mixpi twv AiTdpfioov r)X0ov eari Be tccopi] 
K XaXtciBos' teal everv^ov 6Ba> Xelyfrava exovarj 
XeipLaBlcov 'AvTioxitcwv. rjv Be avrrjSy olfiai, to 
fxev reXpua to Be opos, ipa^ela Be iracra, teal eve- 
tceivio tw TeXpuart XiOoi coenrep eTrlrrjBes epptp- 
p,evoc<; eoitcores, vtt* ovBepuds T€^i>?7? o-vy/ceipLevoi, 
C ov TpoTrov elcoOaaiv ev ral<$ aXXais 2 TroXeai ra? 
Xecocfropovs ol e%oitcoBop,ovvTe<; iroielv, dvrl p,ev -n)? 

KOVia<$ IToXvV TOV %OlW CTTOL/CoBopO tWe?, 3 TTVKVOV? 

Be Mcrirep ev to//^<w riOevres. tou? XiOovs. eirel Be 
Biaftas yu-oXt? rfXdov els rbv 7rpa)Tov araOpov, 
evvea irov axeBbv rjaav copai, /cal eBe^dprjv eUcrco 
tt}? avXfjs to irXelarov tt)? irap vpXv flovXrjs. a 
Be BieXex^ripev 7rpo? dXXr)Xov<$, t'erw? eirvOov 
pdOois 8' av teal i)pLOiv d/covaras, el Oeol OeXoiev. 
D 'Airb to)V Airdpj3(ov eh rrjv JSeppoiav eiropevo- 
prjv, teal 6 Zeis? aiaia irdvra ear'jpLrjvev, evapyfj 
Beltjas tt)v B loari p,elav.* eirip,eiva<$ Be iipuepav eVet 

1 Hertlein 27. 

2 &\\ais Hertlein suspects. 

3 inroa-iceSdvi'vvTfs Cumont, as more suitable in connection 
with x°vs = loose soil. 

4 Sioo-nnelav Asmus ; bio<rr\ixlav Hertlein, MSS. 

1 Julian's march is described by Ammianus 23. 2, to the 
end of 24 ; he was a member of the expedition ; cf. Zosimus 3. 
12 28 ; Cumont, Etudes Syr ienncs, Paris, 1917. 

200 



March 
10th 

From 
Hiera- 



TO LIBANIUS, SOPHIST AND QUAESTOR 

share in your misfortune, for this the heavenly gods 
long since foretold to me. 



58 
To Libanius, Sophist and Quaestor * 

I travelled as far as Litarbae, — it is a village of 363 
Chalcis, — and came on a road that still had the 
remains of a winter camp of Antioch. The road, I 
may say, was partly swamp, partly hill, but the poll's 
whole of it was rough, and in the swamp lay stones 
which looked as though they had been thrown there 
purposely, as they lay together without any art, after 
the fashion followed also by those who build public 
highways in cities and instead of cement make a 
deep layer of soil and then lay the stones close 
together as though they were making a boundary- 
wall. When I had passed over this with some difficulty 
and arrived at my first halting-place it was about the 
ninth hour, and then I received at my headquarters 
the greater part of your senate. 2 You have perhaps 
learned already what we said to one another, and, if 
it be the will of heaven, you shall know it from my 
own lips. 

From Litarbae I proceeded to Beroea, 3 and there 
Zeus by showing a manifest sign from heaven 
declared all things to be auspicious. 4 I stayed there 

2 The Senators of Antioch follower! Julian to plead for 
the city, which had offended him; see Libanius, Oration 16. 1. 

3 Aleppo. 

4 Aminianus 23. 2 records certain fatal accidents at Hiera- 
polis and Batnae which were regarded as of ill omen for the 
campaign. 

201 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

rrjv dtepoiroXiv elBov, teal eOvaa rco Ail ftaaiXiKw? 
ravpov Xev/eov, BieXexOrjv Be oXiya tyj f3ov\f) irepl 
0eoae/3eia<;. dXXa tou? Xoyovs eirrjvovv fiev 
diravre^, eirelo-Orjaav Be clvtoZs oXiyoi ttuvv, teal 
ovtol o'l teal irpo rcov e/xcov Xoycov eBo/eovv eyeiv 
400 vyiax;. evXafiovvro l Be coairep Trapprjo-ias dirorpi- 
yp-aadac rrjv alBco teal drrodeaOar ireplearL yap, 
co 6eoi, tols dvdpoairois eirl fxev tch? KaXoZs epv- 
Opidv. dvBpeia, ^f%^)? kclI evaefieiq, KaXXwirl- 
^eadcu Be cocnrep tch? yeipiaiois, iepocrvXia teal 
fiaXaKta yvaopurj^ zeal acop,aro$. 

"EvOev viToBexovTai fie Bdrvai, ywpiov olov 

Trap vpuv ovk elBov efft> rf)<; Adcfrvrjs, rj vvv eoace 

B tgi £9 T&drvcus' co? rd ye irpo pbiKpov, aw^ofievov 

rod veco /cal rov dydX/iaros, "Oaarj teal HrjXUo 

KCU T£U? ^OXllfXTTOV KOpVCpafc KCLI TO£? ©eTTGfXt/CCH? 

Tefiirecriv dycov eiriar^ r) teal Trporificov diravrcov 
6/jlov rrjv Adcpvrjv ovk dv alo"^vvoi/jir]v. 2 dXX* eirl 
fjuev rrj Adcf)vrj yeypctTTTal aoi Xoyos, oirolov aXXos 
ovB* dv eh rcov o'l vvv fiporoL elav teal fidXa eiri- 
C X 6l P 7 1 aa<i ^a/xelv epydcrairo, vo/ii£w Be teal rcov 
eparpoaOev ov iroXXovs irdvv. tC ovv iyeb vvv 
eirixeipa) irepl avTr)<$ ypdfyeiv, ovrco XafiTrpas 
fiovcpBtas 3 eV avrfj a vyyey pa fXfievrj^ ; go? firjiroje 

1 Cobet ; Hertlein, MSS. iAadovro. 

2 Upbv Albs '0\viuTriov ttal 'Air6\\uvos TlvOiov rb x< a p' i0l/ follows 
in MSS., bracketed by Hertlein as a gloss ; Heyler retains. 

'* Lacuna Hercher, Hertlein ; iiovyhias Heyler. 

1 The Emperors sacrificed white victims ; cf. Amniianus 
26. 4. 17. 

2 Julian was at Batnae March 8th ; a few days later he 
halted ,it another Batnae, in Oeroene, beyond the Euphrates. 

202 



TO LIBANIUS, SOPHIST AND QUAESTOR 

for a day and saw the Acropolis and sacrificed to Zeus 
in imperial fashion a white bull. 1 Also I conversed 
briefly with the senate about the worship of the 
gods. But though they all applauded my arguments 
very few were converted by them, and these few were 
men who even before I spoke seemed to me to hold 
sound views. But they were cautious and would not 
strip off and lay aside their modest reserve, as though 
afraid of too frank speech. For it is the prevailing 
habit of mankind, O ye gods, to blush for their noble 
qualities, manliness of soul and piety, and to plume 
themselves, as it were, on what is most depraved, 
sacrilege and weakness of mind and body. 

Next, Batnae 2 entertained me, a place like nothing 
that I have ever seen in your country, except 
Daphne 3 ; but that is now very like Batnae, though 
not long ago, while the temple and statue were still 
unharmed, 4 I should not have hesitated to compare 
Daphne with Ossa and Pelion or the peaks of 
Olympus, or Thessalian Tempe, or even to have 
preferred it to all of them put together. But you 
have composed an oration 5 on Daphne such as no 
other man "of such sort as mortals now are" 6 
could achieve, even though he used his utmost 
energies on the task, yes, and I think not very 
many of the ancient writers either. Why then 
should I try to write about it now, when so brilliant 
a monody has been composed in its honour ? Would 

3 A suburb of Antioch ; cf. Misopogon 361 ; Ammianus 
19. 12. 19. The temple of Apollo was burned October 22nd, 
362. 

4 Cf. Misopogon 346b ; Vol. 2, Wright. 

5 We have the monody of Libanius, On the Temple of Apollo 
at Dnpluir, Oration 60 ; cf. his Oration 11. 23."). 

6 Iliad 5. 304 ; Julian, Oration 6. 191a. 

203 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

w(f)e\e tolovtov. aX ye firjv TSdrvai' ffapftapiKov 
ovopa tovto' ywplov icrrlv 'FjXXtjvikov, irpwTov 
fiev on Bed iraer]? rrjs irepi^ X ( ^P a<; u>Tfiol\i@ava)- 
tov TTciVTayodev fjcrav, lepeld re ifiXeiropev evTpeirr) 
Ttavrayov. tovto fxev ovv el fcal \iav rjv^patve 
/xe, OeppoTepov opcos iSo/cei Kal t?}? eh tovs 0eov? 
D evae/Be'ias aXXoTpiov. ifCTOs ttcltov yap elvai xpr/ 
Kal BpdaOat Ka6" r\o-vyLav, eV avTO tovto iropevo- 
fievwv, ovk iir aXXo tl /3aB^6vTcov, tcl 77730? tou? 
Oeovs lepd re Kal oaia. tovto fiev ovv 'taw? Tev^e- 
Tai ty]? dp/jbo^ovar]? eirL/jLekela? avTiica. 

Ta? BttTz^a? Be ecopcov nreBiov \do~10v dXarj Kvira- 
pLTTcov eyov vecov Kal r)v iv TavTai? ovBev yepdv- 
Bpvov ovBe crairpov, dXXa i£ icrrjs diravTa 6 dXXovTa 
431 TTJ ko/jljj' Kal tcl ftaaiXeia TroXvTeXrj pev ijKicrTa' 
irrfXov yap rjv puovov Kal %v\g)V ovBev itolklXov 
eyovTa' ktjttov Be tov p,ev 'AXklvov KaTaBeeaTepov, 
TrapairXijcnov Be tw AaepTOV, Kal iv auroG piiKpov 
aXao? irdvv, KvirapiTTCov peaTov, Kal tw OpiyKitp 
Be TToXXa TOiavTa irapairefyvTevpeva BevBpa (TTLXq> 
Kal e<£e£?)?. eiTa to pueaov irpao-ial, Kal iv TavTai? 
\d)(ava Kal BevBpa iravTotav oird>pav (j>epovTa. 
B tl ovv ivTavOa ; eOvaa BeiXr}?, etr' opOpov ftadeos, 
oirep elwOa iroieiv iiueiKws eKaaTrj? i)pL€pa<;. iirel 
Be tjv KaXd tcl lepd, T/7? e Iepa? iroXeco? et^o/xe^a, 
Kal vTravTooaiv t)plv 01 iroXiTai, Kal viroBexeTau 

1 i.e. it maintained the pagan cults. 

2 Odyssey 7. 112 foil., a favourite commonplace; cf. Miso- 
pnrfon 352a. 

'••' Odyssey 24. 245 foil. 

4 Hierapolis is now Membej ; Julian arrived there about 
March 10th ; it was the rendezvous for the Roman troops 

204 



TO LIBAN1US, SOPHIST AND QUAESTOR 

that none had been needed! However, to return 
to Batnae. Its name is barbarous but the place is 
Hellenic ; * I say so because through all the country 
round about the fumes of frankincense arose on all 
sides, and I saw everywhere victims ready for, 
sacrifice. But though this gave me very great 
pleasure, nevertheless it looked to me like over- 
heated zeal, and alien to proper reverence for the 
gods. For things that are sacred to the gods and 
holy ought to be away from the beaten track and 
performed in peace and quiet, so that men may 
resort thither to that end alone and not on the way 
to some other business. But this matter will perhaps 
before long receive the attention that is appropriate. 
Batnae I saw to be a thickly wooded plain contain- 
ing groves of young cypresses ; and among these 
there was no old or decaying trunk, but all alike 
were in vigorous leafage. The imperial lodging was 
by no means sumptuous, for it was made only of 
clay and logs and had no decorations ; but its 
garden, though inferior to that of Alcinous, 2 was 
comparable to the garden of Laertes. 3 In it was a 
quite small grove full of cypresses and along the 
wall many trees of this sort have been planted in a 
row one after the other. Then in the middle were 
beds, and in these, vegetables and trees bearing 
fruits of all sorts. What did I do there, you ask ? 
I sacrificed in the evening and again at early dawn, 
as I am in the habit of doing practically every day. 
And since the omens were favourable, we kept on 
to Hierapolis 4 where the inhabitants came to meet 

for this campaign ; and was about twenty miles west of the 
Euphrates. Julian stayed there three days ; Ammiauus 23. 
2. 6. 

205 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fie t;evo<;, otfiOel? fiev dpri, (jaXov/mevos Be vir ifiov 
iraXai. tt]V Be aWiav avrbs fxev ev olBa otl 
avvfjBeis, 1 ifioX Be r)Bv /ecu aXXcos fypdaar to yap 
del irepl avrcov ciKoveiv teal Xeyeiv earl \xoi ve/crap. 
'Ia/A/3Xt^of rod Oeiordrov to Ope/i/ma ^d)7rarpos 
eyevero 2 6 tovtov /crjBearrjS' e^laov ifiol 3 yap to 

C /jltj irdvra efcelvwv rwv dvBpwv dyairdv dBL/crj/jLarcov 
ovBevbs rcov (f>av~XoT droop eXarrov 4 elvai Bo/cel. 
irpoaeaTi ravTrjs atria /xei^cov. viroBe^diievos 
yap TToWd/cis rov re dveyfribv rbv ifibv /cal top 
bpLOirdrpiov dBeXfybv ical it pOT parrels vir avrcov, 
ola el/cos, iroXXd/cis airocrrrjvai rrjs els rovs Oeovs 
evaefieLas, o ^aXerrov eartv, ov/c eXrjcj)Orj rfj vbato. 
Tavra el^ov dirb rr)s 'lepas ttoXccos trot ypdcf>€cv 

D vrrep rcov ejiavrov. ra<z Be arparitorucas rj 7toXl- 
rt/cas OLKOVOfiias avrbv e%pr}v olfiai rrapovra 
ecf)opav real iTTi/jLeXeladar fxel^ov yap eariv rj /car 

€7TL0-T0Xl]V, eV Xo~Ql, Kal TOCTOVTOV OGOV OV pdBlOV 

ovBe rpiirXaala ravrrjs irepiXal3elv a/coirovvri 
rdtcpifies. iirl /cecpaXaiov 5 Be coi Kal ravra 
eppdaco Be oXiycov. 77730? rovs Xapa/crjvovs eirefju^a 

1 cwriheis Reiske, <ruj/€i5ets MSS. eS o/5' on awelpeis Bidez, 
cf. alriav alrix crvveipwp = make the connection. Hertlein 
omits ev by an oversight. 2 iyevtro Bidez adds. 

3 K•TJ5eo'TT)s• i^laov ifiol Bidez; /c^Seo-r^s e£ oaov MSS., 
Hertlein ; Reiske thinks e£ '6<jov conceals a proper name or a 
lacuna. 

4 ov8evbs twc <pa.vXoTa.Tcav eKaTTov Wright (cf. Oration 
3. 102 B) ; ovSevbs t\ttov twv (pavKoTaTup Reiske ; oi»8ev ovtu 
<pav\6Ta.Tov MSS., Hertlein. 

5 Frederich, MSS. iirel ko.\ <palr)v. 

1 This elder Sopater was put to death by Constantine. 
206 



TO LIBANIUS, SOPHIST AND QUAESTOR 

us. Here I am being entertained by a friend who, 
though I have only lately met him for the first 
time has long been dear to me. I know that you 
yourself are well aware of the reason, but for all 
that it gives me pleasure to tell you. For it is like 
nectar to me to hear and to speak of these things 
continually. Sopater, 1 the pupil of the god-like 
Iamblichus, was a relative by marriage of this 
Sopater. 2 Not to love even as myself all that be- 
longed to those men is in my opinion equivalent to 
the lowest baseness. But there is another more 
powerful reason than this. Though he often enter- 
tained my cousin and my half-brother 3 and was 
often urged by them, naturally enough, to abandon 
his piety towards the gods, and though this is hard 
to withstand, he was not infected with this disease. 4 
Thus much, then, I was able to write to you from 
Hierapolis about my own affairs. But as regards 
the military or political arrangements, you ought, I 
think, to have been present to observe and pay 
attention to them yourself. For, as you well know, 
the matter is too long for a letter, in fact so vast 
that if one considered it in detail it would not be 
easy to confine it to a letter even three times as 
long as this. But I will tell you of these matters 
also, summarily, and in a very few words. I sent 
an embassy to the Saracens 5 and suggested that 

2 For the younger Sopater, see Introduction. 

3 Constantius and G alius ; cf. Misopogon 340a. 

4 For Christianity a disease, cf. Oration 7. 229d and 
Against the Galilaeans 327b. 

6 According to Ammianus 23. 3. 8, the Saracens offered 
themselves to Julian as allies, but they apparently deserted 
later to the Persians, cf. Zosiinus 3. 27. 3 ; Ammianus 2S. 
6. 10. 

207 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

TTpeafieis, vTropnp,vrjaKwv axnovs rjtceiv, el fiov- 
402 \olvto. ev fiev hrj tolovtov erepov he, \iav 
eypijyoporas a>? evehex^ro rovs irapafyvkd^ovras 
efeVe /x^ra, firj ti? evOevhe 777)0? tou? iroXepiovs 
e^ekOr) \a0cov, eaopevos avroi? &>? Ke/ccvijfieOa 
fjL7]WTrj^. ifceWev ehUacra hUrjv (npcni(0Tucr]v, 
a)? e/xavTov ireiQw, irpaorara kcu hi/caiorara. 
i7T7roi/5 irepiTTovs kcl\ r)jJu6vov<; Trapea/cevaaa, to 
B arparoTrehov eh ravrb avvayaycov. vavs irXrj- 
povvrai TroTa/iicu irvpov, fjuaWov he dpjwv ^rjpcop 
zeal oj*ov<;. teal tovtcov exaarov oVa)? eirpayQy] 
teal rives €(£' eKaarcp yeybvaai \byoi, iroaov 
fjL7]fcov<i earl avyypdcpeiv evvoels. eVicrroXat? he 
o act is vireypa^ra teal /3i/3\oi<;' eirofieva yap 
oo(T7repel encia l jjloi kcu ravra av/JLTrepcvoarel 
iravTayov' tL hec vvv Trpdyfiara e^eiv dTrapcOfiov- 
puevov ; 



59 2 

Ma^i/jiw (piXoaocfxp* 

383 'O fiev /xvOos iroiel top derov, eireihdv id yvr)o~ia 
C twv KvrjfjbdTayv /3ao-avi£j), <f>epeiv airrika 777)0? rbv 

1 wa-rrep ffnia, Cobet ; uxrirep dtcria MSS. ; wcrirepel <TKid 
Hertlein. 

2 Letters ,59-73 cannot be dated, even approximately, from 
their contents. 

3 Hertlein 16 ; the preceding letter, Hertlein 15, was 
addressed to Maximus, hence his title t<£ avr<$. 

1 This is Julian's last extant letter. On leaving Hierapolis 
be marched to Carrhae, which place he left on March 25th. 
He crossed the Tigris in May, declined the siege of Ctesiphon, 

2o3 



TO MAXIMUS THE PHILOSOPHER 

they could come if they wished. That is one affair 
of the sort I have mentioned. For another, I des- 
patched men as wide-awake as I could obtain that 
they might guard against anyone's leaving here 
secretly to go to the enemy and inform them that 
we are on the move. After that I held a court 
martial and, 1 am convinced, showed in my decision 
the utmost clemency and justice. I have procured 
excellent horses and mules and have mustered all 
my forces together. The boats to be used on the 
river are laden with corn, or rather with baked bread 
and sour wine. You can understand at what length 
I should have to write in order to describe how every 
detail of this business was worked out and what 
discussions arose over every one of them. As for the 
number of letters I have signed, and papers, — for 
these too follow me everywhere like my shadow, — 
why should I take the trouble to enumerate them 
now ? l 

59 

To Maxim us the Philosopher 2 

We are told in the myth that the eagle, 3 when 
he would test which of his brood are genuine, carries 

the Persian capital, burnt his fleet on the Tigris early in 
June, and was killed in a skirmish on June 20th, somewhere 
between Ctesiphon and Samarra on the Tigris. His body 
was carried back and buried at Tarsus in Cilieia, where he 
had told the people of Antioch he should spend the winter ; 
Ammianus 25. 10. 5. 

2 Cumont and Geffcken reject, without good grounds, 
Schwarz defends, the authenticity of this sophistic letter, 
which was probably written from Caul. 

3 A rhetorical commonplace ; cf. To Iamllichus, p. 259, 
note ; Lucian, The Fisherman 46. 

209 
VOL. III. P 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

aWepa real Tat? rfXiov irpoadyeiv dxrlaiv, cQcnrep 
vtto fidprvpc t&> 0€<v irarepa re d\r)0ov<; veOTrou 
yivojievov teal voOov yovrjs aXXorptov/mevov' rjfiets 
Be croi tcaOdirep ^Kp/jufj \oy[(p tol»? rjfierepovs ~Xo- 
D yov<; ey^eipi^opiev. kclv fxev vTrofielvcoai ttjv d/cor/v 
ty]v cri)v, eirl crol to icplvai irepX avrcov, el Aral 7T/90? 
toi/? aXXov<; elal 7TT?JGi/jLor el Be pui], pltyov elicr) 1 
tcaOdirep M.ovawv dXXorpiovs, rj irorapLw kXvgov 
oj? voOov^. 7rdvrco<; ovBe 6 'Prjvos dSi/cel tou? 
KeX.TOu?, o? tcl jiev voOa rcov flpecfrwv v7ro/3pv)^ia 
Tat? hivais TToiec, Kaddirep aKoXdarov Xe^of? 
Tip,(opb<; 7rpe7TG)V ocra 8' av eiriyvtp tcaOapov airep- 
/jlcltos, virepdvco rod i/SaTO? alcopei, icai rrj /irjrpl 
rpefjbovar) ttoXlv eh %e2pa<; BLBwaiv, coairep d8i/ca- 
384 ajbv riva fiaprvplav avrfj KaOapwv teal djxeparTwv 
yd/mcov rr)v rod iraiBbs acorypiav dpTiScopovfievos. 



60 

Fivyevla) (piXoaocfxp 2 

386 AalBaXov fiev 'I/capa) 3 cfracrlv etc Ktipov TTTepa 

B aufATrXdaavTa ToXfirjaai rrjv (f>vaiv ^idcraadai rfj 

re)(yr). iyco Be eicelvov fiev el /cal t/)? re^vr)? 

1 ukt) Amlrosianus~L 73, eVe* Vossianus, Hertlein ; Hercher 
regards as dittography of ft koL above. 

2 Hertlein 18. 

3 'iKoipcf Hertlein suggests, 'luapty MSS. 

1 The allusion to Julian's writings is too vague to be used 
to date this letter. 

2 A commonplace of rhetoric ; cf. Julian, Vol. 1, Oration 
2. 81d ; Claudian, In Rujinum 2. 112, et quos nascentes 

2IO 



TO EUGENIUS THE PHILOSOPHER 

them still unfledged into the upper air and exposes 
them to the rays of the sun, to the end that he may 
become, by the testimony of the god, the sire of a 
true nursling and disown any spurious offspring. 
Even so I submit my speeches 1 to you as though 
to Hermes the god of eloquence ; and, if they can 
bear the test of being heard by you, it rests with 
you to decide concerning them whether they are fit 
to take flight to other men also. But if they are not, 
then fling them away as though disowned by the 
Muses, or plunge them in a river as bastards. 
Certainly the Rhine does not mislead the Celts, 2 
for it sinks deep in its eddies their bastard infants, 
like a fitting avenger of an adulterous bed ; but all 
those that it recognises to be of pure descent it 
supports on the surface of the water and gives them 
back to the arms of the trembling mother, thus 
rewarding her with the safety of her child as in- 
corruptible evidence that her marriage is pure and 
without reproach. 

60 

To Eugenius 3 the Philosopher 

We are told that Daedalus dared to do violence 
to nature by his art, and moulded wings of wax 
for Icarus. But for my part, though I applaud him 

explorat gurgite Rhenus ; Galen 6. 51 Kiihn, says that the 
ordeal was to strengthen their bodies as well as to test their 
legitimacy ; cf. Voltaire, Essai sur les mceurs 14(5. 

3 A philosopher named Eugenius was the father of the 
sophist and philosopher Themistius, an older contemporary 
of Julian, but this letter with its familiar tone cannot have 
been addressed to a man of advanced age. Schwar/., Cnmoflt 
and Geffcken reject it on the ground of its sophistic manner- 
isms, but see Introduction. 



p 2 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

eiraivoy, rr)? yvd)fir)<; ovtc dyafiar fiovos yap Kiipw 
\vai,/jL(p tov Trai,Bo<; virkfieive tt)v acoTrjpiav 7Tiar6v- 
crai. el Be fJLoi Qefii? r)v Kara tov T7JLOV iicelvov 
fieXoiroiov T7]v rciiv opviOcov dWd^aaOat, (frvaip, 

OVfC CiV BlllTOV 7T/309 "OXvflTTOV OvBe. VTTep fiefl^rew 9 

C epwTiKTjs, a)OC eh avrovs av tcov v/neTepcov opcov 
tov? irpoiroBa^ eirTY]v, Xva ae to fiekrjfia tov/jlov, 
<W9 cf)7jo-LV 7) ^Ecnrcpa), TrepnrTV^o&fiai. eirel Be fie 
dvOpcoirivov <j(t)p,aTo<; Beafiw KaTaKkeiaaaa 7) cjyv- 
079 ovk e6e\ei 777)09 to fierewpov cnfkwo-ai, tcov 
\6ycov oh e%<w ere irrepoh fieTepxop<ai, teal ypdcpco, 

/COLL GVVeifJLL TOV BvVCLTOV TpOTTOV. TTCLVTCO^ 7T0V Kol 
"O/jLTJPOS CLVTOVS OVK ClWoV TOV %dpLV fj TOVTOV 

TTTepoevTas ovofid^ei, Blotl Bvvclvtcli iravTa^ov 
D 4>oltoIv ) coairep ol tclxvtcltol tcov opvlOcov fj av 
edeXcoaiv clttovtcs. ypdcfre Be kcl\ auT09, co 0t\o9* 
lcttj yap Brjirov gov tcov Xoycov, el fir) koX fiei'^cov, 
virdpxei 7TTep6)crf9, f] tou9 eTaipovs fi€Taf3f}vai 1 
Bvvaaac tcai TtavTayodev &>9 irapcov evcppaiveiv. 



61 

ScoiraTpcp 2 
"Egti T£9 fjBovrj? depopfir) irXeicov, otclv ifjrj 6Y 
avBpbs ol/ceiov 7-01)9 cpiXov? Trpoacpcovelv ov yap 

1 iAtTa&7)vai Ambrosianus L73 ; neraOew Wyttenbach, Hert- 
lein ; neTaOelvcu Vossianus. 

2 Hertlein 67. 2w<rnrdTpcp Hertlein, but prefers ^.wiraTpcp 
Fabiicius. See Introduction, under Sopater. 

1 A nacreon fray. 22, Bergk 'Avavero/xai 8^ irpbs "OXv^irov 
iTTtpvyeaat Kovfcus Sia rb^'Epar*. 2 Frag. 126, Bergk. 

212 



TO SOPATER 

for his art, I cannot admire his judgement. For 
he is the only man who ever had the courage to 
entrust the safety of his son to soluble wax. But if 
it were granted me, in the words of the famous lyric 
poet of Teos, 1 to change my nature to a bird's, I 
should certainly not " fly to Olympus for Love," 
— no, not even to lodge a complaint against him — 
but I should fly to the very foothills of your moun- 
tains to embrace "thee, my darling," as Sappho 2 
says. But since nature has confined me in the prison 
of a human body 3 and refuses to lighten and raise me 
aloft, I approach you with such wings as I possess, 4 
the wings of words, and I write to you, and am with 
you in such fashion as I can. f Surelv for this reason 
and this only Homer calls words "winded." that 
t hey are able to go to and fro "» fvory diffiflfimi 
dart ing where thev will, iitcp t\ye swiftest of birds. ^ 
But' do you for your part write to me too, my iriend^ 
For you possess an equal if not a larger share of the 
plumage of words, with which you are able to travel 
to your friends and from wherever you may be, just 
as though you were present, to cheer them. 

61 

To Sopater 5 

It is an occasion to rejoice the more when one 
has the chance to address friends through an 
intimate friend. For then it ts not only by what 

3 A Platonic commonplace ; of. Julian, Oration 6. 19Sn ; 
7. 206b. * Cf. Letter 76. 449d, p. 244, note. 

5 This letter is rejected by Sohwarz, (Jumont and (Jeflcken ; 
Sohwans on the slender evidence of style classes it with the 
apocryphal letters to Iamblichus ; Cumont also places it in 
that series, and thinks that this Sopater is the friend of 
the elder Iamblichus executed by Constantine. 

213 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

/JLOVOV oU ypd<f)€lS TO T/)9 (T6CLVT0V ^fX% IvSakfld 

to£? evrvy^dvovai ^vvapfioTTrj. &rj /cal clvtos 
ttolo). tov yap rpo(f)ea toov epuavTOV 7rcd8cDV Avri- 
oyov a>? vjjlcis e '/are fin cov, car poo prji ov ae tcara- 
Xnrelv ov/c rjveo-%6/jL7]V' ware, el tl t&v /ca0 r)/jias 
iroOels, e^oi? av 01/ceioTepov irap avrov yvwvai. 
el 8e tl /cat aol fxeXev tojv acov epacrrcov, ft)? eycoye 
OTi fieXei iriareva), Seigeis eco? 1 av e^fj ypdcpew 
/jLTjSafAcos eXke'nrcDv. 



62 

TLv/cXeiSrj (j)L\oo-6(f)(p 2 

Uore yap rjfxoiv cnreXei<$>6 r)$ , Xva ical ypd$w\iev, 
7) TTore ov)£i rocs t>}? yjru^rj^ 6(p>0a\fioL<; ft>? ixapov- 
ra ae Oecopov/xev ; oi ye ov fxovov del o~ol avvelvai 
/cal o-vvopaXelv So/cov/iev, dWa ical tcov ye vvv 
irpoarjKovjwv ft)? vtto irapovaia rfj err) rd el/cora 
Kr)<$6/jie0a. el Se /cal ypdfyeaOal aoi Trap* rj/xwv cas 
dirovn OeXeis, opa /xev oVft)? firj avrbs to So/celv 
rj/jLwv direlvai fiaXXov avra> tw ypd(f>eiv eOeXetv 
e/c(f)7]vr}<;' ttXtjv dXX' el ye o~oi <f)iXov ean, /cab irpo<$ 
touto e/coues vTra/covo/iev. TrdvTcos ye, to toO 

1 ews Hertlein suggests ; MSS., Hertlein eV oTs. 

2 Hertlein 73. 

1 No forger would have referred to children of Julian's 
body ; but the phrase may refer to his writings. Libanius, 
JUpitapJtius, says of .Julian's letters ireudas tovtovs adavdrovs 
KaTa\(\oirrev. See also To Iambi iehu8 t p. 255. 

1 Libanius often mentions a certain Eucleides, a native of 
Constantinople, to whom this letter may be addressed ; the 

214 



TO EUCLE1DES THE PHILOSOPHER 

you write that you unite the image of your own soul 
with your readers. And this is what I myself am 
doing. For when I despatched the custodian of my 
children, 1 Antiochus, to you, I could not bear to 
leave you without a word of greeting. So that if 
you want to have news of me, you can have from 
him information of a more intimate sort. And if 
you care at all for your admirers, as I believe you 
do care, you will prove it by never missing an 
opportunity while you are able to write. 



62 

To Eucleides the Philosopher 2 

Nay, when did you ever leave me, so that I need 
to write, or when do I not behold you with the eyes 
of the soul jis though you were here with me ? For 
not only do I seem to be with you continually and 
to converse with you, but I pay attention to my 
duties now just as zealously as when you were here 
to guide me. But if you do wish me to write to you, 
just as though you were not here, then take care 
that you do not yourself create the impression of 
not being with me all the more by your very wish 
that I should write. However, if you do really find 
pleasure in it I am willing to obey you in this also. 
At any rate, by your request, you will, as the proverb 

reference to public affairs ma}' imply that Julian was already 
Emperor, but it cannot be dated with certainty. Schwarz 
rejects the letter on stylistic grounds, and Cuniont for the same 
reason attributed it to the sophist Julian of Caesarea, for 
whom see Introduction under lumbliehus ; but, though it is 
conventional and sophistic, there is nothing in it that the 
Emperor Julian might not have written. 

21^ 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Xoyov, OeovTa rfj irapa/ceXevaei tov 'ittttov els 
ireBiov afe*?. dye ovv oVo)? dvTiBcocreis 1 tcl iaa, /cal 
7T/30? rrjv avTL/c\i]<riv ev rfj twv dfioi/3aicov awe- 
%eia H'V fcaTOfcvrjcrei*;. 2 kclitol eycoye et? ttjv virep 
tov koivov aoi yivo}xkvy}v (TTrovSrjv ov/c edeXco 
Bio^Xelv, aU' oaw 3 ae (pvXdrro) 4 rfj Qr\pa tcov 
/caXcov, ov /jlovov ov/c dBacelv, dXXd /cal ^vfiirav 
ojxov to 'EXXtjvl/cov (b(f)eXeLV dv Bo/coltjv, coairep 
a/cvXa/ca yevvalov, do^XijTOV d(pi€L<$ ea^oXa/cevac 
ae tch? irepl toi>? \6yov<; t^veaiv oXo/cXijpco tw 
XrjficiTL' el Be crot ToaovTOV Ta%o? irepieaTiv, &>? 
IxrjTe Toov cfrlXwv dfieXelv firJT i/ceivois evBelv, Wi 
Xprjaai Trap 5 dfMpco tu> Bpojxw. 



63 

r E/cr)/3oXi<p 6 

HivBdpw ixev dpyvpeas elvai Bo/ce? tcl? Movaas, 
387 olovel to e/cBrfXov avTwv /cal Trepifyaves ttjs Te^vrj^ 
e? to t^? vXtjs XapurpoTepov direiKa^ovTi' r '0//,?7/90? 
Be 6 aocfrbs tov tc dpyvpov alyXtfevTa Xeyet /cal to 
vBcop dpyvpeov ovofid^ei, /caOdirsp ?)Xiov /caOapals 
d/CTcacv avT(p tw tt}? el/covos (jyaiBpw \iap\xapva- 
aov 2a7r^)cb 8* r) /caXrj ttjv aeXrjvr)v dpyvpeav 
cf)7jal /cal Bid tovto twv dXXwv daTepwv diro/cpv- 
TTTeiv tt]v o^jnv. ovtco /cal deols tov dpyvpov 

1 avTthwaeis Cobet ; avTiSiSws Hertlein, MSS. 

3 KaTOKV7]<reis Cobet ; KaToicvfjo-ys Hertlein, MSS. 
8 '6\op X. 

4 Hertlein suggests a\\a t£ ere (pv^drrav. 
6 Hertlein suggests irp6s. 

" Hertlein 19, 

216 



TO HECEBOLIUS 

says, lead a galloping horse into the plain. Come 
then, see that you return like for like, and in answer 
to my counter-summons do not grow weary of the 
unbroken series of letters exchanged between us. 
And yet I have no wish to hinder the zeal that 
you display on behalf of the public welfare, never- 
theless, in proportion as I keep you free for the 
pursuit of noble studies, I shall be thought, far from 
injuring it, to benefit the whole body of Hellenes 
at once, that is to say, if I leave you like a young 
and well-bred dog without interference, free to give 
all your time to tracking down, with a mind wholly 
free from all else, the art of writing discourses ; but 
if you possess such swiftness that you need neither 
neglect your friends nor slacken in those other 
pursuits, come, take both courses and run at full 
speed ! 

63 

To Hecebolius 1 

Pindar 2 thinks that the Muses are "silvery," 
and it is as though he likened the clearness and 
splendour of their art to the substance that shines 
most brilliantly. And the wise Homer 3 calls silver 
" shining," and gives to water the epithet u silvery " 
because it gleams with the very brightness of the 
reflected image of the sun, as though under its 
direct rays. And Sappho 4 the fair says that the 
moon is "silvery," and that because of this it dims 
the radiance of the other stars. Similarly one might 

1 See Introduction, under Hecebolius. 

2 Frag. 272, Bergk. ; cf. Pythian 9. 05, Isthmian 2. 13. 

3 These epithets for silver and water are not in our 
Homer. 

4 Frag. 3, Bergk. ; cf. Julian, Ovation 3. 109c, note, Wright 

217 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

fiaWov rj top y^pVGOv el/cdaeiev dv 77? irpeireiv 
B avOpaoirois ye purjv oti 7r/?o? ttiv \peiav earlv 6 
apyvpos tov xpvaov TipucoTepos /cal avveart pdX- 
Xov avroi<;, ov% coanrep 6 xpvabs vtto yrjs /cpvirro- 
fievos rj (j)€uycov avrwp rrjv oyfriv, dX\d /cal 6cj)0r)- 
vai /ca\b<$ ical ev BiairrfpLaTi /cpeiTrcov, ov/c e/io? 
iBios, dXXa Trakaiwv dvBpcov 6 \6yos eariv. el 
C he aot tov irepLcpOevros vtto aov y^pvaov vopuia- 
pLaTos eh to Xaov tt}? ti/jlt)? erepov dpyvpeov dvrt- 
SiSofiep, fit) fcpivr)*; r/TTO) rrjv \dpiv, pur/Be coairep 
T(j> T\avK(p 7rp6? to eXarrov olrjOfjs elvai rrjv dvri- 
Boatv, eirel pur/Be 6 AiopLrjSr)? tcroj? dpyvpd %pvaoov 
dvreBfo/cev dv, 1 are Si; TroXXcp rcov erepcov ovra 
Xpyo-ipudiTepa /cal Ta? al^pid^ olovel 2 p,oXi(3Bov 
Bi/ciiv eKTpeireiv elBora. ravrd aoi irpoairai'C ) o- 
fjiev, a<£' &V auTO? ypdtyets to evBoaipuov eh ae t% 
D irapprjaias \ap,/3dvovre<;. av Be el ra> ovri %pvaov 
Ti/UGorepa r)p,iv Bcopa eOeXeis e kit e pure iv, ypdcfre, 
/cal pur) Xrjye avve)(w<; rovro Trpdrrcov epiol yap 
/cal ypdfjbfjLa irapd aov pa/cpbv orov irep dv elirrj t/<? 
dyaOov /cdXXiov elvai /cplverai. 

64 
Aov/ciavS) oofyiarf) 3 
404 Kal ypd(f>(0 /cal dvTirvyelv di^ido tgov tacov. el 

1 h.v Cobet add?. 

2 olov*\ Hercher deletes, Hertlein brackets, but the con- 
struction olovei-diKriv occurs in letters not certainly Julian's ; 
of. 893c, p. 274, 440d, p. 222. 3 Hertlein 32. 

1 For this Julianic commonplace cf. Oration 6. 197b, note. 

2 A sophistic commonplace; cf. Vol. 2, Letter to Themisiius 
280a, note. He exchanged bronze armour for golden; Iliad 
6. 23U. 

218 



TO LUCIAN THK SOPHIST 

imagine silver to be more appropriate to the gods 
than gold ; but that to man, at any rate, silver 
is more precious than gold and more familiar to 
them because it is not, like gold, hidden under the 
earth and does not avoid their eyes, but is both beau- 
tiful to the eye and more serviceable in daily life, — 
this, I say, is not my own theory 1 but was held by 
men of old. If, therefore, in return for the gold coin 
sent by you I give you a piece of silver of equal 
value, think not that the favour is less and do not 
imagine that, as with Glaucus, 2 the exchange is to 
your disadvantage ; for perhaps not even Diomede 
would have exchanged silver armour for golden, 
seeing that the former is far more serviceable than 
the latter, and like lead well fitted to turn the points 
of spears. 3 All this I am saying in jest, and I take 
the cue 4 for my freedom of speech to you from what 
you write yourself. But if you really wish to send 
me gifts more precious than gold, write, and keep 
on writing regularly. For even a short letter from 
you I hold to be more precious than any other 
blessing that one could name. 

64 

To Lucian the Sophist 5 

Not only do I write to you but I demand to 
receive payment in kind. And if I treat you ill by 

3 Iliad 11. 237 apyvpcp ai'TOfiivn], /j.6\i0os &s, irpdireT* at'xM^- 

4 Literally "keynote" ; cf. To Iamblichus 421a, p. 2 

5 A merely sophistic letter of compliment such as this 
is a conventional "type" of the sort recommended in the 
contemporary handbooks on epistolary style. Oesner thinks 
it was addressed to the Lucian who wrote the dialogue 
rhilopatris, preserved with the works of his illustrious 
namesake, but there is no evidence of this. 

gig 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Be dBi/cdj avvexu)? eTTLareWcov, dvjaBiKr)Qr)vai Beo- 
fiai ra ofioia iradoov. 

65 

^EXtTlBlM $>CkO<TQ(f)(p 1 

442 "Ecrrt /cal fii/cpov ypd/ifiaros rjBovr) fiei^cov, orav 
I) r) tov ypdcfrovTos evvoia fir) rfj t% eiuaToXris afii- 

/cporrjTL fidXXov rj tw t% ^f%% fieyeOei /neTpfjrar 
el Be Br) /cal vvv ftpayea* tc\ t% irpoaprjaecds v(f 
rjficov yeyevrjTai, firjB' ovtco 2 tov eV avrols ttoQov 
Te/c/j,r]pi.a)crr], d\\' elBcos, i<p baov o Trap* r)fioyv 
epws eirl aol rerarai, rfj fiev tov ypdfi/iaTO<z /3pa- 
yv7r\Ti avyyvcofirjv vejie, tols to~oi<; Be r)fid<i dfiei- 
fteadai fir) tcaToicvei. irdv yap 6 tl dv BcBws, /cdv 

443 fiLtcpbv y, iravTOS dyaOov yvcopicrfia Trap r)filv 
aco^ei. 

6G 

Tecopylo) KaOoXi/ca) 3 

440 'H fiev rjya) #eo? eajoa Kara ae fcal XdXos, el Be 

B fiovXei, teal Uavl av^vyov ov yap Biolaofiai. icdv 

yap eOeXrj fie BiBdo~/ceiv ?) cfrvaris ort, earlv r/yco 

(j)(i)vf}<; e? aepo? ttXtj^lv avTiTviros r/yr) 7r/)o? tov/i- 

1 Hertlein 57. 

2 fib rot/rep Hertlein suggests. 

3 Hertlein 54. 

1 We know from Libanius, Letter 758 Foerster, To Julian, 
that towards the end of 362 Elpidius was at Antioch and in 
Julian's confidence. This letter is purely formal and may 
have been written then, or earlier. There are several letters 
extant from Libanius to Elpidius. Cumont ascribed this 
letter to Julian of Caesarea. 

220 



TO GEORGE, A REVENUE OFFICIAL 

writing continually, then I beg you to illtreat me in 
return and make me suffer in the same way. 



65 

To Elpidius, a Philosopher 1 

Even a short letter gives more pleasure when the 
writer's affection can be measured by the greatness 
of his soul rather than by the meagre proportions 
of what he writes. So that if I now address you 
briefly, do not even so conclude that the accompany- 
ing affection is equally slight, but since you know 
the full extent of my love for you, forgive the brevity 
of my letter and do not hesitate to answer me in 
one equally short. For whatever you send me, how- 
ever trifling, keeps alive in my mind a remembrance 
of all that is good. 

66 

To George, a Revenue Official 2 

Well, let us grant that Echo is a goddess, as 
you say she is, and a chatterbox, and, if you like, 
the wife of Pan 3 also ; for I shall not object. And 
even though nature would fain inform me that Echo 
is only the sound of the voice answering back when 
the air is struck, and bent back upon that which is 

2 Otherwise unknown. The title Catholicus (cf. our 
"General") was used of officials in charge of the collection 
of tribute, especially in Africa ; it is equivalent to •procurator 
fisci. George was probably a sophist. This and the following 
letter are rejected by Schwarz, Cumont and GefFcken, because 
of their sophistic mannerisms. 

3 Moschus, Idyl 6. 

221 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

iraXiv ti)? d/cor}$ avTava/cXco/ievi], o/jlcos, iraXaiwv 
dv&pcov 6tl Kal vecov ovk eXaTTOV r) tS) au> ireiOb- 

C puevos Xoyat, Oebv elvai rrjv ?}%&> $vaco7rovp,ai. tl 
yovv av elrj tovto Trpbs ?}/xa?, el iroXXrp tw per pa) 
toZ? 77730? ae (J)lXlkoIs T))V ?;%&> vLKa)p,ev ; 1) pev 
yap ov 7rpo? airavra, tl av afcovay, paXXov rj 1 
7T/30? ra eaxara 7-779 (jxovrjs avricpO eyy erai, icaOd- 
Trep epco/jbevr} cpeLocoXb? a/cpois dvTMpLXovaa tov 
ipaarrjv roU ^eiXeaiv r)pels he ical twv 777)09 ae 
Kardp^o/Jiev r)heo)s i Kal avOts eh rrjv irapa aov 

D TrpofcXrjaiv oiovel 2 acpalpas Slktjv to I'aov dvTLirepL- 
irofxev. ware ovk av cfyOdvois avrbs evo)£o<; cov ot? 
ypd(pei<;, /cal aavTov, a0' &v irXeov Xapftdvcov eXd- 
yiGTOv dvTLOihws, ov-% r)pds, ev oU eV apLCpco irXeo- 
veKielv airevhopiev, e? to oplolov tt}? elrcovo? ey/cpi- 
vcov ttXt/v av re Law tu> puerpcp 8tS&)? wirep av 
XafBjis, av re firj, r)puv 6 tl av e^fj irapa aov 
411 Xaftelv r)hi/ Kal 77730? to oXov dp/ceiv iriaTeveTai. 



67 
Tecopyla) KadoXi/ctp 3 

*H\0€?, Ti]Xefiax€, (frrjal to eiros' iyco Be ae Kal 
elhov 778/7 tols ypapufiaai, Kal Tt/s Upas aov ^frvx^i 

1 8e Hertlein suggests, but cf. Letter 71, p. 234. 

2 See note to Letter 63, 387c. 

3 Hertlein 8. Following Vossianus he omits Ka9o\iicy, 
which is preserved in Ambrosiavus L 73. 

1 K<.r this conventional phrase, often used by Julian, cf. 
To Heeeboliw, p. 219, and To Sarapion, pp. 271, 277. 

222 



TO GEORGE, A REVENUE OFFICIAL 

opposite the ear that hears it, nevertheless, since 
I put my faith in the account given by men both 
ancient and modern, 1 and in your own account no 
less, I am abashed into admitting that Echo is a 
goddess. 2 What, in any case, would that matter to 
me, if only, in my expressions of friendship towards 
you, I excel Echo in a considerable degree ? For she 
does not reply to all the sounds that she hears, but 
rather to the last syllables uttered by the voice, 
like a grudging sweetheart who returns her lover's 
kisses with the merest touch of her lips. I, on the 
other hand, in my correspondence with you, lead off 
sweetly, and then again, in reply to your challenge, 
I return you like for like as though I threw back a 
ball. Therefore you cannot be too quick in recog- 
nising that your letters put you in default, and that 
it is yourself, since you receive more and give back 
very little, whom you consign to the similitude of 
the figure, and not me, since I am eager to score off 
you in both ways. 3 However, whether you give in 
just the same degree as you receive, or not, whatever 
I am permitted to receive from you is a boon, and is 
credited as sufficient to balance the whole. 4 

67 

To George, a Revenue Official 5 

" Thou hast come, Telemachus ! " 6 as the verse 
says, but in your letters I have already seen you and 

2 George had evidently used the figure of Echo, and 
accused Julian of imitating her. 

3 i. e. both in sending and receiving letters. 

4 Perhaps the last two sentences are a playful allusion to 
George's profession as a financier. 

6 Geflcken and Cuniont reject this letter. 
6 Odyssey 16. 23. 

223 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

377 ttjv elicova KaOdirep bXiyrj a^paylSt, fieydXov ya- 
pa/crr)po<; tvttov av€p,a£dfi7]v. eo~ri yap ev oXuya) 
7roWd Beiy6r)vai' eirel real <£>eiBia<; 6 aocpbs ov/c 

€K T>}? 'OXvpLTTiacTL flOVOV Tj 'A0J]V7](TIV el/COVO? 

iyvcDpL^ero, aXX' fjBei /cat fii/cpca yXv/ajnari fieyd- 
\^q Te%vri<; epyov eyicXelaai, olov Br) rbv rerriyd 

B (fraaiv avrou teal rrjv fxeXnrav, el Be ftovXet, /cal 
Tijv fjivlav elvar odv 6/cckttov, el teal rfj (f)vo-et, tce- 
ydX/ccoTai, rfj reyyr) y e-yjrvycorai. dXX* ev e/cei- 
vois fiev IVco? avT(p ko\ i) a/jLLfcp6rr)<; t6)v ^wcov eh 
rrjv Kara Xoyov reyvrjv to etVo? e^api^ero' o~v 6° 
dXXa rbv d$> Ittttov drjpcovra AXe^avBpov, el 
Botcel, GKoirei, ov to fierpov earl irav ovv%o$ ov 
fiel^ov. ovrco o° e<£' etcdarov to OaOfia rr)<; Te^*»7? 
tceyvrai, ware 6 fxev ' AXe^avBpos i]Br) to Orjpiov 

C (3dXXei /cal top 6earr)v (froftel, 6V oXov Bvawnoiv 
tov o-yrjiJbaTO^, 6 Be i7nro$, ev d/cpa tmv nroBSiv rfj 
ftdaei rr)v ardaiv cfrevycov, ev rfj t?}? evepyela<i 
icXoTrfi rfj Teyyrj Kcvetrar b Brj /cal avTOS tj/mv, o> 
yevvale, Troiel<$. toenrep yap ev c Ep//,oO Xoylov 
GraBiois oY bXov TToXXd/cis tov Bpofiov o-recfiavG)- 
6 el$ rjBr), Be* &v ev 0X17049 ypd<f)ei<; rr)<; aperr)? to 
aicpov e/Jb^aivets, teal tg> ovti tov 'OBvcraea rbv 

D Ofirjpov £r)Xo2<z, 09 ical \xovov elircov oo~ti<$ r)v tfpfcei 

1 The ascription to Pheidias the sculptor of works in the 
'microtechnique' described here, is sometimes due to the 
confusion, in the Roman period, of the fifth century Pheidias 
with a gem-cutter of the same name who lived in the third 
century B.C. In the Jahrbuch d.k.d. Arch. Institute, 1889, 
p. 210, Furtwiingler, who does not quote this letter, re- 

Eroduces a gem from the British Museum collection signed 
y this later Pheidias ; it is an Alexander on foot. The 
anachronism here makes the letter suspect. 

224 



TO GEORGE, A REVENUE OFFICIAL 

the image of your noble soul, and have received the 
impression thereof as of an imposing device on a 
small seal. For it is possible for much to be re- 
vealed in little. Nay even Pheidias the wise artist 
not only became famous for his statue at Olympia or 
at Athens, but he knew also how to confine a work 
of great art within the limits of a small piece of 
sculpture ; for instance, they say that his grasshopper 
and bee, and, if you please, his fly also, were of this 
sort ; for every one of these, though naturally com- 
posed of bronze, through his artistic skill became a 
living thing. In those works, however, the very 
smallness of the living models perhaps contributed 
the appearance of reality to his skilful art ; and do 
you, please, look at his Alexander 1 hunting on horse- 
back, for its whole measurement is no larger than 
a fingernail. 2 Yet the marvellous skill of the work- 
manship is so lavished on every detail that Alexander 
at one and the same time strikes his quarry and 
intimidates the spectator, scaring him by his whole 
bearing, while the horse, reared on the very tips of 
his hoofs, is about to take a step and leave the 
pedestal, and by creating the illusion of vigorous 
action is endowed with movement by the artist's 
skill. This is exactly the effect that you have on me, 
my excellent friend. For after having been crowned 
often, already, as victor over the whole course, so to 
speak, in the lists of Hermes, the God of Eloquence, 
you now display the highest pitch of excellence in a 
few written words. And in very truth you imitate 
Homer's Odysseus, 3 who, by merely saying who he 

2 Sec Vol. 1, Oration 3, 112a for a reference to this kind of 
carving. 

3 Odyssey 9. 19. 

225 

VOL. III. O 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

tol>? <£>alafca<; e/C7r\f)tjai. el Se ti /cal Trap' rj/icov 
tov Kara o~e <pi\L/cov kclttvov heei, 1 $6bvos ov8ei,s. 
irdvTcos ttov teal irapa ro)V tjttovwv elvai ti XP 7 }' 
arbv 6 fids tov "kiovra ev tw fivOw acoaas dp/covv- 
to>9 heiKwaiv. 



68 

Aoo~i0i(o 2 

MiKpov pbOL eirrfkOe Satcpvaai' kclltol ye e\p^W 
405 evcfrrjiielv Tovvofia to abv <f>0ey%dp,evov dvefivrjadrjv 
yap tov yevvaiov /cal irdvTa Oavpacnov iraTpos 
7]fjuo)v? bv el fiev fyXooo-eis, avTOS Te evSalpcov ear], 
koX t& /3lo) Scoaeis, coairep eicelvos, ecj>' otco (f>t\o- 
TifJLi)o~eTar paOvpLrjaas Be XvirrjaeLS epue, aavTW he 
6t€ fir/Sev o(pe\os p,ep,y$rr}. 

69 

e I/JL€pl(p 4 

412 Ovtc aSaKpVTL gov ttjv eino-To\r)v dveyvcov, r)v 
eirl to> tt)<; avvoifcovar)? 6avaT(£> Treiroirjaai, tov 
tt&Oovs tt]v virepftoXyv dyyeiXas. Trpbs yap tw 

1 5er7, Paririncu 29G4, Heyler, cf. Letter 6, 403b. 

2 Hertlein 83. 3 v/jlwv Reiske. 

4 Hertlein 37. Varsaviensis, Y, 'l/j^pl? Cumont accepts ; 
Jltirocciamts'I/xeplcf} eirdpxv Alyvirrov iirl rr) yvvatnl according to 
Hertlein, 'H/j-epiy k.t.X. Cumont. Parisiaus, Hertlein 'Afiepicf. 

1 George had perhaps in his letter referred to the longing 
of Odysseus to see even the smoke of his native land, and 
had compared his friend's letters to that smoke. 
226 



TO HIMERIUS 

was, was able to dazzle the Phaeacians. But if even 
from me you require some of what you call " friendly 
smoke/' l I shall not begrudge it. Surely the mouse 
who saved the lion in the fable 2 is proof enough 
that something useful may come even from one's 
inferiors. 

68 

To Dositheus 3 

I am almost in tears — and yet the very utterance of 
your name ought to have been an auspicious sound, 
— for I recall to mind our noble and wholly admirable 
father. 4 If you make it your aim to imitate him, 
not only will you yourself be happy but also you will 
give to human life, as he did, an example of which it 
will be proud. But if you are indolent you will 
grieve me, and you will blame yourself when blaming 
will not avail. 



69 

To Himerius 5 

I could not read without tears the letter which 
you wrote after your wife's death, in which you told 
me of your surpassing grief. For not only does the 

2 Babrius, Fable 107 ; Aesop, Fable 2a6. 

3 Otherwise unknown. 

4 If the MS. reading is retained, Julian must be referring 
to someone who had taught them both. This was a regular 
usage and the teacher of one's own teacher could be referred 
to as "grandfather." 

5 Of Hertlein's " Amerius" we know nothing. See Intro- 
duction, under Himerius. 

227 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

koI /caO' eauTO Xvirris to ^v/jiftav a^iov elvai, 
yuvaixa veav Kal crco(f)pova Kal dvfiijpr] tw yyj- 
fiavTi, irpbs Be Kal TratBcov iepcov x /Jbrjripa, irpb 

13 wpas avapiracrOrivcu KaOdirep BciBa XafxirpodS tj/jl- 
fjbevrjv, elra ev oXiyq) KaTa(3aXovo~av tt)v (pXoya, 
€Tt Kal to ra tov irdOovs els <re Telveiv ov^ rjrrov 
fxoL BoKel Xvrrripbv elvai. r\Kio~Ta yap Br) ttuvtcov 
d^tos rjv 6 KaXbs ^plv 'Jfiepios 2 aXyeivov tlvos els 
irelpav eXOelv, dvr)p Kal Xoya) ^pifarhs koX rjficv 
els ra {jLaXiara tcov (piXrov 6 iroOeivoTaTos. ov 

C firjv aXX* el fiev erepos r)V, w ypdcpeiv irepl tovtcov 
e)(pr)v, irdvTws dv eBei /jlol irXeiovwv eh tovto 
Xoycov, to re av/ji/3av &J9 dvQpdnnvov Kal to cfrepeiv 
&)<? dvayKalov Kal to p.r)Bev. Ik tov fiaXXov aXyelv 
€)(eiv irXeov, Kal irdvTa oora eBoKei 777)09 tt)v tov 
nrddovs Trapa/jLvOlav dpfioTTeiv ws dyvoovvTa BiBd- 
gkovti. eirel Be alo~xP 0V rjyovpLai irpbs dvBpa Kal 
tovs aXXovs vovOeTelv elBoTa iroielo-Qai Xoyovs, 
ols ^pr) tovs fir) elBoTas aco(f>pov€LV iraiBeveiv, (f>epe 

D aot tcl aXXa irapels dvBpbs etV e'lirw aotyov jivOov 
e}',T€ Si) Xoyov dXrjOfj, aol fiev laws ov ^evov, tocs 
irXeioai Be, &>9 etVo9, dyvwaTOV, w Brj Kal fiovw XPV~ 
adfievos wairep (f>apfiaKW vrrirevOel Xvaiv av evpois 
tov 7rd0ovs ovk eXaTTW ttjs kvXikos, rjv t) AaKacva 
tu> TifXefid-^w irpbs to taov ti)s %/oem9 ope^ai iri- 

1 veapwv Thomas suggests, but lepbs is Julianic in the sense 
of " precious." 2 'Apepios, Par isinus 2755. 

228 



TO HIMBRIUS 

event in itself call for sorrow, when s young and 
virtuous- wife, the joy of her husband's heart, 1 and 
moreover the mother of precious children, is prema- 
turely snatched away like a torch that has been 
kindled and shines brightly, and in a little while its 
flame dies down, but over and above this, the fact 
that it is you to whom this sorrow has come seems to 
me to make it still more grievous. For least of all 
men did our good Himerius deserve to experience 
any affliction, excellent orator that he is, and of all 
my friends the best beloved. Moreover, if it were 
any other man to whom I had to write about this, 
I should certainly have had to use more words in 
dealing with it ; for instance, I should have said that 
such an event is the common lot, that we must needs 
submit, that nothing is gained by excessive grief, and 
I should have uttered all the other commonplaces 
considered appropriate for the alleviation of suffering, 
that is if I were exhorting one who did not know them. 
But since I think it unbecoming to offer to a man 
who well knows how to instruct others the sort of 
argument by which one must school those who are 
too ignorant for self-control, see now, I will forbear 
all such phrases ; but I will relate to you a fable, or 
it may be a true story, of a certain wise man, which 
perhaps is not new to you, though it is probably 
unfamiliar to most people ; and if you will use this 
and this alone, as though it were a drug to relieve 
pain, you will find release from your sorrow, as surely as 
from that cup which the Spartan woman 2 is believed 
to have offered to Telemachus when his need was as 

1 An echo of Iliad 9. 330 aXoxov Ov/xapea. 

2 Helen, Odyssey 4. 220, a rhetorical commonplace ; cf. 
Vol. 2, Oration 8. 240b, p. 107, note. 

229 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

413 areveraL. (paal yap A^fioKptTov tov 'Afthr/pLTrjv, 
iireLSr} AapeUo yvvai/cbs fcaXrjS dXyovvTi QdvaTOV 
ovk elxev 6 tl av elircov eh nrapapuvOiav dpKecreiev, 
virocrykcrQai ol rtjv direXOovaav eh <£w? dvd^eiv, 
rjv eOeXrjar) tcov eh tt)v y^peiav rjKovTcov viroaTiivaL 
rr]v yppriyiav. KeXevaavTOs 8' iiceivov firjhevbs 
(peuaaadai, o tl 8' av e^rj XaftbvTa Tr)v virbo-ye <Jlv 
B epurehtdaaL, /mi/cpov iirKryovra y^pbvov elirelv, otl 
ra [xev aXXa avT& 77790? Trjv tov epyov Trpat;LV 
avfiTTOpicrdeiri, pbovov he evbs irpoaheoLTO, b hr) 
aurbv fiev ovk eyeiv 07r&>? av Xdftot, Aapelov he 
&)? (BaatXea b'Xr)$ r^? 'Atrta? ov %a\e7rco? av lacos 
evpelv. epofievov 8° e/ceuvov, tl av eh] roaovrov b 
fiovw j3acri\e2 yv(oaOi)vaL ovyywpeliai, viroXa- 
fibvra <paal tov ArjpoKpLTOV elirelv, el rpiwv direv- 
OrjTdov ovofiara ra> rdcJHti rrjs yvvaiicbs eiriypd- 
C yjretev, ev6v<; avTr)v dva^Lwaeo^Qai tw t/}? TeXeTr)<; 
v6fi(£> hvawrrovfievTiv. dirop/iaavTOs he tov Aapeiov 
/cal firjheva apa hvvrjOevros evpelv 6r<p fir) tcai 
iraOelv Xvirrjpov tl avv>]v€)(0tr, yeXdaavra avvi)- 

#ft>? TOV Arj/JLOKpiTOV €L7T€LV " Tl OVV, to TTUVTWV 

dTOTTGOTaie, privet? dvehrjv &)? jjlovos dXyeivfo to- 

covtw avfiirXaKeh, 6 firjhe eva tcov irdnroTe yeyo- 

I) votcov afioipov ol/ceuov irdOovs e^cov ebpelv." dXXa 

TavTa fiev dicoveiv ehei Aapelov, avhpa fidpftapov 

1 The Atomistic philosopher, cf. Diels, Die Fragmente dcr 
Vorsokralihcr 2. Hi. 41. This is a traditional anecdote, told 
of Herodes Atticus and Demonax by Lucian, Demonax -~\ 
and only here of Darius and Democritus. 

230 



TO HIMERIUS 

great as your own. Now the story is that when 
Darius was in great grief for the death of a beauti- 
ful wife, Democritus * of Abdera could not by any 
argument succeed in consoling him ; and so he 
promised him that he would bring back the departed 
to life, if Darius were willing to undertake to supply 
him with everything necessary for the purpose. Darius 
bade him spare no expense but take whatever he 
needed and make good his promise. After waiting 
a little, Democritus said that he was provided with 
everything else for carrying out his task, but still 
needed one thing only, which he himself did not 
know how to obtain ; Darius, however, as King of all 
Asia, would perhaps find it without difficulty. And 
when the King asked him what it might be, this 
great thing which it was possible for only a king to 
know of, they say that Democritus in reply declared 
that if he would inscribe on his wife's tomb the 
names of three persons who had never mourned for 
anyone, she would straightway come to life again, 
since she could not disobey the authority of this 
mystic rite. Then Darius was in a dilemma, and 
could not find any man who had not had to bear 
some great sorrow, whereupon Democritus burst out 
laughing, 2 as was his wont, and said : " Why, then, 
O most absurd of men, do you mourn without ceas- 
ing, as though you were the only man who had ever 
been involved in so great a grief, you who cannot 
discover a single person of all who have ever lived 
who was without his share of personal sorrow ? " 
But though it was necessary to say these things to 
Darius, a barbarian and a man of no education, the slave 

2 Democritus was known as "the laughing Philosopher 
<jf. Oration 6. 186c, Vol. 2, p. 20, Wright. 

2 3 T 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

Kai dTraiSevrov, e/cSorov r)Sovfj Kai Trader ae 8e, 
avSpa" EXXrjva Kai iraiheiav dXr)6r) TrpeaftevovTa, 
real irapa aavTov to clkos expijv £X eLV > ^ 7ret/ KCLi 
aXXcos ala%vv7] ra> Xoyicrp,(p yevotr av, el per) 
ravrov o~6evoi rfo xpovw. 

70 
Aioyevet x 
Aioyevrjs 6 o~o9 vtb? ocpOels puoi puera rr)v e^oBov 
rr)v ar)v Kai (prjaas wpylaQai ae ti irpos avrov, 
olov av iraTiip irpos rralBa %aXe7r?;^€i6^, eBerjOr) 
pueaov pe rebv 77756? avrbv KaraXXaywv irapa aol 
yeveoQai. el puev ovv pierpia Kai 61a hvvaaOai 
cfrepeiv rjpuaprev, el^ov tt} cfrvaei Kai to Trarrjp elvai 
yvovs errdveXde 777)6? toj; rralBa rfj yvcopbrj' el 
Be ti p,el£ov einaiKev rj olov 777)6? avyyvcoprjv 
eXOelv, avrbs av elrj<$ BiKaiorepos Kpinjs, etre Bel 
Kai tovto yevvalws eveyKovra viKr\o-ai rov 7raiBb<; 
tt)v ftovXijv yvcopLTj KpeiTTOvi, etre Kai irXeiovos 
Xpovov aa)(f)povio-pL(p rr)v eirl tw irraiadevTi fidaa- 
vov Triareuaai. 



71 
Tprjyopia) rjyepiovi 2 
*^ Vjpov Kat ypappia irapa gov p,iKpov apKei p,eya- 
C Xrj<i fjSovtjs itpbfyaaw pLvqarevaai. Kai tolvvv, 

1 Hertlein 7 a « Hertlein 28. 

1 Diogenes is otherwise unknown. Schwarz places this 
letter between January and June 302, when Julian was at 
( "ustantinople. The tone seems to imply that he was already 

232 



TO COMMANDER GREGORY 

both of pleasure and of grief, you, on the other hand, 
are a Greek, and honour true learning, and you must 
find your remedy from within; for surely it would 
be a disgrace to the reasoning faculty if it had not 
the same potency as time. 

70 

To Diogenes 1 

Your son Diogenes, whom I saw after you went 
away, told me that you had been much irritated with 
him for some reason that would naturally make a 
father feel vexed with his child, and he implored me 
to act as mediator in a reconciliation between him 
and yourself. Now, if he has committed some error 
of a mild and not intolerable kind, do you yield to 
nature, recognise that you are a father, and again 
turn your thoughts to your child. But if his offence 
is too serious to admit of immediate forgiveness, it is 
right for you yourself rather than for me to decide 
whether you ought to bear even that with a generous 
spirit and overcome your son's purpose by wiser 
thoughts, or to entrust the offender's probation to 
a longer period of discipline. 

71 
To Commander Gregory 2 

Even a short letter from you is enough to provide 
me with grounds for feeling greatly pleased. Ac- 
Emperor, but the note is purely conventional, a "t}'pe" of 
the letter of intervention. 

2 A Gregorius Dux was pretorian prefect in 336, accord- 
ing to Codex Theodosianus 3. 1. 2, but this purely formal letter 
of the t} T pe that survived in epistolary handhooks is probably 
addressed to a younger man. 

2 33 



J* 



THE LETTERS OF JULIAN 

ol? eypayjra<; dyav rjaOels, avriBcSco/LiL Kal auTO? 
tt]V larjv, ov ra> tcov eiucTToXtov jxr)Kei fidXXov rj 
tw tt)? evvoias fieyeOei ra? tcov eraipcov <f>i\la<; 
etcriveaOai Belv Kpivcov. 

72 

429 U\ovTcip)(cp x 

UdvTcov fiev eve/cd /not, to aco/xa BiaKeiTai fie- 
TpLtos, ov fx?]v dXXd Kal Ta t^? yvcopir]^ e%et /caXco?. 
olfjicu 8' eyco tovtov irpooL/jUOV elvai /JL7]heV KpeiTTOV 
iiTLGToXf) cplXcp irapd cpiXov Trepuropievr). tlvos 
ovv iaTi to TTpooipuiov ; alTrjaecos, olfiai. Tt? Be 
i) aLTr)ai<; ; eiucTToXcov d/jLOiftaicov, a? ecr] ye Kal 
/cciTa Bidvoiav ofioXoyrjaai Tat? iptais, alaia irapa 
aov TavTa irpbs y/jicis e^ayyeXXovcras . 

73 

^\a^LfliV(p 2 

NaO? iireTa^a yeveaOai irepl ra? 'K.ey^pea^' to 
pev ovv 6aa<; 6 tcov 'EXXrfvcov r)yovp.evo<; cppdaei, 
to he oVa? ^ph TroielaOai ttjv eiripbeXeiav dtcove 
Trap' i)pLcov' dBcopoBoK7]Tco<; Kal Ta^eo)?. oVa)? Be 
fit) pLeTap-eXijaec aoi t/J9 TOiavrrjs virovpyuas, 
avTO<; o~vv 6eoZ<$ eTTifieXijcrofiai. 

1 II ortlein 48, Zt\vu>vi, To Zeno ; I follow Cumont in re- 
jecting this title, which does not appear in any MS. and was 
introduced by Heyler, who derived it from the Paris edition 
1605. UKouTdpxv i s the title in the Papadopoulos (Chalce) 
MS8. ' l'ap.-idopoulos 5*. 

1 This may be the obscure Athenian philosopher, a con- 
temporary of Julian j of. Marinas, Proclus 12, 
2 34 



TO MAXI MINUS 

cordingly, since I was exceedingly pleased with what 
you wrote to me, I in turn send you a letter of the 
same length, because in my judgement the friendly 
greetings of comrades ought to be rewarded not by 
length of letter so much as by magnitude of goodwill. 

72 

To Plutarch l 

In all respects my bodily health is fairly good, and 
indeed my state of mind is no less satisfactory. I 
fancy there can be no better prelude than this to a 
letter sent from one friend to another. And to what 
is this the prelude ? To a request, of course ! And 
what is the request ? It is for letters in return, and 
in their sentiments may they harmonise with my 
own letters and bring me similar news from you, and 
equally auspicious. 

73 

To Maximums 2 

I have given orders that there shall be ships at 
Cenchreae. 3 The number of these you will learn 
from the governor of the Hellenes, 4 but as to how 
you are to discharge your commission you may now 
hear from me. It must be without bribery and with- 
out delay. I will myself, with the help of the gods, 
see that you do not repent of having done your duty 
as I have indicated. 

2 Nothing is known of Maximums or the circumstances ; if 
the letter is genuine, as is probable, it may refer to Julian's 
preparations for his march against Constantius in 301. 

3 A coast town S.W. of the Isthmus of Corinth. 

1 i.e. the proconsul of Achaia who resided at Corinth. 

235 



74 

la/jif3\l,x<p 1 
420 'Ei%pr}v fiev rjfJLas tw ypap/juarL ireiOopevovs t<£ 

^ Ae\<fiifca) yiyvcoatceiv eavrovs /cal p,ij roXfidv dvSpbs 
aicor)<; togovtov tcaraOappetv, eo ical 6<f>0evTi jiovov 
avjifiXetycu $vo-%epe<;, i] irov rrjv irdvcro<f)OV dppo- 
viav kivovvti irpb<$ to laov eXOelv, eirel kclv llavl 

C /xeXo? Xiyvpbv r)yovvri 7ra? octt£? e/caralij, /ctzv 
' ' ApiGTaios y, /cal 'AttoXXcovi 7rpo? KiOdpav yjrdX- 
Xovtl iras oaris rjpe/JLOiri, kclv ttjv 'Op(peoo<; fiov- 
aitcrjv elSfj. to 7<zp tjttov t<m KpeirrovL, kcl6' oaov 
r)TT0V eariv, el kol clv Bi/caiax;, el pieXXoL to re 

OLKCLOV Kol TO pLT) TL €0~TL yiyV(OCTfC€lV. 00"T£? 8' 

ivOerp pLovaiKfj OvifTov dvOapfioaaL peXos rf^inaev, 
ouk epaOe ttov to Mapcrvov tov <&pvyb<? irc'iOos, 
ovhe tov 6p(t)vvpLOv e/celvw ttotclijlov, 09 pavevTOS 
I) avXrjTov Tip,wplav puaprvpel, aW* ovSe ttjv Ba/xu- 
pihos tov (dpcitcbs reXevrrju fjKovaev, 0? Tat? 
Movaais ovk evrw^ois dvrecpOeytjaTO. tl yap Set 
to? Xeiprjvas XeyeLV, tov en to irrepov lirl rod 

1 Hcitlcin 41, t<£ auT<?, as his £e&r 40 is to Iambliehns. 



1 Letter* 74-83, With the possible exception of SI. are 
certainly not by Julian. 

236 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 1 

To Iamblichus 

I ought indeed to have obeyed the Delphic 
inscription " Know Thyself/' and not have ventured 
to affront the ears of so great a man as yourself; for 
only to look you in the face, when one meets your 
eye, is no easy matter, and it is much less easy to 
try to rival you when you wake the harmony of your 
unfailing wisdom, seeing that if Pan roused the 
echoes with his shrill song everyone would yield him 
place, yes, even though it were Aristaeus 2 himself, 
and when Apollo played the lyre everyone would 
keep silence, even though he knew the music of 
Orpheus. For it is right that the inferior, in so far 
as it is inferior, should yield to the superior, that is 
if it is to know what is appropriate to itself and 
what is not. But he who has conceived the hope of 
matching his mortal song with inspired music has 
surely never heard of the sad fate of Marsyas the 
Phrygian, or of the river which is named after 
him and bears witness to the punishment of that 
insane flute-player, nor has he heard of the end of 
Thamyris, the Thracian who, in an evil hour, strove in 
song against the Muses. Need I mention the Sirens, 
whose feathers the victorious Muses still wear on 

2 For Aristaeus see Vergil, Georyics 4 ; he is a vegetation 
deity not usually associated with music. 

237 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

(jLeTOiTTOV <j)€pov(TLV at viKrjGaGat ; aXK? efceLvwv 
ptev efcacrros dptovGov T0A.yu.779 dpfcovvav en kcli 
vvv i/CTivei rj) ptvrjptrj BLktiv, 7/yu.a? Be eBet pev, o>? 
h(f)7]v, etGco T(bv oIkclcov opcov eardvai kcli t?)? vtto 
gov /jLOvaL/cf)<; ept(popovp,evov<; rjpeptetv, wairep o't 
421 Tr\v 'AttoXXco^o? jjLavrelav e% dBvTwv tepoyv irpol- 
ovaav r)Gvyrt Si^ovrar eirel 5' avrbs rjptv rod 
pteXov? to evBoGtptov pLvqGTevets /cat olov f Epp,ov 
pd/SBw tw irapd aavTOv \6ya> Ktvets Kal Bieyetpets 
/caOevBovras, cf>epe Got, Kaddirep ol t&> Alovvgw 
tov OvpGov /cpovaavri 7T/oo? tt)v x°P 6lav CLVeTOi 
<pepovTat, ovrco Kal r)p,ets vtto tw gm irX^KTpw to 
B euro? dvTrpyn'iGwpev, wairep ol tw ^opoardrr) 777)0? 

TO dvdfc\7]/jLa TOV pvO/JLOV O~VV0fiapT0VVT€S. Kal 

jrp&Tov aot Tcav \6ywv, ovs fiaGikel KeXevaavTi 
7T/30? ttjv doLBifiov tov iropOptov l ^ev^tv eWy%o<> 
ei^eipyaGapteOa, eiretBr) tovto IgtI Got Bokovv, 
dirap^copteOa, piKpd pev dvTt pteydXcov /cat tw ovti 
yaXicd ^pvaoiv dvTtBtBovTes, 0I9 Be e^optev ^evtots 
tov 'Epp^v top r)p,eT€pov eGTtwvTes. irdvTw? ovBe 
ti}? r Etcd\r)<; 6 ®7)o~ev$ tov Betrrvov to \itov diri]- 
C IjiwGev, dX)C j]Bet Kal piKpots e? to uvayKalov 
dpKelaOai. 6 Lldv Be 6 vopios tov TraiBbs tov 
/3ovko\ov ttjv Gvptyya TTpoGapptoGat to?? yetkeGtv 

1 Cumont would read irorafiov. 

1 The Muses, having defeated the Sirens in a singing 
competition, tore out their feathers and wore them as a 
I] nihol of victory. 

1 Geffoken tries to connect this passage with the order of 
< 'onstantius to Julian to send his troops across the Bosporus 
en route to Persia. Cumont's reading iroTafxov " of the river " 
supposes that Constantine's bridge over the Danube in 3 k 2S is 

233 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

their brows ? 1 But each one of those that I have 
named is still even now paying in the tradition the 
fitting penalty for his boorishness and temerity, and 
I, as I said, ought to have stayed within my own 
boundaries and held my peace while I enjoyed my 
fill of the music uttered by you, like those who 
receive in silence the oracle of Apollo when it issues 
from the sacred shrine. But since you yourself 
furnish me with the keynote of my song, and by your 
words, as though with the wand of Hermes, arouse 
and wake me from sleep, lo now, even as when 
Dionysus strikes his thyrsus his followers rush 
riotous to the dance, so let me too in response to 
your plectron make answering music, like those who 
accompany the choirmaster, keeping time to the call 
of the rhythm. And in the first place let me make a 
first-offering to you, since this is your pleasure, of the 
speeches which I recently composed at the Emperor's 
command in honour of the glorious bridging of the 
strait, 2 though what I offer you is returning small for 
great and in very truth bronze for gold 3 ; yet I am 
entertaining our Hermes with such fare as I have. 
Surely Theseus did not disdain the plain meal that 
Hecale 4 provided, but knew how to content himself 
with humble fare when the need arose. Nor was Pan, 
the god of shepherds, too proud to set to his lips the 
pipe of the boy neat-herd. 5 Then do you also in your 

meant; cf. Aurelius Victor 41. 18, pons per Danuhium 
ductus. In my opinion the sophist who wrote this letter 
had composed speeches on the stock theme of Xerxes and the 
Hellespont. » Seep. 218. 

4 The tale is told in the brief epic of Callimachus, the 
Hecale, of which we have fragments ; also in Plutarch, 
Theseus. 

5 Theocritus 1. 128. 

239 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

ov/c rjTi/Jiaae. irpoaov Bij /cal avrbs tov Xoyov 
evfievel vevfian, teal fir) aTrofcvrjays oXiycp fieXet 
fieydXrjv d/corjv evBovvat. a\V eav fiev e^rj Tt 
Be^ibv, avros re 6 Xoyos evrv^el fcal 6 iroirjTrfs 
aviov t?}? irapd tj)? 'AOrjvas ^jnjifiov rrjv fiapivpiav 
D 7rpoa\a/3(ov. el £' en %eipbs evreXovs eh to tov 
b'Xov irXrjpco/na irpoaBeirai, fir) dira^tcocrr)^ avrbs 
to evBeov irpoo-Qelvai. rjBrj irov /cal dvBpl To^brrj 
/cXi]0el<; 6 Oebs Trapearr] /cal avvecprjyjraro rod 
/3eA.of<?, teal Ki@ap(p$(p rbv opOiov aBovri 71750? to 
eXXelirov t% %opBr}<; virb tg> Terrtyi to taov 
TLudio? dvT€cf)&eyijaTO- 



438 
D 



439 



75 



s n ZeO, 7TW9 e^ei /caXws r)fids fiev ev Spd/crj Bi- 
dyeiv fieo-rj /cal roh eviavOa cnpols iy^eifid^eiv, 
irap ^\afi(3\i-)(pv Be rod /caXov /caQdirep erpov rivbs 
eapos r)filv Ta? €7rio~ToXd<; dvrl ^eXiBovwv jrefnre- 
o~0ai, /cal fjLijre r)fiLv elvat firfBeiroy irap* avrbv 
eXdelv fir'fr avra> Trap* r)fid<; rf/ceiv e^elvai 2 ; rh dv 
e/ccov elvat, ravra Betjairo, eav fir) (bpag tj? y /cal 
Tr)pea)<; dvrd%io<; ; 

Zev dva, dXXa av pvaai drrb %prj/cr)6ev 

'A^ajoiV 
iroirjaov 8' aWprjv, 80? 8' ocfiOaXfiolaiv IBeaOai 

1 Hcrtlein 53, entitled 'la/xl3\ix<? (pt\oa6<p(f>. 

2 Viitiv 4£ui>ai MSS., Hoikel would delete; Hertlein '^khv 
or ilflete. 

240 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

turn accept my discourse in a gracious spirit and do 
not refuse to lend your mighty ear to my humble 
strain. But if it has any cleverness at all, then not 
only is my discourse itself fortunate but so too is its 
author, in that he has obtained the testimony of 
Athene's vote. 1 And if it still needs a finishing 
touch to complete it as a whole, do not refuse to add 
to it yourself what it needs. Before now the god in 
answer to prayer has stood by the side of a bow- 
man and set his hand to the arrow, and again, when 
a bard was playing the cithara and singing a high 
and stirring strain, the Pythian god, when the string 
failed, assumed the guise of a cicada and uttered a 
note of the same tone. 



75 
To the Same 

Zeus, how can it be right that I should spend 
my time in the middle of Thrace and winter in the 
grain-pits 2 here, while from charming Iamblichus, as 
though from a sort of spring in the East, letters come 
to me like swallows and I cannot yet go to him nor 
can he come to me ? Who would be willing to put 
up with this unless he were some Thracian and as 
bad as Tereus ? 3 

" Lord Zeus do thou rescue the Achaeans from 
Thrace and make clear weather and grant us to see 

1 The suffragium Minervae ; the proverb is derived from 
Aeschylus, Eumenides, where Athene, by breaking a tie vote, 
saved Orestes. 

2 The phrase is borrowed from Demosthenes, On the 
Chersonese 45. 8 Tereus was king of Thrace. 

241 

VOL. III. R 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

B irore tov i)fJberepov 'Epfirjv Kal rd re dvaKTopa 
avTov irpoaetirelv Kal rot? eBeaiv ejjL(f)vvai, KaOdirep 
tov OBvaaea fyaaiv, ore i/c tP;? aXrjs rr)v 'Wdtcrjv 
elBev. «U' i/cecvov puev ol QaiaKes en KaOevBovra 
toairep ri (fropriov eKde/xevoL rrjs veoo? (£>x ovT0 ' 
?;/ia? Be ovBe virvos alpel, fiexp^ clv ae, to peya 
t/}? olKOvp,evri<; o</)e\o?, IBelv eyyevrjTai. kclitoi 

C av pL€v rr)v ea>av oXtjv epue re kch, tov eralpov 

^(ATTCLTpOV eU TT]V %pO.K,Y}V /JL€T€17}V0)£€Vai ITpOaiTal' 

£ef5* riplv Be, el xph TaXrjOes elirelv, ew? av 'Jdfi- 
/3\t^o? fir] irapfj, Kijupeplcov a^Xu? avvoiKet. 
Kal av /jl€V Bvolv Gdrepov alrels, rj rjfxas irapa 
ae rjKeiv i) avrov ae Trap 1 i)p,a<$. i)plv he 
D to puev erepov evKratov Te 6/jlov teal avpucpopov, 
avrov? eiraveXOelv co? ae Kal rcov irapa aoi 
KaXwv diroXavaar to Be erepov ei)%>)? fiev dirdar)$ 
KpeiTTOV. eirel Be dBvvarcv croi ye Kal dgvjMpopov 
eari, av /nev olkoi pevetv Kal ya' l P eiv K °^ T V V V (TV - 
%tay V v ^X €i ^ <rd)%eiv, iifieZs Be 6,tl av Oeos BiBw 
yevvaiws otaofiev. dvBpcov yap dyaOcbv elvai §aai 
440 to p,ev eveXiri KeKTrjaOai Kal ra Beovra irpdrreiv, 
tireadai Be rot? civay/caiois tov BaipLoios. 



76 

448 Twa^TO) 1 

'\KavTjv 6/xoXoyco tt)? trfj? diroXeL\jrea)<; eKreri- 
Kevai BLkt]v ov /jlovov ol? irapa ti)v diroBrjfxiav 

1 Hertlein 61. 

1 Julian paraphrases Iliad 17. 645. 

242 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

with our eyes" 1 our own Hermes some day, and 
salute his shrine and embrace his statue as they tell 
us Odysseus did when after his wandering he beheld 
Ithaca. 2 Nay, but he was still asleep when the 
Phaeacians unloaded him from their ship like a 
piece of freight and went their way ; but as for me 
sleep can never lay hold on me till it be my lot to 
see you that are the benefactor of the whole world. 
And yet you say in jest that I and my friend 
Sopater have transported the whole East into Thrace. 
Yet, if I must speak the truth, Cimmerian gloom 
abides with me so long as Iamblichus is not here. 
And you demand one of two things, that I should 
go to you or that you yourself should come to me. 
To my mind one of these alternatives is both 
desirable and expedient, I mean that I should go 
to you and benefit by the blessings that you bestow, 
while the other surpasses all my prayers. But since 
this is impossible for you and inexpedient, do you 
remain at home and prosper and preserve the 
tranquillity that you enjoy, while I will endure with 
a brave spirit whatever God may send. 3 For we are 
told that it is the proof of a good man to keep 
hoping for the best, to do his duty and follow his 
fate and the will of God. 

76 
To the Same 

1 confess that I had paid a full and sufficient 
penalty for leaving you, not only in the annoyances 

2 Odyssey 13. 354. 

3 Cf. Oration 8. 243d for the same phrase, derived from 
Demosthenes, On the Croim 97. 

?43 
it 2 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

]]',) auvi]vex@ , ] v uviapols, dXXa yap Kal clvtm tuvto) 
irXeov, on gov tov tootovtov direXei(f)6i]v xpovov, 
Kdlioi iroXXals Kal ttoiklXciis iravraxov XP 1 !* 71 ' 1 ' 
fievos tz/^cu?, co9 pLrjhev aTreiparov KcuTaKnreiv. 
dXXa Kal iroXepicov 0opv/3ov<; Kal iroXiopKias avdy- 
K7]v Kal (fivyrjs TrXdvrjv Kal (j)6/3ov<; iravTolov^, en 
he yei\iwvwv virepftoXa? /cal voacov klvSvvovs /cat 
Ta? i/c Uavvovias r?}? avco p<kxP l T °v fCCLTa T ^ v 
KaXxyhoviov iropOpbv hidirXov pvplas hrj /cal 7roXv- 

B Tpoirovs crvpfyopds viropelvas ovhev ovrco Xvirrjpov 
ouSe &uo"xepes epbavTw o-v/jLfteftrj/cevai (f>ai)]v av co? 
otl ere to koivov Tcav'EXXtfvcov dyaObv iirl toctovtov 
Xpovov ttjv kwav diroXiTrcbv ov/c elSov coctt eiirep 
d^Kvv riva to?? e/jLols 6<f)0a\{ioi<; Kal vecfyos ttoXv 
irepiKelaQai Xkyoipn, py Oavpudcrrjs. Tore yap hi] 
p,e /cal drjp evhios /cal <£eyyo? rjXiov XapLirporarov 
Kal olov eap dXi]6w<; tov /3lov irepik^ei KaXXiarov, 

C brav ae to pueya t?}? olKovpkvr\^ dyaXp,a irepiiTTv- 
^wpat Kal, KaOdirep dyaOw irarpl irals yvi)aio<; £k 
iroXepov Tivbs rj hcairovTiov kXvScdvos dveXirio'TCd^ 
6<j)6eU, elra oaa eiraOov Kal hi oawv r)X0ov Kivhv- 
vwv euTTcov Kal olov eV ayKvpas iepds 6pp,i%6p>€VO<; 
dpKovcrav tfhrj Trapa^rvxh v T &v dXyeivwv evpcopai. 
TrapapLvdelrai yap, &)? et/eo?, Kal eiriKovfyl^ei rds 
avpcfiopds, orav t£? a irkirovBev et? roix; aXXovs 

1) €K(f)opa Ka0io~ra<; hiavetpr) tov irddovs ttjv yvcocriv 
iv l rfj Koivcoila tov Xoyov. rea)? 76 p^rjv oh e'^co ~ 

1 llertkin would delete if, but see 449d, p. 246. 

2 Brambs would insert urepois after *x w > °i- LetLr 60. 
88do. 

1 The referenoe is probably to Constantine's march in 323 
from l'annonia to Nieomedia by way of the Dardanelles. 

a 1 i 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

that I encountered on my journey, but far more in 
the very fact that I have been away from you for so 
long, though I have indeed endured so many and 
various fortunes everywhere, that I have left nothing 
untried. But though I have undergone the alarms 
of war, the rigour of a siege, the wandering of exile 
and all sorts of terrors, and moreover the extreme 
cold of winter, the dangers of disease and countless 
mischances of many kinds in my journey from Upper 
Pannonia till I crossed the Chalcedonian straits, 1 I 
may say that nothing so painful or so distressing has 
happened to me as the fact that after I left the East 
I have not, for so long a time, seen you, the universal 
blessing of the Hellenes. So. do not be surprised if 
I say that a sort of mist and thick cloud overshadows 
my eyes. For only then will a clear atmosphere and 
the brilliant light of the sun, and, so to speak, the 
fairest and truest springtime of my life, encompass 
me when I can embrace you, the delight and glory 
of the whole world, and, like the true son of a noble 
father who when hope is given up is seen returning 
from war, it may be, or from the stormy billows of the 
sea, 2 can proceed to recount to you all that I have 
suffered and what dangers I have been through, and 
as I, so to speak, ride safely on a sacred anchor, 3 can 
find at last a sufficient consolation for my misfortunes. 
For naturally it is a consolation and lightens the 
weight of sorrow when one unburdens one's ex- 
periences to others and shares with them the know- 
ledge of one's sufferings in the intercourse of speech. 
Meanwhile, however, with what means I have I will, 

2 For a similar idea cf. Julian, To the Athenians, Vol. 2, 
Wright, 285c, p. 285. 

3 Cf. ancoram sacram (or ultiniam) solvere, a proverb 
implying the use of what has been kept in reserve. 

245 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

ae Kara 8vvajj.iv ttjv epA)\> pLereipa' real yap ov 
iravaofxat rbv iv fieaw rf)<; diroXetyfreco^ ypovov iv 
tw twv ypa/jL/jbdrcov Oepairevcov avvOrfpLari. el Be Brj 
Kai avTiTvypipn irapa aov twv I'acov, v(f>}jaco tl teal 
fiiKpov, olov dvrl awrifpLOv rtvbs avfi'SoXov 1 to?? 
aols ofiiXcov ypci/jLfiaai. av Be Beyoio fiev evfievais 
rd Trap r/fiwv, wapitis Be Kai aeavrbv et9 cl/jloi- 
ftrjv ev/ievearepov, a>? tl av aTj/jLijvy? Ka\bv 
rj ypdyjrfjf;, tovto dvrl t>)? '\Lpfxov Xoylov (fxovrjs 
■)) t>}? y Aa/c\i]7Tiov yeipb^ Trap rj/xcov Kplverai. 



77 

446 Ta5 aura) 2 

' II\#e? teak! eir6i~i<ja<$' rfkOes yap Br) Kai dirajv 
oh ypd(j>€t<;' " eyeb Be ae pabp.av, av o' e<£Aefa? 
epiav cf>peva Kaiopevav irbQip" 3 ovkovv ovre 
dpvovpLat, to <$L\Tpov ovre diroXelirw ae Kar ovBev 
dWa Kai o>? irapovra rfj "^rvyfj Oecop'j) Kai dirovri 
D avveipi, Kai ovBev iKavov earl p.oc 7roo? Kopov 
dpKeaai. Ka'noi av ye ovk dvir\^ Kai Trapovras 
ev ttolcov del Kai dirovras ovk evcfrpalvcov p,6voi> 
of? ypdtyeis, dWa Kai aco^cov. ore yovv dirijy- 

1 ncrtlein, following Reiske, av^ovKov but the reading of 
the MSS., <tvjx^6Kov echoes crwd-fj/xaTi above and should be 
retained. 

1 Ib'itlein 60, with title 'lauPxlxv- 

3 Keiske first recogniy.ed this quotation from Sappho not 
found elsewhere: MSS , Hertlem ko.1 iiroi-naas—iyw 54 o-e 

/acl ifxav 6.v 5e <pv\a£as ; Reiske iyk 54 <r' 4/j.a.Tev/j.av (for 
i/jLarfvdfxiqp), tv 5' tya\a|as 4/xav <pp4va ; Wesseling &v 5' 
l(p\(£as ; Spanheim i/iav av 8' 4<pvAa^as ; Petavius tfxav &u 5k 

246 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

so far as I can approach you ; and indeed I shall not 
cease, for the whole period of our separation, to con- 
ciliate you with letters by way of a token. And if I 
only receive the like from you, I shall be somewhat 
more submissive and shall hold converse with your 
letters, regarding them as a sort of symbol that you 
are safe and well. Do you, then, graciously accept 
what arrives from me, and show yourself still more 
gracious in making requital, since every noble utter- 
ance of yours, every written word, is reckoned by 
me as equivalent to the voice of Hermes the god of 
eloquence, or to the hand of Asclepius. 1 

77 

To the Same 

" Thou hast come ! well hast thou done ! " You 
have indeed come, even though absent, by means of 
your letter — " And I was yearning for thee, and 
thou didst set ablaze my heart, already aflame with 
longing for thee." 2 Nay, I neither refuse the love- 
philtre nor do I ever leave you at all, but with my 
soul I behold you as though you were present, and 
am with you when absent, and nothing is enough to 
quench my insatiate desire. Moreover, you also 
never slacken, but without ceasing you benefit those 
who are present with you and by your letters not 
only cheer but even heal those who are absent. At 

1 See Letter 79. 406 d. 

2 The quotations are from an ode of Sappho and perhaps 
run through the whole letter ; see critical note. 

<pv\a£as. I give the version of Bidez. For e«/>\6{as Wila- 
mowitz e<p\v£as, cf. Isyllus 120 ; kv 5'fyvZas Thomas. 

247 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

yei\e fioi rt? evayyps* ft)? irapa aov ypd/uiLiaTa 
KO/iiiaas eraLpos tjkol, irvy^avov jjlIv iv ai]hia 

TOV (JTOpudypV TpiTCUOS TjBr) (CaOedTOCt^ KCLl 71 

Kal irepiaXycos ex wv T °v acofiaros, ft)? fiySe efo) 
447 Trvperov iielvai' ar\\xavQev Be, ft)? e(f>rjv, oti /jlol 
7T/30? Tat? Qvpcus 6 ra ypd/nLiaTa eywv e ^V> ey<*> 
fxev coairep Tt? aKparrjs eavTOV Kal /caTO^o? 
dvairr\Bi]a as yj;a irplv o tl Beoi irapelvai. iirel 
Be Kal ekaftov eU %e£/5a? tt)v iirtaroX^v fxovov, 
6/jlvvq) tov<; 0eov<z avTOV? Kal tov iirl aoi /me 
dvdyfravra iroOov, ft)? d/xa re ktyvyov ol irovoi fcai 
Lie Kal 6 irvperbs dvrJKev evOvs, coairep tlvi tov 
B acoTTjpos ivapyel irapovaiq BvacoirovLievos. &)? Be 
Kal \vaas dveyvcov, riva Lie i)yfj yjrvxv v e(7 X 7 7~ 
Kevai rore r) iroarjs rjBovrjs dvdirXecov yeyevrjaOai, 
tov (f)i\Tarov, ft)? <£?;?, dveficov, tov ipconKov 
d\r)6co<;, tov BiaKovov rcov koXcov virepeiraivovvrd 
T€ Kal (f)i\ovvTa BiKai,co<;, on lioi tcov irapa aov 
ypaiiiiaTwv virripeT^ yeyovev, olovel x itti]vov 
Blkijv tjliIv tt)V iiriaToXrjv BievOvvas ovpico tc Kal 
itolhtilico irvevfiaTi, Bi 77? ov fiovov vTrrjp^ev 
C rjadrjvai lioi tcl eiKOTa irepl aov yvovTi, dWa 
Kal avrw KaLivovTi irapa aov aco6r)vai ; tu ye 
Lir]V aXka 7rw? a irpcoTOV 2 irpbs ttjv iiriaToXrjv 
eiradov eliroi\x dv, rj 77-co? av dpKovvTcos ijxavTOv tov 
epcoTa KaTaiuqvvaaiLii ; iroaaKis dveBpaLiov 6t? 
dpy))v e.K fxeaov ; 7ro<ra/a? eBeiaa li>) irXrjpooaas 
XdOco ; iroaaKis coairep iv kvkXco tlvI Kal 

1 Hertlein following Hercher would delete olovel, but it 
occurs with S/«7jv too often to be an oversight ; see p 218, note. 

2 For h irpwrov Hertlein suggests curep, Hercher would 
delete irpwrov. 

248 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

any rate, when someone not long ago gave me the 
news that a friend had come and brought letters 
from you, it happened that for three days 1 had 
been suffering from a disorder of the stomach, and 
in fact I was in acute physical pain, so that I was 
not even free from fever. But, as I said, when I was 
told that the person who had the letters was at my 
door I jumped up like one possessed, who has lost 
control of himself, and rushed out before what I 
wanted could arrive. And the moment that I 
merely took the letter in my hands, I swear by the 
very gods and by the love that burns in me for you, 
that instant my pains forsook me and at once the 
fever let me go, as though it were abashed by some 
manifest saving presence. But when I broke the seal 
and read the letter, can you imagine what feelings 
took possession of my soul at that moment or with 
what delight I was rilled, or how I praised to the 
skies that dearest of winds, 1 to quote your words, 
the lover's wind in very truth, the messenger of 
glad tidings — and loved it with good reason, since it 
had done me this service of bringing a letter from 
you, and like a winged thing had guided straight to 
me, with a fair and hurrying blast, that letter which 
brought me not only the pleasure of hearing good 
news of you but also salvation at your hands in my 
own illness? But how could I describe my other 
sensations when first I read the letter, or how could 
I find adequate words to betray my own passion? 
How often did I hark back from the middle to the 
beginning ? How often did I fear that I should finish 
it before I was aware? How often, as though I 

1 An echo of Sophocles, rhilodetcs 237 t(s irpoa-fiyayev ; 
.... tis a.vi[xu3V b cplAraros ; 

249 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

aTpo<j)fj$ irepiohw rod avp,7repdo-p,a70<; to irXrj- 
D pcofia 7T/oo? ttjv dp\i]v dvecXKov, olov ev aa/jLari, 
Iiovglkw ravrbv tov pvdfiov Tft) reXei to 777)09 rr)V 
dp%r)v fjyovfievov pieXo? avriBiBovs' rj Kal vr) Ata 
rd efi}? tovtcov, ocrdKis p.ev too arofiaTL rrjv 
eiriaroXrjv it poa r\y ay ov, coo-Tvep at payrepes rd 
TTcuhla TrepnrXeicovTai, 1 oaaKis he. evecpvv tm 
aro/iarL KaOdirep epcofievrjv e/xavTOV (piXrdrijv 
do-7ra^6pievo<;, ocrd/cis Be rrjv eiuypafyrjv avTijv, i) 
X €l pl a fl KaOdirep evapyel acppaylSc eaea^pavjo, 
Trpoaetircov fcal cfriXijaas, elra iirefiaXov rot? 
4 18 ocpOaXpLols, olovel to£? rr)? iepd<; i/ceLvr/^ Sefm? 
SarcrvXois tQ> joiv ypappdrwv lx vei ^poairecjiVKco^. 
%alpe he teal avros tj/jllv iroXXd, KaOdirep rj /caXi] 
XaTTcfxo (frr/ai, Kal ovk ladpiOpa fiovov T(o xpovw, 
ov dXXrjXwv direXeLtpOrjpieVj 2 dXXa yap /cal del 
yctipe, /cal ypdcfye /cal puepivrjao rjpcov rd el/cora. 
&)? ripbds ye ovk eTciXel'tyei xpovos, ev (p ae firj 
B irdvrrj 3 Kal ev iravrl Kaiptp Kal Xoyw Sid p,V)]ftr]<; 
e£op.ev. dXX* r)p,2v el 4 iroOi Zevs Solt) iKeaOav e? 
irarpiha yalav, Kal crov rrjv lepdv eKetvrjv eariav 
avOts v7reX0oLpisv, /xt) (peiar) Xoarov 009 (favydSos, 
dXXa hrjaov, el hoKel, 77-/30? Tot? aeavrov Ouikois 
rois (fyiXrdroL^, coairep rtvd Movawv XnrordKTijv 
eXcov, elra to£? eh ri/xcoplav dpKovai Traihevcov. 
TrdvTcos ovhe aKcov VTroaTijcropLai r^v Slktjv, dXX' 
€ko)v 8r) Kal ya' l P wv * toenrep dyaOou iraTpo^ 

1 TrepLnXfKOVTai Hertlein suggests, TrpoirirXeKovTai MSS. 

- I Mass in CI. Philology I. p. 253 reconstructs a fragment 
Of Sappho, as follows: x°"P 6 ttoAAol t4 /aoi Kdd icrdpid/j.a t<£ 
Xpov(f t t>t> (T(0ev . . . a.TTfK€fn6juLav. 

25O 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

were going round in a circle in the evolutions of a 
strophe, 1 did I try to connect the contents of the 
last paragraph with the first, just as though in a 
song set to music I were making the leading note 
of the beginning the same as the closing bars of the 
measure ? Or how describe what I did next — how 
often I held the letter to my lips, as mothers 
embrace their children, how often 1 kissed it with 
those lips as though I were embracing my dearest 
sweetheart, how often I invoked and kissed and held 
to my eyes even the superscription which had been 
signed by your own hand as though by a clear cut 
seal, and how I clung to the imprint of the letters 
as I should to the fingers of that sacred right hand of 
yours ! I too " wish thee joy in full measure," 2 as fair 
Sappho says, and not only " for just so long as we have 
been parted from one another," but may you rejoice 
evermore, and write to me and remember me with 
kindly thoughts. For no time shall ever pass by me 
in which I shall forget you, in any place, at any hour, 
in any word I speak. " But if ever Zeus permits 
me to return to my native land," 3 and once more 
I humbly approach that sacred hearth of yours, do 
not spare me hereafter as you would a runaway, but 
fetter me, if you will, to your own beloved dwelling, 
making me captive like a deserter from the Muses, 
and then discipline me with such penalties as suffice 
for my punishment. Assuredly I shall submit to your 
jurisdiction not unwillingly, but with a good w T ill and 

1 e.g. in the chorus of the drama. 
2 Frag. 85, Bergk. 3 Odyssey 4. 475. 

3 iravrr) Hercher suggests, navTa Hertlein, MSS. 

4 a\\' rjiMV et Hertlein suggests ; dW^Awv 8e MSS. 

*5* 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

€TTCLv6pQ(D(TlV 7Tp0fL1]O7] KCLl (7(DT1]pL0V. €L Be B)} 

fiOL teal tear ifiavrov rrjv teplaiv iOeXois iria- 
C revaat, teal BlBolt]^ eveyteetv i)v flovXofjicu, i/xavTov, 
w yevvale, T(p aw ^treovLO'/efp irpoGa^aipa av 
?}Sea)?, iva gov Kara /ii]Bev drroXenToliirjv, dXXa 
avvelrjv del teal iravraxv 7rpoa(f)€poLjir}v, ibairep 
ovs ol fiudoL Bccpveh dvOpaoirovs TrXdrrovcriv. el 
firj tedteeivo ol /jlvOoi Xeyovort fiev &>? Trat^ovres , 
alviTTovTai Be eh to t/J? ef>iXla<; e^aiperov, ev rw 
t/}? Kowtovlas Bea/xro rb 8S e/earepou rf)<; ^f%>)? 
ofioyeves €/jL(f>aivovTes. 



78 



416 AlaOdvojjLai o~ov ri}? ev rfj fiepb"^rei yXv/evT)]TO<;, 
C teal o>9 e/edrepov ef io~ov irpdrrei^, teal oh ypdcpeis 
ti/jlcov teal oh ey/eaXets iraiBevodv. iya> Be el fiev 
tl crvvrjBeiv epbainfo rod 7T/30? ae yiyvo/ievov teal 
Kara fiitepbv eXXnrovri, 7rdvT(D<; rj Trpofydaeis 
evXoyovs eltroov erretpoo/jiTjv av ttjv pLepi^riv 
i/etcXiveiv, r) avyyv(*)/j,7]v dfiaprcbv alrelv ov/e 
ypvovfiiiv, eirel firjBe aXXcos davyyvcoarov olBd 
ae 7rpb<? tou? aov<;, el ti rcov irpos ere (piXitecov 
D i^j/jLaprov ateovres. vvv Be' ov yap rjv ovre ere 
Trapoepdfjvac de/iis ovre f]fia<z d/neXe7v } i'va rv- 

1 Hertlein 40, with title 'Ia/ijSAt'xy. 
252 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

gladly, as to a kind father's provident and salutary 

correction. Moreover, if you would consent to trust 
me to sentence myself and allow me to suffer the 
penalty that I prefer, I would gladly fasten myself 
to your tunic, my noble friend, so that I might never 
for a moment leave your side but be with you always 
and closely attached to you wherever you are, like 
those two-bodied beings invented in the myths. 
Unless, indeed, in this case also the myths, though 
they tell us the story in jest, are describing in 
enigmatical words an extraordinary sort of friend- 
ship and by that close tie of a common being 
express the kinship of soul in both beings. 1 



78 

To the Same. 

I am sensible of the sweet-tempered manner in 
which you reproach me, and that you achieve two 
things with equal success, for you do me honour by 
what you write and instruct me by your criticisms. 
And for my part, if I were conscious of even the least 
failure in the attention due to you, I should certainly 
try by making reasonable excuses to parry your 
criticism, or if I were in fault I should not hesitate 
to ask your forgiveness, especially as I know that you 
are not implacable towards your friends when they 
have involuntarily failed in some friendly office to 
you. But as it is — since it was not right either for 
you to be neglected or for me to be careless if we 

1 For Julian's allegorising interpretation of myths see 
Oration, 5. 170 ; 7. 216c, 222c ; and for the illustration here 
Lucian, Toxaris 62. 

253 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

yoiixev ojv del tyirovvres iroOovfiev' cfiepe aoi 
/caddirep ev opcp ypacj)>)s dTroXoyrjaco/nai, /cal BeL^co 
{irjBev ifiavrov mv i^prjv et? <xe irapihelv, dWa 
[xyBe fieWijaat roX/nyaavra. 

^HXOov €/c Tlavvovlas yBrj rplrov ero? tovti, 
417 fioXis d<f cjv olaOa kivBvvcov /cal ttopcov awOeu^. 
virepftds Be rbv Ka\^r]S6vLov TropOfxov /cal eirLard^ 
rrj Nifco/jLyj$ov<; iroXei, aol irpdircp /caOdirep irarpiw 
Sew rd TTpcoToXeia twv ifiavrov acoarpcov dire- 
8(OKa, aujifioXov t>}? dcpL^eco? t/)? if/,?]? olov dvr 
dvaOiifjLCLTOs lepov ryv els ae nrpoap-qaiv eKire/JLircov. 
Kcu, tjv o KOfJLi^wv rd ypdji/iara rcav ftaaiXeucov 

VTTCHTTTKJTbSV €6?, 'lovXiavOS Ol'OfUL, HaK^vXoV 

15 7rat?, 'Aira/ieu? rb yevos, u> Bid rovro fidXiara 

TTJV €7ri(TT0\T]V Iveyeipl^OV , OIL KCtl TTpOS V/JLUS 

yj~eiv /cat ae dfcpi/3a)<; elBevai /caOuTriaxyelro. 
\xera ravrd fiot KaOdirep ef 'AttoWgovos lepbv 
€(f)OLTa rrapd aov ypd/xfia, rrjv d(f)i^ip ryv rj/ie- 
repav dafievw? ae d/CT)/coevai 8r)Xovv yv Be 
rovro i/j,ol Be^tbv oldoviafia /cal ^p^arcov iXTriBcov 
dpxv> 'lufifiXixos 6 aofybs /cal rd 'Ia/J,l3\L)(ov 
irpbs ?;/£&? ypd/x/iara. ri fie Bel Xeyeiv oVgw 
C i]V'fipdv9>]v t) a irepl rrjv emaroXyv erraOov 
ay\xaiveiv ; el yap eSe^co rd irap y\xcav eve/ca 
rovrwv ypacpevra' yv Be hi? y/xepoBpofiov rwv 
etcelOev y/covrcov &)? ae rreix^Oevra- irdvrcos dv 
oTroarjv eV avroU yBovrjv ea){ov a</)' a)v eBijXovv 
iytveoa/ces. irdXiv eiraviopros ol'/caBe rod TjOO</>e&>? 

1 Constantine marched from Pannonia to Nioomedia in 883, 
m 'I'haps this letter («n be dated 32Q. In Julian's authentic 

writings we always find Paeonia for P&nnonia ; see Letter 7<'», 

l». 24 I, for a reference to this journey. 

-'5 1 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

were to attain that which we ever seek after and 
desire — come, I will plead my case before you as 
though by the rules of a lawsuit, and I will prove 
that far from having neglected any of my duties 
towards you I have never even ventured to post- 
pone them. 

It is now three years since I arrived from Pannonia, 1 
with difficulty escaping safely from the dangers and 
troubles that you know of. When I had crossed the 
Chalcedonian strait and approached the city of 
Nicomedia, to you first as though to the god of my 
fathers I paid vows as the first thank-offering for my 
deliverance, by sending you as a token of my arrival 
my salutation in place of a sacred offering. The man 
who took charge of my letter was one of the imperial 
guard named Julian, the son of Bacchylus, a native of 
Apamea, and to him I all the more readily entrusted 
the letter because he asserted that he was going in 
your direction and that he knew you very well. 
Afterwards, as though from Apollo, a sacred letter 
came to me from you, in which you declared that 
you had been pleased to hear of my arrival. This 
was to my mind an auspicious omen and a fount of 
fairest hopes, — Iamblichus the wise and the letter of 
Iamblichus to me. Need I say how I rejoiced or 
assure you how deeply I was moved by your letter ? 
For if you had received what I wrote to you with 
no other purpose — and it was sent to you by one of 
the couriers who came from where you are, — you 
would certainly know from what I then said how great 
was the pleasure that I felt on receiving it. Again, 
when the custodian of my children 2 was returning 

2 This phrase is perhaps metaphorical ; see p. 214, note 1. 

255 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

1) tcov ifiavrov iraiBlwv, erepwv rjpX 0V tt/OO? ere 
ypajjLfjLciTcop, 6/jlov /ecu T)]v eVl rots (f>0dvovai 
ydpiv 6p,oXoywv /cal 777)0? to ef% ev tarp irapa 
aov rr)v dvTiBoaiv clltcov. fierd ravTa eirpea- 
fievaev &)? ^/z-a? 6 /caXbs X(07rarpo<;' eyco Be &)? 
eyvwv, ev6v<$ dvair-qB^aa^ yfja /cal TrepnrXa/cels 
eBd/cpvov v<j> i)Bovr)<$, ovBev ciXXo tj ae /cal to, 
irapd aov 7rpo? r)p,d<; oveipoiroXcov ypdjipbara. 
Co? Be eXa/3ov, €<fiiXovv /cal rot? 6(f)0a\fiOL<; irpoaP]- 
418 yov, /cal dirpl% el^p \ir\v , &airep BeBicos p,r) XdOrj 
pe diroTTTCLV ev rfj t&v ypappbaTcov dvayvcoaec to 
tT;? arjs el/covos ivBa~Xp,a. /cal orj /cal dvTeypafyov 
evOv<i, ov 7rpo? ere puovov, dXXa kcll irpo^ tov tepov 
S(07ra,Tpov, rbv e/ceivov iralBa, /caQdirep dpviTTO- 
fievos OTi tov koivov eTalpov e/c tt;? 'A7ra/xeta? 
oIoi> ev&xypov t>}? vpueTepa^ dirovala^ dvTeiXr)(f)OTes 
etrj/jiev. e£ e/ceivov TpiTrjv 7]Btj 7t/3o? ae yeypa(fid)<;, 
clvtos ovBeplav aXXrjv ?; ttjv ev y p.ipcf^eaOat cWe?? 
ejriaToXrjv eBe^dprjv. 

B Et pev or) Bed tovto ey/caXels, i'va tw t>j? aiTias 
a^rjpbaTL irXeiova^ i)p,iv d<j)opp,a<; tov ypd^eiv nvpo- 
%evf)$, Be^opai Tt]v pepyjriv dapevo? irdvv, /cal ev 
ol? Xap,f3dv(x) to ttclv tt}? %dpiTO<; eh, ep,avTov 
ol/ceiovp,ar el Be co? dXj]0a)$ eXXnrovTa tl tov 
77-po? ae fca9)jtcovTo<; aiTia, Tt? dv ep.ov yevoiT dv 
ddXiooTepo? 1 Bid ypap,paTO(j)6pcov dBtKiav rj pa- 

1 Nauck, Tragicorum Oraeeorum Fragmenta, *Adespota 280 

suggests ris ap' ; Schmidt ris avr\ The verse does not occur 
elsewhere, but cf. Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus 815 ris tov- 
8e vvv IW hvUpbs adAiurepos ; 

1 This may be the Sopater whom Julian mentions in Letter 

256 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

home, I began another letter to you in which I at the 
same time spoke to you of my gratitude for your 
previous favours and begged for a like return from 
you for the immediate future. After this the 
excellent Sopater 1 came on an embassy to our city. 
When I recognised him I at once started up and 
flew to him and when I had embraced him I wept 
for joy, dreaming of nothing else but you and a letter 
from you to me. And when I received it I kissed it 
and held it to my eyes and kept tight hold of it as 
though I were afraid that while I was in the act of 
reading your letter the phantom of your image might 
elude me and fly away. And, moreover, I at once 
wrote an answer, not to you only but also to the 
revered Sopater, that great man's son, telling him, 
as though giving myself airs, that I accepted our 
mutual friend from Apamea as a sort of hostage for 
your absence. This is the third letter that I have 
written to you since that time, but I have myself 
received no other letter from you save that in which 
you seem to reproach me. 

Now if you are accusing me merely for the purpose 
of providing me with further motives for writing to 
you, and only pretend to reproach me, then I am 
very glad to receive your criticism, and in this very 
letter that has now come I take to myself the whole 
of the kindness implied. But if you really accuse me 
of being in any way remiss in my duty to you, " who 
could be more wretched than I " 2 through the wrong- 
doing or negligence of letter-carriers, when I, least 

58 To Libanius, p. 207. But he is more probably the elder 
Sopater who was executed by Constantine. 

2 An iambic trimeter whose source is not known ; see 
critical note. 

2 57 

VOL. III. S 






THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

C QvfJLLCLV TTaVTWV TjKLGTa d^LOV TOVTOV TVyydvtlV 

ovtos ; - KaiTOi lyd> fiev, kclv /xr) irXeovdicis ypdcjxo, 
Sifcaios el/uu avyyvco/jiT]^ irapa aov Tvyydveiv' ov 
t?}? daxoXias fjv iv %6pcri^ e^co <\>air\v dv fii) 
yap ovrco irpd^aifii /ccl/ccos, &)? firj /cat, da^oXia^ 
aTrdar]?, tcaOd $r\(ji UlvSapos, to Kara ere tcpeiT- 
tov rjyetaOar aXX' otl 77730? dvSpa ttjXlkovtov, 
ov tcai /jLV7]cr07]vat, c/>o/3o?, ica\ ypdfyeiv fcaTO/cvwv 
tov irXeov rj Trpocrtj/ceL dappo\)VTo<$ zgtl ao)(f)pov6- 
D CTTfyoo?. (bairep yap ol tgu? 'HXlov jxapfiapvyal^ 

dvTl/3\€7T€lV aVVeXOOS TO\/ULWVT€<;, dv /J.7) 06LOL TIVS? 

coat, /cal tcov u/ctlvcov avTOV tcaOdirep ol tmv 
deTcov yvn}Gioi KaTaOappoicrLv, ovte a fir) 0e'/u? 
6<fi0r)vaL Oecopelv eyovai, /cal oawirep fxdXXov 
$i\oveiKovcn, ToaovTW irXeov otl /jlt) hvvavTai 
TV%elv efityaivovaiv, ovtco koX 6 777)0? ae ypdfyeiv 
toX/acov, oawirep dv iOeXrj dappelv, togovtw 
fidXXov otl xprj SeSievai KaOapws Bclkwctl. o~oi 
419 rye firfv, co yevvaie, iravTos co? elirelv tov 'E\- 
Xijvlkov crcoTrjpi fcadecrTCOTi, irpkirov r)v d(f>06vco<; 
T€ 7]/jllv ypd(f)€LV Kal tov •nap' r\}uv okvov ec/>' baov 
if~tf¥ /caTaaTeXXeiv. coenrep yap o f/ H\to?* I'va cS/; 
ird\iv i/c tov 0eov 777)0? ere ttjv el/cova Xdfir) 6 
Xoyov 6 cV ovv f/ HXio? ojairep, OTav drcTiai ica- 
dapalq b'Xos Xd/jL7rrj f ovSev diroicpivu tov 7r/)o? 
t))v alyXrjv iX06vTO<;, dXXd to ol/ceiov ipyd&Tai, 

1 a£tov tovtov Tvyxdfftv uvros Hertlein suggests ; tovtov 
rvyxa-vovros MSS., Tvyxa-veiv Reiske. 

258 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

of all men, deserve the reproach ? And yet even if I 
do not write oftener I may well claim indulgence 
from you — I do not mean because of the many affairs 
which I have on my hands — for may 1 never sink so 
low as not to count you more important than any 
business whatever, as Pindar * says ! — but because 
there is more wisdom in hesitating to write more 
than is fitting to so great a man as yourself, whom 
one cannot so much as think of without awe, than in 
being too presumptuous. For even as those who 
venture, to gaze steadily at the bright beams of 
Helios, unless indeed they be in some sort divine 
and like the genuine offspring of eagles 2 can brave 
his rays, are unable to behold what is not lawful for 
their eyes to see, and the more they strive for this 
the more do they show that they have not the 
power to attain it, even so, I say, he who ventures to 
write to you shows clearly that the more he allows 
himself to presume the more he ought to be afraid. 
For you, however, my noble friend, who have been 
appointed as the saviour, so to speak, of the whole 
Hellenic world, it would have been becoming not 
only to write to me without stint, but also to allay 
as far as you could the scruples felt by me. For as 
Helios — if my argument may again employ in reference 
to you a simile from the god, — even as Helios, I say, 
when he shines in full splendour with his brilliant 
rays rejects naught of what encounters his beams, 

1 Isthmian Odes 1. 1 rb reov . . . irpj.yiu.a iced ao-xoAm? 
vneprepov drjaro/xai. 

2 For this allusion to the eagle's test of its offspring see 
Letter 59, To Maxivius ; Themistius 240c ; Lucian, Icaro- 
menippta 14; Claudian, On the Third Consulship of Honor i us, 
Preface 1-14. 

259 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

B ovtq) Be Kal ae XP^ V d(f)06vco<; royv irapa aov 
KaXcjv olov <£&)T09 to 'EiXXrjviKov eirapBevovTa firj 
diroKveiv, et 77? rj alBovs rj Beov 9 eveica rov irpbs 
ere ttjv dvrlBoaiv Bvacoirelrai. ovBe yap 'Ac- 
KXryrrtbs eir d/JLOiftrjs eXiriBu tol»9 dvdpcoirov<; 
larai, dXXa to oIkblov avru) <f>iXav0 pcoirev/xa 
iravTayov irXrjpo?. 6 Br) /cal ae %pr\v (bairepel 
'^rv^cov eXXoyificov larpbv ovra iroielv /cal to tt)? 
dperrj<; irapdyyeXfia Bid irdvrcov aco^etv, olov 

C dyadov to^ottjv, 09, kclv fir) top dvrliraXov eyrf> 
irdvrco<; e? to Kaipiov del rr)v X 6 ^P a 'yvfivatfii, 
eirel firjBe 6 g/cottos eKarepois 6 avTos, r)filv 
Be twv irapa aov Be^icov ivyeiv /cal aol to?9 
irap r)ficov BiBofievoi<; ivTV)£6iv. dXX* r)fiels t xdv 
fivptaKis ypdcJHo/jLev, taa Tot9 'OfirjpiKol^ iraial 
irai&fiev, ot irapa Ta9 Olvas oil dv i/c irifXov 

D irXdacoaiv dfyidaiv KXv^eaOai' irapa aov Be /cal 
p.LKpov ypd/ifia iravTos eari yovlfiov pevfiaro^ 
/cpeiTTOV, /cal Be^al/i^v dv eycoye 'Ia/^Xt^ou 
fidXXov eiriaroX^v filav rj rbv e/c AvBia? ftpvabv 
/ce/CTr}a0ai. el Be fieXei tl aoi rebv ipaarcov twv 
a(bv fieXei Be, el fii) acfrdXXofiai' fir) irepdBriq 
toairep veorrovs ?;/xa9 del twv irapa aov rpofyiov 
ev xpela rvyyavovjas, dXXa /cal ypd(f>e avve^^ 
Kal TOt9 irapa aavrov /caXols earidv fit) /caro/cvei. 
Kav eXXiircofiev, avrbs e/carepov tijv xpeiav ol/ceiov* 
420 Kal u)v BLBcos Kal a>v dv$^ ijfiwv to I'aov irpeafieveLS. 
irpeirei Be r Epfiov Xoyiov fiaOrjrtjv, el Be ftovXei 
260 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

but ever performs his function, so ought you also not 
to shrink from bountifully pouring forth the flood of 
your blessings like light over the Hellenic world even 
when, whether from modesty, or fear of you, one is 
too bashful to make any return. Asclepius, again, 
does not heal mankind in the hope of repayment, but 
everywhere fulfils his own function of beneficence to 
mankind. This, then, you ought to do also, as 
though you were the physician of souls endowed 
with eloquence, and you ought to keep up on all 
occasions the preaching of virtue, like a skilled 
archer who, even though he have no opponent, keeps 
training his hand by every means in view of future 
need. For in truth we two have not the same 
ambition, since mine is to secure the wise teachings 
that flow from you and yours is to read letters sent 
by me. But as for me, though 1 should write ten 
thousand times, mine is still mere child's play, and 
I am like the boys in Homer who on the sea-shores 
model something in wet sand and then abandon it 
all for the sea to wash away ; whereas even a short 
letter from you is more potent than any fertilising 
flood, and for my part I would rather receive one 
letter from Iamblichus than possess all the gold of 
Lydia. If, then, you care at all for your fond ad- 
mirers — and you do care if I am not mistaken — do not 
neglect me who am like a fledgling constantly in 
need of sustenance from you, but write regularly, 
and moreover do not be reluctant to feast me on the 
good things that come from you. And if I prove to 
be remiss, do you take on yourself to provide both 
things, not only what you yourself give but equally 
what you furnish in my place. For it befits you as a 
pupil of Hermes, the god of eloquence, or, if you 

261 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

teal Tp6(JHfiov ovra ae, rrjv eice'ivov pdfthov ovk 
iv tw KaOevSeiv iroielv, aX>C iv tm Kiveiv /ecu 
Sieyeipeiv fiaXkov iOeXeiv fiifieiadai. 

79 

(p aura) 

405 'OBvaael puev i^rjpKei tov 7rat8o? ttjv e</>' avrw 
B (fravTaaiav dvaaTeXXovTi Xeyeiv 

ovtis rot deos el/JLL' tl pu ddavaTOiaiv i[aKei<; ; 

iyco Se ov& iv dv6 pdnroiq eivai $a'n)v av 6'Xa>?, 
e&>? av 'lafifi\LX f p M avvco. a\V ipaaTt)? fiev 
eivai abs 6p,oXoyo), KaOdirep eVetz/o? tov TrjXe- 
C fidx°v Trarrjp. kclv yap didtjtov fie Xeyrj t/? 
eivai, ovoe ovto) tov irodelv d^atprjaeTai' eVel 
Kal dyaX/juiTcov KaXwv clkovoh ttoXXovs ipaaTas 
yeveadai pur) puovov tov SrjpLiovpyov ttjv Teyyf)v 
pui] BXaTTTOVTas, dXXa Kal too irepl avTa irdOei 
Tt]V efiyjrvxov rjoovrjv tu> epyco irpoaTtOevTa^. twv 
ye purjv iraXaioiv Kal ao(pcov dvSpcov, oi? r)pLa<z 
eyKpi'veiv iOeXeis irai^wv, ToaovTOv aTveyew &v 
D (frairjv, oiroaov ai)Tw aot tcov dvBpoyv fieTelvai 
iriaTevoj. KaiTOi av ye ov UtvSapov puovov ovSe 
AypoKpiTov rj y Opcf)ta tov TraXaioTaTOV, dXXa 
Kal ^vpuirav opov to 'EjXXtjvikov, oiroaov els aKpov 
(j)iXoao(f)La<; iXdelv pLvypLOveveTai, Kaddirep iv 
Xvpa ttoiklXcov (pOoyycov ivapfiovUo avaTaaei 
irpbs to ivTeXes t»}$ pLovaiKrjs Kepdaas e^€t?. 
40G Kal wa7rep"Apyov tov $vXaKa tjj? 'Jou? ol jjlvOoi 

1 I liit loin 34, with title 'Ia^^Ai'xy <pi\oa6(pCf>. 
262 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

prefer, his nursling, to desire to imitate his use of 
the wand, not by putting men to sleep, but by 
rousing and awakening them. 



To the Same 

When Odysseus was trying to remove his son's 
illusion about him, it was enough for him to say : 
" No God am I. Why then do you liken me to the 
immortals?" 1 But I might say that I do not exist 
at all among men so long as I am not with Iam- 
blichus. Nay, I admit that I am your lover, even as 
Odysseus that he was the father of Telemachus. For 
even though someone should say that I am un- 
worthy, not even so shall he deprive me of my long- 
ing. For I have heard that many men have fallen in 
love with beautiful statues 2 and far from injuring the 
art of the craftsman they have by their passion for 
them imparted to the workmanship the added delight 
in what lives and breathes. But as for the wise men 
of old among whom you are pleased to reckon me in 
jest, I should say that I fall as far short of them as 
I believe that you are to be ranked among them. 
And indeed you have succeeded in combining with 
yourself not only Pindar or Democritus or most ancient 
Orpheus, but also that whole genius of the Hellenes 
which is on record as having attained to the summit 
of philosophy, even as in a lyre by the harmonious 
combination of various notes the perfection of 
music is achieved. And just as the myths give 
Argus, Io's guardian, an encircling ring of ever- 



1 Odyssey 16. 187. 

2 For such cases cf. Aelian, Varia Historia 9. 39. 



263 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

irpovoiav eypvTCL tcov Aibs TraiSiKcov d/coifirJTOis 
iravTayoQev ofifidicov fioXah TrepifypaTTOVGiv, 
ovtco fcal o~e yvr\Giov apeTrjs cpvXatca fivpioi? 
7rai8eva€Q)<; 6$>6aXfioh 6 Aoyo? cpcoTt^ei. Upcorea 
fiev $r) tov AlyviTTiov cpaac ttolkiXcus fiopcpah eav- 
70V igaXXdrTeiv, coairep hehioTa fir) XdOy Toh Se- 

B OfievoLS o)<? i)v aocpbs i/ccpyjvas' eyco 8e elirep rjv oWw? 
crocpbs 6 Upcorevs real olos 1 iroWd tcov ovtcov 
yivcocnceiv, ft>9 "Ofirjpos Xeyei, t>)? fiev cpvaeco? 
avrbv iiraivco, r>}? yvcofir}<; 8' ov/c aya/jLai, Sioti 
fir) tfiCXavOpcoirov tlvos, dXX! diraTecovos epyov 
iirolei fcpviTTCDV eavTov, iva fir) xprfaifios dv6pco- 
7ro£? y. ae hi, co yevvale, Tt9 ovk av d\r)0co<; 
Oavfidaeiev, ft>? ovhev tl tov Uptoreco? tov aocj)ov 

C fielcov el, 2 el fir) /cal fidXXov eh dperrjv dtcpav 
Te\e<T0els cov e%ef? /caXcov ov cpOoveh dvOpcoiroi^, 
a\V r)Xlov /cadapov Si/crjv cuctIvcls aocjilas d/cpai- 
cfivovs iirl Trdvras ayeis, ov fiovov irapovai 
tcl el/cora %vvcov, aXXa kcl\ dirovra^ icfS ocrov 
e^eari Toh irapd aavrov aefivvvcov. vi/ccor)? 8' 
av ovtco ical tov 'Opcpea tov /caXov oh irpaTTet^, 
ecye 6 fiev Ti]v ol/ceiav fiovaiKrjv eh Ta? tcov 
6i)plcov dfcoci<; /caTavdXia/ce, av 8' coairep eVl 

D acoTijpia tov kolvov tcov dvOpcoircov yevovs re^- 
6eh> Tr)v *AcricXr)Tnov %elpa iravTaypv £r)Xcov, 
diravTa eirepxil XoyUo re ical acoTrjpup vevfiaTL. 3 

1 o16s re ? Hertlein. 

2 el, cl fit) iced Barocciamis ; el nal ^ Vossianus, c2 /a)) ko.\ 
HcitUiii. 3 TTvcvjAaTi "breath," Martin. 

264 



TO IAMBLICHUS 

wakeful eyes as lie keeps wateh over the darling 
of Zeus, so too does true report endow you, the 
trusted guardian of virtue, with the light of the 
countless eyes of culture. They say that Proteus 
the Egyptian used to change himself into various 
shapes 1 as though he feared being taken unawares 
and showing those who needed his aid that he was 
wise. But for my part, if Proteus was really wise 
and the sort of man to know the truth about many 
things, as Homer says, I applaud him for his talent, 
but I cannot admire his attitude of mind, since he 
played the part, not of one who loves mankind, but 
of an impostor by concealing himself in order to 
avoid being of service to mankind. But who, my 
noble friend, would not genuinely admire you, since 
though you are inferior in no way to wise Proteus if 
not even more fully initiated than he in con- 
summate virtues, you do not begrudge mankind the 
blessings that you possess, but, like the bright sun, 
you cause the rays of your pure wisdom to shine on 
all men, not only by associating, as is natural, with 
those near you, but also as far as possible by making 
the absent proud through your writings. And in 
this way by your achievements you surpass even 
charming Orpheus ; for he squandered on the ears of 
wild beasts his own peculiar musical gift, but you, as 
though you had been born to save the whole human 
race, emulate everywhere the hand of Asclepius and 
pervade all things with the saving power of your 

1 Odyssvj 4. 363 foil. ; Vergil, Gcorgics 4. 388 foil. 

265 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

wo-t' e/moiye hoicel teal "Ofirjpos, el aveftlw, iroXXw 
hiKaiojepov av eirl aol to eVo? alvi^aaOai to 

6*9 8' 6TL 7TOV J&J09 KaT€pVK€Tai €Vp6C KOCT/bLfp. 

tw yap ovti tov iraXaiov ko/jl/jlcltos tj/jllv olovel 
ennvdrjp Ti? [epos dXrj6ov<; teal yovipuov TraiSevaeax; 
vtto aol /jbovep ^wirvpeirai. Kal elrj ye, Zev awrep 
407 teal 'JLp/nfj Xoyie, to koivqv enrdarjs t>)9 oiKovfievi]? 
o<f>eXos, ^IdpLftXtyov rbv tcakov, eirl ^kigtov 
y^povov T7)peia6ai. irdvTws ttov Kal e</>' 'Opajpcp 

Kal YiXuTCOVL Kal ^WKpCLTeL 1 KoX €L T£9 a\\o9 

a%io<; tov X°P°v tovtov, Sifca[a<z ev)(f]S eiriTevy fia 
Tot? TrpoTepov evTV^Oev ovtco tovs iiceivwv 
Kcupovs eirl fiel^ov rjv^tjaev. ovSev Srj KcoXvei 
Kal ifi rj/jicov dvhpa Kal Xoyrp Kal ft Up twv 
B dvSpcov eKeLvcov dvrd^iov vcj)' 6fiolai<: et^afc e? 
to aKpoTaTov tov yijpcos eV evhaipiovia tcov 
dvOpooTTcov TrapaTre/jLcpOrjvat.. 



80 

3')0 Sapa7rlci)VL T(p XapurpoTciTfp 2 

" " hXXoL fiev aXXcos t<29 iravrjyvpei^ vofii^ovaiv, 
iyw 8e rjBv aoi yXvKela^ kopTr\<$ avvOqpia t&v eiri- 

1 'laoKpdrei Cumont, since Socrates was only seventy when 
he died. 

2 Hertleio 24. 

1 Odyssey 4. 498. The original verse ends with -n6vT<?, 
266 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

eloquence. Wherefore I think that Homer, too, if 
he were to return to life, would with far more justice 
allude to you in the verse : 

" One is still alive and is detained in the wide 
world." 1 

For, in very truth, for those of us who are of the 
antique mould, a sacred spark, so to speak, of true 
and life-giving culture is kindled by your aid alone. 
And grant, O Zeus the saviour, and Hermes, god of 
eloquence, that this blessing which is the common 
property of the whole world, even the charming 
Iamblichus, may be preserved for the longest possible 
period of time ! Indeed, there is no doubt that in the 
case of Homer and Plato and Socrates 2 and others 
who were worthy to be of that company, the prayers 
of the just were successful and did avail men of old, 
and thus increased and prolonged the natural term 
of those great men's lives. So there is no reason 
why in our day, also, a man who in his eloquence and 
virtuous life is the peer of those famous men, should 
not by means of similar prayers be conducted to the 
extreme limit of old age for the happiness of 
mankind. 

80 
To the most illustrious Sarapion 3 

People observe the public festivals in various 
ways. But I am sending you a hundred long-stalked, 
dried, homegrown figs as a sweet token of this 

"on the sea"; the verse was a rhetorical commonplace and 
the ending is often altered to suit the context. 

2 There would be more point in the reading "Isocrates" 
(Cumont) since he lived to be nearly one hundred. 

3 Sarapion is otherwise unknown. 

267 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

C ywpioav lo"%dhwv fia/cpoKevTpovs i/carbv i/cire/jurco, 
tw fjuev rod hcopov fieyeOei /ii/cpdv, rw fcdXXei he 
iaco<; dpfcouaav r)hovr)v pLvr)o~Tev(t)v. * Apia~TO<f)dvei 
/iev ovv ho/cel elvai 7rXr)v fieXiTOS ra>v dXXcov yXv- 
/cvrepov Ta? lo-%dha<$, zeal ovhe tovt dveyeTai rcov 
la^dhcov elvcu yXv/cvrepov, &>? avTos iiuicpivas 
Xeyer 'Hpohorw he dpa tw avyypacpel 7T£>o? eVt- 
hei^iv €pi]fiLa<z dXr)0ov<z 7)pzcecrev elirovn " Tlap 

D oh ovre ervzed eariv ovre aXXo dyaObv ovhev" &>? 
dp ovre aXXov tivos ev zcapiroh dyaOov irporepov 
twv ervzecov 6vto<$, ovre en irdvTws dyaOov heov 
Toh * irap oh av fj to gvkov. "Opuripos he 6 aocfrds 
ra {iev aXXa tcov zcapiroiv eh fieyeOos rj XP° av V 
zcdXXos eiraivel, fibvep Be to> avzcw ttjv t% yXvzcv- 
ttjtos eircovvfilav o-vy%u>pel. zeal to fieXi 'xXwpbv 
331 zcaXet, hehia)<; fir) Xddrj yXvzcv irpoaeiTrcov, b zeal 
TTiKpbv elvcti iroXXa^ov avfiftalveL' tw avK(p he 
dpa fJLovw dirohlhcoo-c ttjv oliceiav evfyrjpiiav, coenrep 
tw ve/CTapL, hioTL zeal fiovov yXvzei) twv dXXcov eaTL. 
zeal fieXi fiev 'iTnro/cpdTTjs cfyrjal yXvzev jxev elvcu 
tt)v alaOrjo-tv, iritepbv he TrdvToos ttjv dvdhoaiv, kcu 
ouk diriaTO) TrS Xoyw' ^oA,?}? yap avTO ttoltjtlkov 
elvai %vfi7ravT€<; opboXoyovav teal Tpeireiv tovs 
XVfiovs eh TovvavTiov t?}? yevaews. b hr) zeal 

B fidXXov rr)? etc ^vaecos avTov 7rucpoT7]TO<; zeaTt)- 
yopel ty]v yeveaiv ov yap av eh tovto fieTeftaXXev 
b iriKpov io-nv, el pur) ko\ irdvTG)? avr(p Trpoar)v 
ef dpxrjs tovto, ac/>' ov Trpbs to eTepov pueTeiniTTe. 

1 Se'ov rots Hortlein suggests ; ZiovTos MSS. 

1 Quoted in Atlienaeus, Dc i pnosoph 4 'sts 652f ; Fragg. Tncert, 
Full. 7 ovlev yap uvtus yKvKvrepov tu>v IcrxdSwv. 

268 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

pleasant festal season. If you measure the gift by 
its size, the pleasure I offer you is trifling, but if 
measured by its beauty it will perhaps suffice. It is the 
opinion of Aristophanes 1 that figs are sweeter than 
anything else except honey, and on second thoughts 
he does not allow that even honey is sweeter than 
figs. Herodotus 2 the historian also, in order to 
describe a really barren desert thought it enough to 
say : " They have no figs or anything else that is 
good " ; as though to say that among the fruits of the 
earth there is none to be ranked above figs, and that 
where men had figs they did not wholly lack some- 
thing good. Again, the wise Homer praises other 
fruits for their size or colour or beauty, but to the fig 
alone he allows the epithet " sweet." 3 And he calls 
honey "yellow," 4 for fear he should inadvertently 
call "sweet" what is in fact often bitter; accord- 
ingly, to the fig alone 5 he assigns this epithet for its 
own, just as he does to nectar, because alone of all 
things it is sweet. Indeed Hippocrates 6 says that 
honey, though it is sweet to the taste, is quite bitter 
to the digestion, and I can believe his statement; for 
all agree that it produces bile and turns the juices 
to the very opposite of its original flavour, which fact 
even more surely convicts it of being in its origin 
naturally bitter.' For it would not change to this 
bitterness if in the beginning this quality had not 
belonged to it, from which it changed to the 

2 1. 71. 3 Odyssey 7. 116. * Odyssey 10. 234. 

6 Homer does however call honey " sweet" in Odyssey 
20. 09 jUe'AiTt y\vKep!f>. 

6 Be internis ajfectionibus 84a ; Hippocrates is speaking of 
honey that has been cooked. 

7 Oration N. 241a, Julian says that honey is made from 
the bitterest herbs. 

269 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

ovkov Se ovk aladtjcrei puovov rjhv, dXXa Kal dva- 
Boaec Kpelrrov iariv. ovtco Be eariv dvOpcoirois 
cocpeXi/iov, coare /cal dXetJKJHip/MifCov aurb iravTos 
oXeOpiov (fiapfidfcov cf>r)o~lv "ApiaTOTeXrjs elvat, kclv 
tols heiirvois ovk aXXov rivbs t) tovtov %«/?«' t ^ v 
eheapaTcov it poTrapaTiOecrOai re Kal eiriTpayrip,a- 
C ri^eaOai, /caOdirep dvr aXXr)<; tivos dXe^rjaecos 
lepa<; TaZ? tcov ftpcopLaTcov dSi/clais irepiTrrvaao- 
jievov. /cal p?qv otl /cal deols to ctvkov dva/ceuai, 
Kal Ovalas earlv aTrdarjs ip/3co/Mov, /cal otl irav- 
to? XijBavwTov /cpeLTTOv is Ovpudparos cncevaaiav 
iartv, ovk e'yLto? lSlo<; ovtos 6 Xoyos, aXX y octtls ttjv 
Xpeiav avrov epaOev, olSev cos dvSpbs crocfaov /cai 
lepo(j)dvTov Xoyos earL (deocppaaTOS Se 6 KaXos 
ev yecopyias irapayyeXpaau ra? tcov erepocfrvTcov 
D BevSpcov yevecreis eicTidel? /cal oo~a oXX^Xov^ols 
ey/cevTpio-eaiv ei/cei, 7rdvTcov, 61/j.ai, tcov cpvTcov 
paXXov erraivel ttJ? o~v/cr)<; to hevSpov cos dv ttol- 
KiXrfs Kal Siacpopov yevecrecos Scktikov kol fiovov 
tcov aXXcov evKoXov iravToiov yevovs eveyKelv (3Xd- 
ctttjv, el tls ai/TOV tcov kXuBcov eKTepicov eKaaTOV, 
elTa €Kp)j£a<; aXXrjv e? aXXo tcov irpepuvcov ep,<f>vrj 
392 yovrjv ivappLoaeiev, cos dpKelv i]8r) iroXXaKLS avTov 
Kal dv6 oXoKXrjpov k/jwov ttjv o^tlv, diov ev Xei- 
pcovi yapieGTaTip ttolkIXt]v tlvcl Kal iroXveiSPj tcov 
Kapircov dcp' eavTOv ttjv dyXatav dvTL7re7rop,cpbTOS. 
Kal Ta p,ev dXXa tcov ciKpoSpvcov ecrTiv oXiyo^povca 
Kal ttjv fjLOvrjv ovk dveyeTai, julovco Se tco ltvkco 
Kal virepeviavTi^eiv efeaTt Kal Trj tov p,eXXovTos 

1 Aristotle, Frag. 103, Rose. 
270 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

reverse. But the fig is not only sweet to taste but 
it is still better for digestion. And it is so beneficial 
to mankind that Aristotle 1 even says that it is an 
antidote for every deadly poison, and that for no 
other reason than this is it served before other 
food as a first course at meals and then at the end 
for dessert, as though we embraced it in prefer- 
ence to any other sacred means of averting the 
injury caused by the things we eat. Moreover, that 
the fig is offered to the gods also, and is set on the 
altar in every sacrifice, and that it is better than 
any frankincense for making fragrant fumes, this 
is a statement not made by me alone, 2 but who- 
ever is acquainted with its use knows that it is the 
statement of a wise man, a hierophant. Again, the 
admirable Theophrastus 3 in his precepts of agri- 
culture, when he is describing the kinds of grafted 
trees and what sorts admit of being grafted on one 
another, commends the fig tree above all other 
plants, if I am not mistaken, as being able to receive 
various and different kinds, and as the only one of 
them all that easily bears a growth of any other sort, 
if you cut out every one of its boughs and then break 
oft' and insert a different engrafted stock into each of 
the cleft stumps ; hence to look at it is often equi- 
valent to a complete garden, since it returns you the 
variegated and manifold splendours of other fruits, 
as happens in the loveliest orchard. And whereas 
the fruits of other fruit-bearing trees are short-lived 
and cannot last for any time, the fig alone can 
survive beyond the year, and is present at the birth 

2 A Julianic commonplace, cf. note on Vol. 2 Fragment of 
a Letter 299c, and above, p. ±22. 

3 Enquiry into Plants 2. 5. 6. 

271 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

KapTrov yeveaei o-vveveyQr)vai. coare (f>r)o-l Kal 
"Ofiripos ev ' AXklvov Kr\iT(p tou? Kapirovs dXXrjXois 

B eiuyripdcnceiv. eirl /jlcp ovv tS)v aXXcov iaco<; av 
fiv0o<; 7roir)Ti/cb<; elvai Bo^ete' fxov(p Be rw au/ccp 
TTyoo? to t>}? dXrjOeias evapyes av avpfyepoiTO, Blotl 
/cal puovov tcov aXXcov Kaprrcov earl puovipcoTepov. 
roiauT7]v Be eyov, olpucu, to avKov ttjv <f>vcnv, ttoXXw 
fcpetTTov eo-Ji irap rjptv ttjv yevecriv, o>? elvai rdv 
piev aXXwv cj)VTcov avrb Tipbicorepov, avrov Be rov 
gvkov to irap* rjpuv OavpLaoriGorepov, Kal vikclv p,ev 
avrb rcdv aXXcov ttjv yevsaiv, avOis B' virb tov 

C irap' r)puv fjTTaaOai Kal rfj irpbs eKarepov eyKpio-et 
ttoXlv adi^eaOai, KpaTOvvTi piev e'oi/co?, ols 8' av 
KparelaOai Bo/cei, irdXiv e? to KaOoXov vlkcovti. 
Kal tovto ovk aireiKOTWs Trap* r\plv pibvois avpL- 
fialvei' eBet, yap, olp,ai, rrjv Ato? ttoXlv aXr]0(O<; Kal 
tov T/79 ewas dirdar]^ 6$6aXp,6v' ttjv lepav Kal 
pbeyicrTrjv AapacrKov Xeyco' Tot? re aXXois avpira- 
aiv, olov lepcov KaXXei Kal vecov p,eye0et Kal copcov 
evKpaauci 1 Kal Trrjywv dyXata, Kal TrorapLwv ttXij- 

D Qei Kal yfjs evcf)opia viK&aav pbvtjv apa Kal tm 

TOLOVTCp (j)VTW 77/90? Ti]V TOV OaVpLaTOS VTTepO^jV 

apKeaai. ovBev ovv dve^erai pLeTafioXrjs to Bev- 
Bpov, ovBe virepftaivei tou? eTTi^wpiovs opovs T>j? 
/3Xdo~Tt]<;, dXX' avTo^Bovo^ <$vtov vbpi(d ttjv e£ 
dTroiKias yeveaiv apvetrai. Kal ^pvabs puev, olpai, 

1 evicpaata Cobet cf. Tlmacus 24 C, evicaipla Hertlein, MSS. 

1 Odyssey 7. 120. 
272 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS. SARAPION 

of the fruit that is to follow it. Hence Homer 1 also 
says that in the garden of Alcinoua the fruits "wax 
old on" one another. Now in the case of other 
fruits this might perhaps seem to be a poetic fiction, 
but for the fig alone it would be consistent with the 
plain fact, because alone of all fruits it lasts for some 
time. Such, I think, is the nature of the fig in 
general, but the kind that grows with us is much 
better than others ; so that in proportion as the fig 
is more valuable than other plants, our fig is more 
admirable than the fig in general ; and while the 
latter in its kind 'surpasses all other fruits, it is in its 
turn excelled by ours, and again holds its own by 
comparison in both respects, first in being plainly 
superior, and secondly, in points where it seems to 
be inferior it wins on the general count. And it is 
quite natural that this should be so in our country 
alone. For it was fitting, I think, that the city 
which in very truth belongs to Zeus and is the eye 
of the whole East, — I mean sacred and most mighty 
Damascus, — 2 which in all other respects bears the 
palm, for instance, for the beauty of its shrines and 
the size of its temples and for its exquisitely 
tempered climate and the splendour of its fountains, 
the number of its rivers and the fertility of its soil — 
I say it is fitting that she alone should keep up her 
reputation by the possession of a plant of this ex- 
cellence and thus excite an excess of admiration. 
Accordingly our tree does not brook transplanting, 
nor does it overstep the natural boundaries of its 
growth, but as though by a law that governs the 
indigenous plant refuses to grow in colonies abroad. 
The same sorts of gold and silver are, I believe, 

2 Julian, as far as we know, never visited Damascus. 

273 
VOL. III. T 



THE. APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

Kal apyvpos 6 avrbs ttoWclxov (pverai, fiovrj Be r) 
Trap* tj/jllv %<*>pa TL/erei (pvrbv aWa^ov (fivvai, firj 
393 hwdfievov. wairep Be rd ef 'IvBwv dycoyi/xa Kal 
ol TiepaiKol afjpes rj oo~a ev rrj AWlottcov yfj tlktc- 
tcli p,ev /cal Xeyerai, 1 tg3 Be r% e/jLiropias vofico 
ttclvtclxov 8iaf3aiv6L* ovtco Br) 2 teal to irap fffiiv 
avKOv, aXka%ov t>}? yrjs ov yivo/ievov, iravjayov 
irap tj/jlwv areWerai, /cal ovre tt6\i<; ovre vrjo~o<; 
eariv, r)v ov/c eirep^Tai tw rrj? r)Bovrjs dayman. 
dWd Kal rpdire^av /3acri\iKr]v Koafiet, Kal iravros 
B Belirvov aejjbvov icmv iyKaWcoTria/na, Kal out 
evOpvirrov ovre arpeir rbv \ovre verfkarov ovre aWo 
KapvKGias yevos rjSvafia io~ov rj av afy'ucrjTai' 6 to- 
aovrov avrw rwv re aWcov eBeafidrcov Kal Br) Kal 
twv eKaara^ov avKcov 4 irepieaii rod Oati/narcs. 
Kal tcl p,ev aWa t£v ctvkojv rj oircopivrjv e^ec rrjv 
ftpooo-iv rj repaaivofxeva e? to ra/ubelov 5 epxerai, to 
Be Trap 1 r)puv /jlovov dpL(f)OTepL^€L rfj xpelq, Kal KaXov 
/iev eariv eTTiBevBpivv, iroXkw Be koXXlov, el e? 
C ttjv Tepaiav eX0oi. el Be Kal rr)v oipav avrov rrjv 
ev Tot? BevBpois 6<^6a\[X(p Xdftois, Kal oVo)? e.K(i- 
arov twv irpepLVcav ejrLfjirJKeaL toZ? KevTpois olovel 
KaXvKcov Blktjv a7n]pTT)TaL, rj oVo)? ev kvkXw irepi- 
6el t<£ Kapirw to BevBpov, aWa? eir aWais ev 
aTocya) G Trepicpepei TroXveiBels ayXatas fi7]%ava- 
a6ai 7 (pair}? av avrb KaQdirep ev opficp Bepris. at 

1 Atyerai MSS., Bidez would retain = colliguntur, Hertlein 
■rpt<ptrai. 

2 ovrw 5e Hertlein in error for MSS., 5^, restored by Bidez. 

3 Hercher and Hertlein o(>t &i> — ovtiev 4s rb laov acplKoiro ; 
MSS. otir — tarai '^hvcrixa laov fj ; Bidez otir — l/jSva/xa X<xov 7) 
(cf. Thucydides 2. 100= "where") &v a<piicr]Tat. 

4 After Ikoo-toxoC Hertlein suggests o-vkwv. 

■74 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

produced in many places, but our country alone 
gives birth to a plant that cannot be grown any- 
where else. And just like the wares of India, or 
Persian silks, or all that is produced and collected 
in the country of the Ethiopians but travels every- 
where by the law of commerce, so, too, our native fig 
does not grow anywhere else on earth, but is exported 
by us to all parts, and there is no city or island to 
which it does not travel, because it is so much 
admired for its sweet flavour. Moreover it even 
adorns the imperial table and is the boast and orna- 
ment of every feast ; and there is no cake or roll or 
pastry 1 or any kind of confectionery to match it as 
a sweetmeat wherever it comes ; so far does it surpass 
in admirable qualities all other dainties, and more- 
over all figs from any other place. Again, other 
figs are either eaten in autumn, or are dried and go to 
the store-room, but the fig of our country alone can 
be used in both ways, and though it is good while on 
the tree it is far better when it has been dried. 
And should you see with your own eyes their beauty 
while they are still on the trees, and how from each 
one of the branches they hang by long stalks like 
flower-buds, so to speak, or again, how with their fruit 
they completely encircle the tree, then you would say 
that by this circular series one above another they 
compose a splendid and varied picture even as a 
neck in its necklace. Then again, the maimer in 

1 An echo of Demosthenes, On the Crown 2C0 tvJpvirra ko\ 
a-TpeiTTovs Kcd ve-fjkaTa. 

5 Thomas ; ouoiov MSS. 

6 (ttoIxv M"SS»i Bidez; Toixy Vossianu*, Hertlein. 

7 nr)xav<*>/Afvov,(pair)s Hertlein, MSS. ; n7]X av ^odai (palys Bidez. 

^75 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

he 1 TOiV BivSpcov egaipeaeis avrov 2 Kal r) irpb% 
D \poviav fiovrjv einTexprjats ovk eXdrropa tt)? e? 
ri)v y^pdav r)8oprjs %X ei T V V <pt\oTifilav ov yap 
cocnrep ra aXXa rcov gvkwp 6/jlov teal Kara ravrbp 
eppiirrai, ov&e awp-qhov rj X^^ V^ ( P TepcraiveTai, 
dXXa rrpcdTov puep rjpepa rwv BepSpcop aura, TaZ? 
Xepalv airohpeTTOVGiv, eireira opirrj^LV rj pdftBois 
dtcav0a)§€(ri rcov toix wv dirapTwaiv, Iva XevKai- 
vr\Tai puep rfxiro icadapcp it pocropuXovPTa, p^evy B 
dveTTiftovXevTa tcop ^epeov Kal tup opviOiwv, oiovel 
394 tcop Kevrpwv rjj dXe^rjaei Bopvcpopovpepa. Kal 
irepl puep yepeaeco^ avrwp Kal yXvKvrrjros Kal 
wpas Kal 7roirj<T€(o<; Kal xpeias ravrd o~oi irap 
i)p. f jdv r) iiriaroXr) TTpoairai^ei. 

r/ ye prjv to)v eKarbp dpiOpbs a>9 eari tcop 
aXXcov Tipbicorepos Kal to reXeop iv avrqp tcop dpi- 
Opcop 7r€piypd(j)cov, pddoi dv Tt? Oecopcop rfjBe. Kal 
ovk dyvoo) piev &)? iraXaiwv Kal aocpoop dvhpwv 6 
Xoyos, rod dprlov top Trepirrbv irpoKelaOai, ovBe 
a)? dpxrjv cjiaaiv av^aeoj<; elpai to pur] avpBvd^op' 
to yap opioiov Oarepcp puiveiv birolov Kal to erepop, 
B Bvolp Be yevop,epoip top rplrov eivai rr)p Trepn- 
Torrjra. iya) 8' dv, el Kal ToXpLrjporepos 6 Xoyos 
earl, (pairjv O/Ltco?' dp^r}? p<ep eiGiv ol dpiOpol 
TrdvToos e^rjprrfpepoi, Kal to Trpoaex^ tj}$ auf >;- 
o*eaj? Sid 7ra^TO<? dp KopLL^oipro. ttoXXw ye pi]i> 
61/iat BiKaiorepop tw dprUo pudXXop rj tw Trepirrw 
Ttjp t/)<? avfjrjo-eoos alriav irpoaKelaOai. 6 pep 

1 avrb — Sepr/s. al 8e Biilcz : aura? — Sepris tois Hertlein, 
MSS. 

2 avrov Kal 7; Bidez ; avrov. Ka\ 77 Hertlein, MSS. 

276 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPIOX 

which they are taken from the tree and the means 
employed for preserving them for a long time 
involve quite as much outlay as the pleasure 
derived from their use. For they are not, like 
other kinds of figs, thrown together in one place, 
nor are they dried in the sun in heaps or promis- 
cuously ; but first they are gathered carefully by 
hand from the trees, then they are hung on walls l)y 
means of sticks or thorny twigs, so that they may 
be bleached by exposure to the direct rays of the 
sun while they are also safe from the attacks of 
animals and small birds, since the protection of the 
prickles furnishes them with a sort of bodyguard. 
So far my letter to you deals with their origin, 
sweetness, beauty, confection, and use, and is in 
lighter vein. 

Now to consider the number one hundred, 1 which 
is more honourable than any other and contains in 
itself the perfection of all numbers, as one may learn 
from the following considerations. I am indeed 
well aware that there is a saying of wise men of old 
that an odd number is to be preferred to an even, 
and they declare that the source of increase is 
that which does not couple. For in a pair the one 
term being equal to the other remains of the same 
quality, but when there are two numbers the third 
produces oddness. But for my part, even though 
the statement is somewhat bold, I would neverthe- 
less say this : Numbers surely depend on a genera- 
tive principle, and can carry on consecutive increase 
through the whole series. But I hold that it is far 
more just to assign the cause of that increase to the 
even than to the odd number. For the number one 

1 He was sending one hundred figs. 

277 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

C yap eh apiOfios ov/c av etrj nrepiTTos, ov/c e^wv 
otov 7reptTTO? yevoiro' r) Be rrj<; BvdBos av^vyia 
TIKT6L BnrXrjv rr)v irepiTTOTTjra, kclk twv Bvolv 
apidfjiwv 6 Tpiros €lk6tg)<; eh av^rjcriv epxerai. 
irdXtv re ev rfj rrj? erepas BvdBo? /u'fet rr}$ rerpd- 
So? rr)v v7repo)(r]v XafiftdveL, teal oXgk; r) 7rpo? 
aT^-qXa KOivwvia rrjv igefcarepov irepiTTOTijTa^ai- 
vovcra eh rbv t/}? BvdBo? dpiOpiov TrepLKXelerai,. 
BeBopevov Br) tovtov, (fiairjv av, olfiai, t/}? Trpcorrjt; 
BefcdBos rr)v eh aurt)v irepi^epecav dvaKVfcXovcrrjs 

D eh rbv rrjs e/carovrdSos dpiOpbv to 6\ov Bux- 
ftaiveiv, go? tw fiev evl rrjv av^rjaiv av eh Betca 
avvreiveiv, irdXiv cT av rr)v BeicdBa cV avTrjs dvi- 
ovaav eh rbv rwv e/carbv dpidfibv avvreXeiaOai. 
KavrevOev av irdXiv etj e/carovrdBcov to oXov t&v 
dpiO/jLwv rr)v Bvva/iLV KapTTOvaOai, pnq-re rod evbs 
Tjpepovvros, el pafj tl t% BvdBos ev rfj fillet, to 
Trepirrbv del tlktoixttj^ re teal eh eavrrjv av@i<? 
dva/caXovfjLevrjs, a^pis av erepa irdXiv e/caTOvrdBi 
roiv dpiQpcov rb awayopuevov fcaraKXeiar), fcal to 
395 -reXeov avra) TTpoo-dirrovaa irdXiv ef avrov 7T/90? 
to erepov epjrvarj, rah twv e/carovrdBcov eTrrjyo- 
piais del to oXov eh to t?}? KaraXy^eo)^ direipov 
dvacfrepovaa. Bo/cel Be p,oi nal "Ofirjpos oi>x dirXa)<? 
ovBe dpyws ev roh eireai rr)v eKarovraOvaavov 
aly'iBa tw Ad irepiOelvai, dXXd tivi KpeiTTovi /cal 
aTTopprjrw Xoyrp tovto alvlrreadaL Xeycov, co? dpa 



1 i.e. 1 is now odd in relation to 2, and their combination 
results in 3, an odd number. 
a i.e. when ten is multiplied by ten. 

278 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

is not odd, when it has no number in respect to 
which it were odd. But its coupling with two pro- 
duces twofold oddness, 1 and the number three, 
coming from the two, naturally proceeds as increase. 
Then again when we add two to two, the result is the 
higher stage of the number four, and, in a word, 
their conjunction, while making oddness clear in 
each of their two elements, is constituted in the 
number two. This being granted, I should say, of 
course, that when the first decad is revolving on 
itself in a circle, 2 the whole series progresses to the 
number one hundred, so that by the number one 
the increase amounts to ten, and the decad in turn 
is added each time to itself, and the total is 
reached in the number one hundred. And start- 
ing again from this point, with the hundreds, the 
whole series of numbers derive their power, by 
the activity of the number one, except that it is 
the number two 3 when combined with it that ever 
produces the odd and again recalls it to itself, 
until again it concludes with a second hundred the 
sum of all the numbers, and, making it complete, 
proceeds again from it to another and under the 
denomination of hundreds continually carries forward 
the sum to the conception of infinity. So I think 
that Homer too in his poems does not lightly or 
idly assign to Zeus the hundred-tasselled a?gis, 4 but 
in a lofty and obscure saying he hinted at this 

3 The writer, who probably could not have explained his 
cryptic language, insists on the superiority of the dyad, 
even and feminine, to the odd number 1, regarded as the 
male principle. 

4 The epithet is not used in our Homer of the regis of 
Zeus, but of the segis of Athene and the girdle of Hera. 

279 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

Tft) reXecoTcira) 6ew tov TeXecorarov dpiOfibv irepid- 
B yfreie fcal oS jjlovw irapa toi»? aXXovs av SiKatorepov 
KoafxoiTO, rj otl tov ^vpnravra Kocr/nov, bv eh alyi- 
So? a^rj/xa T(p t?}? el/covos Trepicfrepel ^vveiXrjcpev, 
ovk aAAo? 7T&)? rj 6 tcov etcarov dpi@/nb<; irepiypdcpei, 

TT) KCLTCL KV/cXoV eKCiTOVTaZl T1)V 6? TO 0X0V TOV 

vorjrov KaTavoTjaiv i^apfiorrcov. 6 & avrbs X0709 
outo? zeal top eKarovrd^eLpa, rbv Ytpidpea), KaOi^et 

C irdpeBpov tw All, kol\ irpb^ rrjv tov Trarpbs dfiiX- 
XaaOai avy^wpel SvvapLLV, olov ev tw tov dpi6p,ov 
TeXew to reXeov clvtw t/}? l<r%vo$ a7rohi$ov$. koX 
firjv Kol TllvSapos ®r)/3a?o<> rrjv dvalpeaw tjjv 
Tv(j)o)i(o<; ev einvLKioL^ KrjpvTTcov /cal to toD jieyi- 
cftov tovtov yiyavTOS /cpdros tu> /JLeylo~T(p ftaaiXel 
tcjp Oecov irepiTiOeh ov^ erepcoOev clvtw Tr}$ evcprj- 
/alcls Kpcvrvvei tt)V vTrepftoXrjv rj oil tov ylyavTa 
rbv e/caTOVTa/cecfiaXov evl {3Xi]{icltl KaOeXelv ijp/ce- 
aev, oj? ovTe tlvos dXXov eh X e W a T °v Aib? eXOelv 

D dvTiixdyov ylyavTOS vofXLcrOevTO^ r) bv r) fiijTrjp 
fiovov tgov aXXwv etcaTov fcecfxiXah wirXiaev, ouTe 

€TepOV TLVOS 0€(OV rj fJLOVOV AtO? d^LOVLKOTepOV 7T/30? 

Tr)V tov ToaovTOv yiyavTO? /caOalpeaiv ovtos. 
SifMoviSy he apa tu> /leXiKw 77730? Trjv 'AttoXXcdvos 
ev(j)r)/uLiav dpKel tov 6ebv"^KaT0v irpoaeiirovTi koX 
KaOdirep uvt aXXov tlvos lepov yvcopla/jLaTos 
avTOV Trjv eTroovvjulav Koo-fJLr)o~ai, o^lotl tov Uvdcova, 
tov hpdicovTa, /3eXeo~iv etcaTov, w? $r}aiv, e^eLpoa- 
280 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

that to the most perfect god lie attached the most 
perfect number, that number by which alone beyond 
all the others he would most fittingly be adorned, 
or because the whole universe which he has com- 
prehended in the shape of an a«gis, by reason of 
the roundness of that image, no other number 
than the hundred describes, and so with the round 
number one hundred he harmonises the conception 
of the intelligible world as a whole. Again, on the 
same principle he makes Briareus with his hundred 
hands the assessor of Zeus and allows him to rival his 
father's might, as though he expressed the perfec- 
tion of his strength by means of the perfect number. 
Again, Pindar 1 the Theban, when he celebrates the 
destruction of Typhoeus in his odes of victory, and 
ascribes to the most mighty ruler of the gods power 
over this most mighty giant, rises to the highest 
pitch of praise simply because with one blow he 
was able to lay low the hundred-headed giant, as 
though no other giant was held worthy to fight 
hand to hand with Zeus than he whom, alone of all 
the rest, his mother had armed with a hundred 
heads ; and as though no other of the gods save 
Zeus only were worthy to win a victory by the 
destruction of so great a giant. Simonides 2 also, 
the lyric poet, thinks it enough for his praise of 
Apollo that he should call the god " Hekatos " 3 
and adorn him with this title rather than with any 
other sacred symbol ; for this reason, that he over- 
came the Python, the serpent, with a hundred 

• x Pindar, Olympian Ode 4. 7 ; Pythian 1. 16. 

2 Simonides, frag. 26, Bergk. 

8 This epithet means "Far-Darter" and is misinterpreted 
by the writer of this letter to mean " Hundredth." 

281 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

396 <tclto, teal fiaXXov avrbv^E/carov r) TlvOiov yalpe.iv 
irpoaayopevofievov, olov oXoKXi^pov tivos eircovv- 

fJLLCLS <7VfMJ36\(p 7Tp0(T(j)0)V0Vfji€V0V. T) J€ fir)V TOV 

Aua Opeyfra/uevrj vrjeros, rj KpTjrrj, KaOdirep rpocjyela 
ti)? Ato? virohoyfis dvTiXaftovcra tco tcov e/carbv 
nroXecov dpiO/jLcp reri/jirjTai. real ®rj/3a<; Be apa Ta? 
6Karovra7rv\ov<; ovtc aXXov rivbs rj rovrov %dpiv 
eiraivel "Ofirjpos, Bloti rat? irvXai? tclls e/carbv 
fcdWos rjv OavfiaaTov. /cal aicoirco Qecov eKarofi- 

B /3a9 teal vecos eKaTovraweBov; Ka\ Pcofiovs ercarov- 
Tafcp/-)7TiBa<; Kal tovs e/carovraSoyov^ dvBpcovas 
teal Ta? dpovpas Be rds eKarovrairXed povs Kal oaa 
a\Xa deld re Kal dvdpcoircva rfj rov dpid/JLov TovBe 
TrpoarjyopLa avveuXTjirraL. o ye fiev dpLdfxbs ovtos 
olBe Kal arpaTMOTiKrjv bfxov Kal elprfVLK^v rd^iv 
Koapbrjaai, Kal (paiSpvvei fiev ttjv eKarovravBpov 
Xoyayiav, rifia Be r/Be Kal BiKacrTcov e? to Xaov 
i]Kovaav eiroyvu/jLLav. Kal fie Kal irXeico tovtcov 

C eyovra Xeyeiv 6 ta}? eTTicrToXi]^ eiricTT picket vo/jLO<;' 
(tv Be dXXa crvyyvcofjLrjv eyeiv tw Xoyco, Bloti Kal 
ravra irXelco tcov iKavcov elprfrai. Kal ei fiev hyei 
jjL&Tpiov eirl crol Kpirfj KaXXo? to eyyeiprjfJia, nrdv- 
TW9 Kal 7rpo? tou? aXXovs eKcpopov eaTai, tt}<? 
it apa aov yjnjcpov tyjv fxapTvplav Be^dfxevov el Be 
yeLpbs eTepas irpoaBelTai 7rpo? to to£> ctkottov 
o~VfjL7rXi]pco/iia, t/? av aov kuXXlov elBeiri tt)V ypacfrijv 
€t? KaXXos aKpifttocras 7T/30? tijv t?}? #ea? rjBovrjv 

D diroXeavai ; 1 

1 aKpt&uxras — airoXeavci (ef. iiriXcalvow vol. 1, Oration 3. Ill 
1) in tame sense) Ilertlein suggests. Hereher aKpifiwnai. 
tleleting the last six words. MSS. anpifiwcravTos — anoKavg-ai, 
retained in Hertlein's text. 

282 



TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SARAPION 

shafts, as he says, and the god himself took more 
pleasure in being addressed as " Hekatos " than as 
"the Pythian/' as if he were thus invoked by the 
symbolic expression of his complete title. Then 
again, the island Crete which nurtured Zeus, has 
received as her reward, as though it were her fee 
for sheltering Zeus, the honour of cities to the 
number of one hundred. Homer 1 too praises 
Thebes the hundred-gated for no other reason than 
this that there was a marvellous beauty in her 
hundred gates. I say nothing of the hecatombs of 
the gods and temples a hundred feet long, altars 
with a hundred steps, rooms that hold a hundred 
men, fields of a hundred acres and other things 
divine and human which are classed together 
because they have this number for their epithet. 
It is a number, moreover, that has the power to 
adorn official rank both for war and peace, and while 
it lends brilliance to a company of a hundred soldiers 
it also confers distinction on the title of judges 2 
when their number is one hundred. And I could say 
more than this, but the etiquette of letter-writing 
deters me. But do you be indulgent to my dis- 
course, for what I have said already is more than 
enough. And if my essay has in your judgement 
even a mediocre elegance it shall surely go forth for 
others to read, after receiving the testimonial of 
your vote ; but if it need another hand to make 
it fulfil its aim, who better than you should know 
how to polish the manuscript to the point of 
elegance and make it smootli so as to give pleasure 
to the eye ? 

1 Iliad 9. 383 ; Acntid 3. 10G. 
a The centum viri, 

283 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

81 

VtacnXeiw l 

To €jh(J)vt6v /jlol e/c iraihoQev yaXrjvov real cfriXdv- 
OpooTrov pe^pi ye rod irapovros eTriSei/cvvfievos, 

TTCLVTCLS VTTrjKOOVS €KOfMiadfir)V TOU? OIKOVVTCLS TY]V 

v<$ rfkiov. ISov yap itclv yevos flapfidpwv fiexP^ 
opicov oa/ceavov Trora/iov Bcopd /jloi kojjll^ov rj/ce 
rrapa iroal to?? i/jLols, oiiolw^; he /cal Xaydhapes ol 
irapa top Advov/3iv e/crpafyevres ical Tottol ttolkl- 
Xo/capofAopcfioi, 2 oh ovk eari 6ea ojioioeihr]^ dvOpd)- 
ttois, dXXa /xop<pr] dypiaivovaa. ovtoi /card rrjv 
evearcoaav nr poicaXivhovvTai i-^veai Tot? e/xot?, 
VTTLcr^vovfievoL iroielv i/ceira, direp rfj ififj dpfio^et 
/3aaiXela. oi)^l he ev tovtm /jlovov eXrcofiai, dXXa 
hel fie avv ttoXXS) tw rd^et tcaraXaftelv ttjv Tiep- 
o~wv /cal Tpoircoaaadai top ^.dirwpiv e/cecvov top 
dnoyovov Aapelov yeyovora, ci^pi^ ov vir6(f)opo^ 
/cal VTTOTeXrjs fxot yevrjrar evrevOev he /cal rrjv 
'Ivhwv /cal tyjv Xapa/crjvcov TrepLoi/clha eKiropOrjaai, 
a^pt? ov /cat avrol iravre^ ev hevrepa rdtjei ftaai- 
XeLas yevcovrac rr}? e//.?)? hirofyopoi koX viroreXeh. 
d\X y avrbs eire/ceiva t?}? tovtcov hwdfiews 7re(f>p6- 
vy/cas, evXdfteiav fiev Xeywv evhehvaOai, dvaiheiav 
he irpoftaXXo/jLevos, /cal irawrayov hiafyrj jjli^wv 

1 Hertlein 75. It occurs in a great number of MSS., some- 
times with the reply of Basil, also apocryphal, and in Basil, 
L< iters 3. p. 122. The text is very corrupt. 

2 TrotKi\oKav6ap6/j.op(poi, " shaped like variegated beetles," 
Reiske, from eviiop<poiroiKi\oxav0ap6fxop<poi, the reading of 
Palatinut 14G. 

1 This letter, generally recognised as spurious, is perhaps 
a Christian forgery, since it gives an unfavourable impression 

?8 4 



TO BASIL 

81 

To Basil * 

Up to the present I have displayed the innately 
mild and humane temper that I have shown since 
childhood, and have brought under my sway all 
who dwell on the earth beneath the sun. For lo, 
every tribe of barbarians as far as the boundaries of 
the river of Ocean has come bringing gifts to lay 
at my feet ! And likewise the Sagadares 2 who are 
bred on the banks of the Danube, and the Cotti 
with headdresses of many shapes and colours, who 
are not like the rest of mankind to look at, but have 
a fierce and wild appearance. These at the present 
time are grovelling in my footprints and promise to 
do whatever suits my majesty's pleasure. And not 
only am I distracted by this, but I must with all 
speed occupy the country of the Persians and put 
to flight the great Sapor, who is the descendant 
of Darius, until lie consents to pay me tribute and 
taxes. Afterwards I must also sack the settlements 
of the Indians and Saracens, until they too shall 
all take second place in my Empire and consent to 
pay tribute and taxes. But you have in your own 
person displayed a pride far exceeding the power 
of all these, when you say that you are clothed in 
pious reserve, but in fact flaunt your impudence, and 
spread a rumour on all sides that I am not worthy 

of Julian. The writer knew nothing of Julian's style and 
mannerisms. Julian was no boaster and avoided outlandish 
words. It was probably read by Sozomen, 5. 18. 7, and is 
of early date. Julian was in frequent correspondence with 
Basil, and for their friendly relations cf. To Basil, p. 81. 

2 This tribe cannot be identified. Julian himself always 
calls the Danube "Ister." 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

dvd^iov fie t/}? twv Twfiaucov ftaaikelas yeyove- 
vcu. rj ovk ola 6 a avros, co? Kcovara tov Kpari- 
arov yeyova diroyovos ; Kal tovtcov ovtco yvcoa- 
OevTcov rjfilv (tov eveica ovSe rTy? irpoTepas i^eo-rr]- 
fiev SiaOecrem, rjo-nep en veoi 6We? rfj 7)\iicLa iyco 

T€ Kal (TV fM€T6(T)^rJKafieV. dWa ya\rjVO) Tft) (j)pO~ 

vrj/JLCtTi OecnTi^w Serca etcaTovrdhas ^pvaiov \trpo)V 
e^airoo-TaXrjvai fioi irapa gov ev ttj irap6h(p jjlov 
rfj Kara Trjv KatVa/)o?, en fiov Kara rrjv Xea>(/>o- 
pov virdpyovros, o~vv 7roW(p tm Tayei p,eWovro<> 
/jlov ftahl^eiv eirl tov HepaiKov iroXefiov, erolpov 
ovtos jjlov, el fir/ tovto Tronjaeis, irdvja toitov 
dvaaKevdaai t/)? KatVapo?, Kal tcl ttoXcu avTrjs 
iyrjyepfieva KaWiovpyrjfiara Karao-Kayfrai Kara 
toitov, vaovs re Kal dydXfiaTa avaaTTJaat, coaTe 
fie irelaai irdvTa^ eliceiv $aai\el ' Pa) fialwv Kal firj 
virepaLpeaOai. to ovv e^ovofiaaOev ^pvaiov ef 
dpiQpov fyyCo Kafiiravw TrpvTaviaa^ Kal BiafieTpi)- 
cras acr^aXw? e^airoaTeiXov fxoi hi oIkgiov ttigtov 
aoi ovto<;, SaKTvXuo tw aa> o-fypayiadfievos, were 
fie e-neyvwKOTi, kuv o^re iroTe, tov Kaipov to dira- 
patTrjTov yaXrjvov aoi yeveaOai irepl to, eirTaia- 
fieva. a yap dveyvcov, eyvwv Kal KaTeyvcov. 1 

1 This last sentence was probably not in the original letter 
hut was quoted as Julian's by Sozomen 5. 18 and added to 
this letter in some MSS. It occurs separately in one MS., 
Ambronanus K 4, with the title irphs 4Tri<r;c6irovs (Oumont, 
Seeherehei, i>. 47). 
286 



TO BASIL 

to be Emperor of the Romans. What ! Do you not 
yourself know that I am a descendant of the most 
mighty Constans ? And although this your conduct 
has come to my knowledge I have not, as concerns 
you, departed from my former attitude — I mean that 
mutual regard which you and I had when we 
were young men of the same age. But with no 
harshness of temper I decree that you shall despatch 
to me one thousand pounds weight of gold, as I 
march by Caesarea, to be paid without my leaving 
the high-road, since I purpose to march with all 
speed to carry on the war with Persia, and I am 
prepared, if you do not do this, to lay waste the 
whole district of Caesarea, 1 to tear down on the 
spot those fine buildings erected long ago, and to 
set up instead temples and images, that so I may 
persuade all men to submit to the Emperor of Rome 
and not be inflated with conceit. Accordingly, 
weigh the above-mentioned gold to that amount on 
Campanian scales, oversee it yourself and measure 
it carefully and despatch it safely to me by some- 
one of your household in whom you have confidence, 
and first seal it with your own seal-ring, so that, if 
you have recognised, late though it be, that the 
occasion admits of no evasion, I may deal mildly 
with your errors of the past. For what I read, I 
understood and condemned. 2 

1 Caesarea had had three fine temples destroyed by the 
Christians. Julian ordered their restoration, confiscated the 
estates of the Church, and imposed a fine of .300 lbs. of gold, 
cf. Sozomen 5. 9. 7. Julian's death may have prevented 
the enforcement of the penalty. 

2 See below, frog. 14, p. 303. 

287 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

82 
TdXXos icaiarap 'lovXiavqy dBeX(j>(p yalpeiv 1 

£54 'H yeirviaai? t/)? %w/?a?, \ey&> Be rrjs'Icovias, 
C irXelarov oaov KepBos eh vp<as rjveyKev. dvico- 
pbevovs yap rjfid^ Kal Bvo-x^paivovra? eirl rafc 
apteral? fyrjpais irapepuvOrjaaTo. ri Be eariv b 
Xeyco, yvcoarj. rjicev eh rjfierepa? a/coas aTroarrj- 
vai pev ae tj;? irpoTepas 0p7)CTfceia<; ti)<$ e/c irpoyo- 
vcov irapaBoOeiarj?, eirl Be rrjv pdraiov BeiaiBai- 
poviav eXrjXaKevai, otarpcp tivI rcaicM avp,fiovX(p 
eh tovto eXaOevra. Kal ri ovk ep,eXXov irdayew 
Bva^epaivcov ; &)? yap 2 el pev ti tcov ev aol koXcov 
D Biafiooopievov yvoirjv, KepBos olneZov r)yovp,ai, ovrco 3 
Be ti toov Bva^ep&v, oirep ovk olpai, e^iaii? fypico- 
p.a pidXXov epiov vopLifa. eirl tovtois ovv dvieop,evov 
pe 7] irapovaia rod irarpo? rjpoov 'Aeriov rjvcfrpai- 
vev, LLTrayyeXXovTO? p.ev evavTia, rjpuiv Be cvktw 
Kal yap airovBd^eiv ae ecpt] eh oIkovs evx&v, Kal 
pii] Troppa) tt}? pveias twv dOXrjTcop dvBpwv airo- 
airdaOai, oXcos Be eyeaQai Biefieftaiovro rrj? Oeoae- 

1 No number in Hertlein. First published by Vulcanius, 
Leyden, 1597 ; found only in Palatinus 209, Barberinus 132. 

2 yap Hertlein would add. 

3 ovTUi 5e Hertlein suggests ; el 5e Reiske ; ou 5e MSS. 

1 Nearly all the critics reject this letter as a Christian 
forgery, but it is defended by Seeck, Geschichte d. Unter- 
gangs d. Antiken Welt, IV. 124, 440, (J. Philostorgius 3. 27. 53, 
Bides, says that (Callus, Julian's half-brother, who was a 
Christian, frequently sent Aetius to instruct Jnlian in 
Christian doctrine in order to counteract the influences 

288 



GALLUS CAESAR TO HIS BROTHER JULIAN 

82 

Letter from Gallus Caesar to his brother Julian l 

Gallus Caesar to his brother Julian, Greeting. 

My nearness to the country, I mean to Ionia, 2 
has brought me the greatest possible gain. For it 
gave me comfort when I was troubled and pained 
at the first reports that came to me. You will 
understand what I mean. It came to my ears that 
you had abandoned your former mode of worship 
which was handed down by our ancestors, and goaded 
by some evil kind of madness that incited you to 
this, had betaken yourself to that vain superstition. 
What pain should I not have suffered? For just as 
whenever I learn by public rumour of any noble 
quality in you I regard it as a personal gain, so too 
if I hear of anything disturbing, which, however, I 
do not think I shall, in the same way I consider it 
even more my personal loss. Therefore when I was 
troubled about these matters, the presence of our 
father Aetius 3 cheered me, for he reported the 
very contrary, which was what I prayed to hear. 
Moreover he said that you were zealous in attend- 
ance at the houses of prayer, and that you are not 
being drawn away from pious remembrance of the 
martyrs, and he affirmed that you entirely adhere to 

that inclined him to paganism. If genuine it must be 
dated between 351, when Gallus was made Caesar, and 
354, as Callus was put to death by Constantius in the 
latter year. 

- Callus Caesar resided at Antioeh till 354 when he went 
to Constantinople. Julian, meanwhile, was studying at 
Pergamou and Ephesus. For his relations with Callus, 
see Vol. 2, To the Athenians 273 A. 

8 For Aetius see Introduction and Letter 15. 

289 
VOL. III. U 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

455 /3eta? row r) fieri pwv. eyco Be aoi tovt dv evnoL/iit 
Kara 1 to 'OfjLijpLKOv BaW' ovtcos, teal eirl roiav- 
tcu? fivelai? evfypcuve toi>9 dyairoiVTas, /-ie/zi/77- 
lievos &)? ov/c eari Tt Oeoo-efteia? dvcorepov. r\ yap 
et? ciKpov dperrj iraiBevei to puev yfrevBo 1 ; ft)? diraTt]- 
Xbv fiiaelv, rod Be aXrjdovs eyeaQai, oirep fidXtara 
ev rfj irepl to Oelov (patverai 6p7]cnceiq. b')(\o<; yap 
itclvtw*; fyikoveiKov /cal aaraTov to Be jxovov avv 
B ivl 2 virovpybv ov f3acn\ev€L rov iravrbs, ovk ck 
Bao-fiov Kal KXrjpov, KaQdirep ol Kpovov TralBes, 
aX\ y avroapxv ov, Kal Kparovv tcov diravrcov, ovBe 
Be^dfievov ftiq irap erepov, s dWd irpb iravrcov ov. 
tovto 6Wft)? #eo?, ovirep avv tw o<^eiKofievw aeftda- 
fiarc irpoaKwelv XPV' eppcoao. 



83 

Iov\iavw RvardOios (j)LX6ao(f)0<; 4 

'H? wvrjae ye to avv0rjp,a tj/jllv fxeWrjaav dvrl 
yap rov rpefieiv Kal BeBievai <f>ep6/jLevov eirl t?}? 
Brn±oo~ia<z dirrjvrjs Kal irepnTiirTOVTa KpanraXcoacv 
bpewKOfiois Kal f)p.Lovoi<; aKoarijaaac Kad' f, 0/j,r)pov 
Bl dpyiav Kal 7r\i]o~/jLOvr)V dveyeaQai Kovcoprov Kal 

1 Reiske deletes Kara. 

2 Heyler suggests that ovtieA virovpybv " subservient to 
none " would be more appropriate to Gallus, who was an 
Arian. In any case, Heyler's reading gives a better sense 
to vitovpyhv. 

8 irap' kr4pov Reiske suggests ; erepov MSS. , Hertlein. 

4 Hertlein 72. The above is the correct title preserved in 
rarisinus 9G3 after the incorrect Atfiavlcf ao(ptarfj Kal Koiaio-rwpi 
retained in brackets by Hertlein. 

290 



EUSTATHIUS TO JULIAN 

the religion of our family. So I would say to you 
in the words of Homer, 1 " Shoot on in this wise/' 
and rejoice those who love you by being spoken of 
in such terms, remembering that nothing is higher 
than religion. For supreme virtue teaches us to 
hate a lie as treachery and to cling to the truth, 
which truth is most clearly made manifest in the 
worship of the Divine Being. For a crowd 2 is 
wholly contentious and unstable ; but the Deity, 
ministering alone with but one other, 3 rules the 
universe, not by division or lot, like the sons of 
Cronos, 4 but existing from the beginning and having 
power over all things, not having received it from 
another b}' violence, but existing before all. This is 
verily God, whom we must adore with the reverence 
that we owe to him. Farewell ! 

83 

Eustathius 5 the Philosopher to Julian 

What an advantage it was for me that the token 6 
came late ! For instead of riding, in fear and 
trembling, in the public 7 carriage and, in encounters 
with drunken mule-drivers and mules made restive, 
as Homer 8 says, from idleness and overfeeding, 

1 Iliad 8. 282 ; Agamemnon to Teucer the archer. 

2 i. e. of the gods. 

1 i.e. God the Word ; but see critical note. 
4 i. e. Zeus, Poseidon and Hades, whose separate realms 
are defined in Iliad 15. 187 foil. 

6 See Introduction, under Eustathius. 

6 The "tessera," whether ring, coin or document, served 
as a passport. 

7 The epithet dr)iJ.6<nos is used (1) of the public carriage, 
(2) of the "state," or reserved, oarriage. The first is meant 
here. 8 Iliad 6. 506. 

291 
u 2 



THE APOCRYPHAL LETTERS 

<f>oivr}S dWoKOTov /cal tyofyov fiaaTiycov, ftaSi^eiv 
eVt a^oXrj^ irepikaTr] fiot, 81 68ov avvrjpecpovs /cal 
e.iTKJKiov, 7roXX,a? fiev Kprjvas, 7roX\a? he i)(ov(Tr}$ 
KCLTayooyas iiriTrjEeiov? rfj copa /xera^v rov kottov 
hiavairavovTi, "va /jlol (fiavelr) /cardXvo-LS evirvovs 
re /cal dfKJuXacf)?]^ vtto TrXardvois ricrlv r) KvrrapiT- 
TOt?, top <Pai$pov exovTi ev X e P a1, 1 V GTGpov Tiva 
T(ou YIXcltwvos Xoyayv. ravrd tol, co cj)i\r} /ce(pa\7], 
diroXavcov rrjs eXevOepas obonropias, droirov vire- 
\aj3ov to /jut) /cal tovto /coivcoaaaOai ooi ical 
diroo-rj/jLrji'aL. 

1 After xepvl MSS add rhu MvppivoiHriov which Hertlein would 
delete as inappropriate to the title of Plato's dialogue. 



292 



EUSTATHIUS TO JULIAN 

having to endure clouds of dust and a strange 
dialect and the cracking of whips, it was my lot 
to travel at leisure by a road arched over with trees 
and well-shaded, a road that had numerous springs 
and resting-places suitable to the summer season 
for a traveller who seeks relief from his weariness 
on the way ; and where I always found a good place 
to stop, airy and shaded by plane trees or cypresses, 
while in my hand I held the Phaedrus or some other 
of Plato's dialogues. Now all this profit, O beloved, 
I gained from the freedom with which I travelled; 
therefore 1 considered that it would be unnatural not 
to communicate this also to you, and announce it. 1 

1 The journey of Eustathius is probably that for which 
Julian gave his permission in Letter 44. 



293 



FRAGMENTA BREVIORA 1 



Tt? ovv dyvoel tov AWlottcov virep tov irap 
rjfjiiv Tpo^ifxcordTOV aiTiov \6yov ; dyf/d/jLevoi yap 
tt}? /xajV?? Oavfjua^eiv efyaaav, oVo)? Koirpia gitov- 
fxevoL ^(bjmev, el rw Triarbs 6 Sovpios elvai \oyo- 
7roi09 BoK€i. l^Ovo(f)dyci}V Be koX aap/ccxfidycov 
dvOpcoircov yevi) fiyB' ovap IBovtcl ttjv irap rjfitv 
BLcutolv ol rijv oiKOV/jbevTjv irepir)yovp,evoi yrjv 
iGTOpovaiv. tov eX t/9 Trap* t)/jllv ^rfkoiaai ttjv 
BLaiTCLV eiriyei prjaei, ovBev d\xeivov Sia/celo-erac 
twv to K,d>veiov Trpoaevey/ca/Jiivcov rj ttjv d/covtrov 
rj tov eWeffopov. 2 



1T/J09 rrjv 'Ep/cvviav vXrjv eOeofiev, kcu elBov 
eyo> xprjfia effalaiov. IBov yovv gov dappwv eyu> 
iyyvcofiai, fMrjirore uxpOat, tolovtov /xrjBev, oaa ye 
r)/ji€i<; Xafiev, ev if) 'Poo/jlcilcdv. dX)C etVe rd 
(")eTTa\ifcd Tefnrr] Sva^ara vojii^ei T£?, elVe Ta? 

1 Hertlein Fragments 1 and 3 have been restored to their 
proper context in Letter 16, pp. 38 and 36. 

2 Hertlein frag. 2. Quoted by Suidas under 'Hp65oTos and 
5>v . . . eWi&opov again under Z-nKwaai. 

1 Herodotus 3. 22 describes the amazement of the Ethio- 
pians, who lived on boiled meat, at the diet of the Persians. 

294 



THE SHORTER FRAGMENTS 

1 

Then who does not know the saying of the 
Ethiopians about the food that with us is held to 
be most nutritious ? For when they first handled 
bread they said they wondered how we manage to 
live on a diet of dung, that is if one may believe the 
Thurian chronicler. 1 And those who write des- 
criptions of the world relate that there are races of 
men who live on fish and flesh 2 and have never 
even dreamed of our kind of diet. But if anyone 
in our country tries to adopt their diet, he will be 
no better off than those who take a dose of hemlock 
or aconite or hellebore. 



We hastened to the Hercynian forest and it was 
a strange and monstrous thing that I beheld. At 
any rate I do not hesitate to engage that nothing 
of the sort has ever been seen in the Roman 
Empire, at least as far as we know. But if anyone 
considers Thessalian Tempe or Thermopylae or the 

They said they were not surprised that men who lived on 
such food attained to a maximum of only eighty years. For 
the different temperaments and customs of different peoples 
cf. Against the Galilaeans, 143e. 

2 Cf. vol. 2, Oration 6. 191c for Julian's remarks on diet. 

295 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

SepfjLoirvXas, eire rov pueyav koX BicoXvyiov Tavpov, 
eXd^icia tarco ^akeTTorrjTO^ eveica 7r/)o? to 
'Ep/cvviov ovra. 1 

3 

'IouXia^O? K.OpLV0LOL<i 

. . . 7rarpa>a /jlol 7r^o? v[xa<; virdpyei (f>iXla' 
icaX yap (prcrjae Trap* vplv 6 ifibs iraTrjp, /ecu 
avaxdeh evdev? axnrep Ik Qaid/coov 'OBvacrevs, 
T/J5 TToXvxpoviov irXdvrjs dirrjXXdyr] . . . ivravOa 
o Trarrjp dveiravaaro. 3 



. . . real 6 tcXeivbs 4 r)p!iv eBei^e Upo^dvrt]^ 
'Ia//./3\t^o? . . . r)fJL€L<; Be y EfjL7reBorlfjL(i) tcdi 
UvOayopa iriGTevovTes oh re i/celdev Xaftcbv 
( H pafcXeLOrjs 6 Hovri/cbs ecfrr). 5 ... 

1 Hertlein 4. Quoted by Suidas under Xpr/fia. 

2 eVfleVSe Hertlein. 

3 Hertlein 5. Quoted by Libanius, Oration 14, 29, 30. For 
Aristophanes (of Corinth). 4 ^pws Asmus adds. 

5 Hertlein 6. Quoted by Suidas from the Kronia, under 
5 E^7re5oT</ios and , lov\iav6s. This fragment is all that survives 
of Julian's Kronia or Saturnalia, written in 361 ; see Vol. 1, 
Oration 4. 157c. We know nothing more as to its contents. 

1 Julian, Oration 2. 101 D. The Greek word is Platonic, 
<i". Theaetetus 161 D. 

2 For Julian's knowledge of the Hercynian forest, which 
in ancient Germany extended from the Black Forest on the 
north-east to the Hartz Mountains, cf. Vol. 2, Misopogon 
800b; Ammianus, 17. 1. 8 Cum prope silvam venisset 
squaloro tenebrarum horrendam . . . i.e. in his German 
oampaisn in 357 ; Zosimus, 3. 4. 3 &xp l T <*> v "Epxwlwv dpvu&v 

toi/s <p(vyouras b Kaiaap intdiw^as. 
296 



THE SHORTER FRAGMENTS 

great and far-flung 1 Taurus to be impassable, let me 
tell him that for difficulty of approach they are trivial 
indeed compared with the Hercynian forest. 2 

3 

To the Corinthians 3 

. . . My friendship with you dates from my 
father's 4 time. For indeed my father lived in your 
city, and embarking thence, like Odysseus from the 
land of the Phaeacians, had respite from his long- 
protracted wanderings 5 . . . there my father found . 
repose. 

4 

. . . and the famous hierophant Iamblichus showed 
it to us . . . and we, since we believed the account 
of Empedotimus 6 and Pythagoras, as well as that of 
Heracleides of Pontus who derived it from them. 7 . . . 

3 This is all that remains of the manifesto sent to the 
Corinthians by Julian in 361, when he sought to justify his 
defection from Constantius. 

4 Julius Constantius was murdered by his nephew, the 
Emperor Constantius, in 337. 

5 Libanius saj'S that Julian here spoke briefly about the 
11 wicked stepmother " of Julius, the Empress Helena, mother 
of Constantine, see Zosimus 2. 8 and il. 

6 For this famous Syracusan, who claimed to be immortal, 
see Vol. 2, 295b. 

7 (Jetfcken points out that Julian's statement is derived 
from a commentary on Plato and quotes Proclus, On Plato's 
Republic 2. 119. 18. "The human soul may learn the sacred 
truth about the affairs of the underworld and report them 
to mankind. This is shown by the account of Empedotimus, 
which Heracleides of Pontus relates." Then follows the 
vision of Empedotimus in Hades ; cf. Rohde, Psyche, 
p. 385. 

297 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

5 
. . . fjiovov vuyeadai rjSeaav. 1 



. . . Xva 2 fir) d/covcofievot, rr)v yXcorrav 3 eroifioo? 
7rpo? tou? BiaXe/CTifcbvs rcov 'FiXXtfvoov airavTwaiv. 



. . . TOi? olfceiOLS yap nrrepoU Kara rr)v irapoi- 
fiiav ftaXXofieOa. i/c jap twv rifierepcov crvy- 
ypa/ifidrcov Ka6oirXt^6fievoL rbv xad' tj/jlcov dva- 
hkyovrai iroXefiov^ 



To fir) TTpotSiaOai to re Bvvarbv real to dSv- 
varov iv it pay \xaa i rrfc eV%aT?79 dirovoia^ icrrl 
arjfielov. 5 

1 Hertlein 7. Quoted by Zosimus 3. 3. 2 ol 5e irapa 
Kcvvaravriov SofleWes avrcp . . . fx6vov e&x €<T ® ai i KaOdnep avr6s 
irov <pt)(Tiv, rj8e<rav, cf. VqI. 2, 277d, p. 267, Wright. 

2 Hertlein 8. Quoted by Socrates, History of the Church 
3. 12; cf. Suidas under Mdpis. Socrates is quoting from 
an edict forbidding Christians to teach the classics ; but in 
the extant edict, Letter 36, these words do not occur. 

3 Cf. Libanius, Letter 1588, To Julian, avr)]v (Sc. tV 

yAwTTav) 6.KOl£>V. 

4 Hertlein 9. Quoted by Theodoret, History of the Church, 
3. 4. Theodoret, like Socrates frag. 6, quotes Julian on the 
Christian teachers of the classics. 

1 Hertlein 10. Quoted by Suidas under 'A7nWa. 

1 Julian said this of the soldiers who were assigned to him 
by Constantius when he went to Gaul in 355 ; cf. Libanius 

298 



THE SHORTER FRAGMENTS 

5 
They only knew how to pray 1 

6 

. . . that they 2 may not, by sharpening their 
tongues, 3 be prepared to meet their Hellenic 
opponents in debate. 



. . . for in the words of the proverb, Ave are stricken 
by our own arrows. 4 For from our own writings 
they 5 take the weapons wherewith they engage in 
the war against us. 

8 

Not to see beforehand what is possible and what 
impossible in practical affairs is a sign of the utmost 
foolishness. 6 

18. 94 ews avrcf KareKiirov birX'nas eij^aaOai /xovov hvvapiivovs, 
said of the soldiers who were to be left with Julian when 
Constantius summoned the best of the Gallic army to the 
East in 360. 

2 i.e. the Christians. 

3 i.e. by the study of rhetoric. 

4 i.e. the arrows are feathered from our plumage ; cf. 
Aristophanes, Birds 808 rdS' obx vtt' &\\wv aWa rots clvtwv 
■nrepois. The figure is used by Byron, Waller and Moore of 
a wounded eagle "Which on the shaft that made him die, 
espied a feather of his own." The original is Aeschylus, 
Myrmidons, frag. 139. 

5 i.e. the Christians. 

6 This is apparently a criticism of that lack of political 
instinct in the Christians of which Julian speaks in his 
treatise Against the Galilaeans, fragment 5. Hence Neumann 
regards the above fragment as derived from a lost part of 
the treatise. 

299 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

9 

Aeyei (sc. 6 'lovXiavbs) ovv eirLareXkcDv' ItcvOac 
Se vvv fiev drpefiovac, caccs Se ov/c arpe/uLijo-ovaiv, 1 

10 
Upbs rpi/3ovvov JLvdv/jieXiiv 2 
'HSovr) fiaaiXel TzoXefios. 

11 

^ Aveyeipco yap fierd irdani^ TrpoOufiLas tov vaov 
tov vyjricrTov 6eov. 3 

12 

Upbs Brjfjiov ev(f)7]jji7](TavTa ev tm Tv^aLro 4 

Eil [lev eh to Oearpov \a6wv clcrrjXdov, evcjbi]- 
/jl€lt6' el Be et? ra lepd, r)o-v\iav ayere, kcu 

1 Not in Hertlein. Preserved by Eunapius, frag. 22, p. 
226, 15, Dindorf. 

2 Not in Hertlein. It occurs in Ambrosianus, B 4, with 
other sayings of the Emperor ; Cumont, Recherches, p. 47, 
thinks that they are derived from some lost historical work. 

3 Not in Hertlein. Preserved by Lydus, Dc 3Iensibus. 
See Cumont, Eecherches, p. 17, note 1. 

4 Hertlein, Letter 64. First published by Muratori in 
Anccduta Graeca, Padua, 1709. 

1 In 360 Constantius bribed the Scythians to aid him in 
his campaign against the Persians (Ammianus 20. 8. 1), and 
in 363 Julian employed Scythian auxiliaries for the same 
purpose (Ammianus 23. 2. 7). It is uncertain to which of 
these dates the fragment refers ; Eunapius quotes this remark 
as evidence of Julian's foresight. 

300 



THE SHORTER FRAGMENTS 

9 

Accordingly he says in a letter : At present the 
Scythians l are not restless, but perhaps they will 
become restless. 

10 

To Euthymeles the Tribune 

A king delights in war. 

11 

Foit I am rebuilding with all zeal the temple of the 
Most High God. 2 

12 

To the citizens who acclaimed him in the temple 
of Fortune 3 

When I enter the theatre unannounced, 4 acclaim 
me, but when I enter the temples be silent 5 and 

2 Lydus says that Julian wrote this to the Jews. The 
letter is lost. For Julian's design of rebuilding the Temple 
see Letter 51 and Introduction. 

3 At Constantinople there was a temple of Fortune (Tux^) 
with a statue of the (Joddess, cf. Socrates 3. 11. It was when 
Julian was sacrificing in this temple that he was denounced 
by the blind Bishop Maris of Chalcedon, as related by 
Sozomen 5. 4. But as Julian in the AJisopogov 346B speaks 
twice of sacrificing at Antioch in the temple of Fortune, this 
admonition may have been addressed to the citizens of 
Antioch, late in 382 or early in 363. 

4 For Julian's rare visits to the theatre, see Mitopogon 3.39c, 
3G8c. For his love of applause, Ammianus 25. 4. 18 volgi 
plausibus laetus. 

5 Cf. Vol. 2. Misopogon 344b,c, where Julian reproves the 
citizens of Antioch for applauding hiin in the temples. 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

/jLereveyfcare vfjucov Ta? e^^^/xta? 6*5 tovs Oeovs' 
fiaWov Be ol deol twv eixprj/xtcov ov XPvK 0V(Tlv - 



13 

IT/309 ^roypd(j)OV x 

El fiev firj el^ov 2 koX eyap' iaw P 01 ' o~v r YJVO)p<y < > 
rjcrOa agios' el Be eZ%oi> {lev, ov/c exPV°~<*/JLr)v Be, 
tou5 0eou? ecfrepov, fiaXkov Be vtto tcov Oecov 
e^epofirjv. au fxoi aWorpiov a^rj/na 7Toj? iBiBovs, 
eratpe ; olov /jl€ eZSe?, tolovtov koX ypdyfrov. 



14 

II/OO? eiTldKOlTOV^ 3 

eyvwv, dveyvcov /careyvcov. 

1 Hertlein, Letter 65. 

2 et/cwj>? Muratori. 

3 Not in Hertlein. Quoted by Sozomen 5. 18. In some 
MSS. it occurs at the end of Letter 81, To Basil. 

1 This and the following fragment, wrongly placed among 
the letters by Hertlein and earlier editors, are, as Cumont 
saw, isolated mots hiatoriques probably quoted from some 
historical work. They may have occurred in an edict. 

2 Sozomen 5. 17. says that Julian had himself painted " on 
the public pictures" in juxtaposition with Zeus or Ares or 
Hermes in order that the people might be compelled when they 
saluted the Emperor to salute the gods also, and that few 



302 



THE SHORTER FRAGMENTS 

transfer your acclamations to the gods ; or rather the 
gods do not need acclamations. 1 



13 

To a Painter 2 

If I did not possess it 3 and you had bestowed it on 
me, you would have deserved to be forgiven j but if 
I possessed it and did not use it, I carried the gods, 
or rather was carried by them. Why, my friend, did 
you give me a form other than my own ? Paint me 
exactly as you saw me. 



14 
To the Bishops 
I recognised, I read, 1 condemned. 4 

had the courage to refuse to conform with this established 
custom ; cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 4. 81. 

3 Whether because of mutilation or lack of context, the 
two first sentences are unintelligible ; we do not know the 
object of the verbs or what is meant by the reference to 
the gods ; but evidently Julian did not like his portrait. 

4 ISozomen 5. 18 says that Julian, in order to ridicule the 
Christian substitutes for the Greek classics, composed chiefly 
by Apollinaris, after Julian had forbidden Christians to teach 
the originals, wrote these words to the Bishops. Their answer 
was as follows : "You have read, but you have not understood ; 
for, had you understood, you would not have condemned." 
See Letter 81, To Basil, p. 286. 



3°3 



EPIGRAMMATA 
l 

Et9 olvov diro icpi6?}S 

Tt'9 iroOev eh, Aiovvae ; fia yap top aXaOea 
7&dicypv 
ov a eTTiyiyvGoo-fcco' tov Aib<z olSa /jlovov. 
Keivos ve/crap oSwBe, crv Se rpdyov. rj pa ae 
Ke\rol 
TJ} Trevif) fiorpvcov revgav air aaTa^vwv. 
tw ae xph fcaXeeiv Arj/jLyrpiov, ov Aiovvaoi', 
iTvpoyevrj judWov koi J$p6/JL0v, ov Bpofiiov. 1 

2 
Et9 to opyavov 2 

ciWoirjv opoo) Sovd/ccov cfrvo-iv. rjirov air a\\r)<; 
XaXfceirjs rd^a fxaWov dve^Xdarrjaav dpovprjs 
ciypioi' ov& dvifiOLcriv vfi r)fier€poi<; 3 Boveovrai, 
dXX 1 dirb ravp6ir]<; irpodopdiv cnrrjXvyyos dijr)]<; 
vepOev ivrprJTCov KaXdfJLwv viro pi^av ohevei. 

1 Hertlein 1. Palatine Antholoqii 9. 365, and in several 
MSS. 

2 Hertlein 2 ; The Greek Anthology vol. 3, 365, Taton ; it is 
found in Parislnus 690. 3 yeplois Cumont. 

1 i. r. beer, which Julian met with in Gaul and Germany. 
3°4 



EPIGRAMS 

1 

On wine made from barley x 

Who art thou and whence, O Dionysus ? By the 
true Bacchus 1 recognise thee not ; I know only the 
son of Zeus. He smells of nectar, but you smell of 
goat. Truly it was in their lack of grapes that the 
Celts brewed thee from corn-ears. So we should call 
thee Demetrius, 2 not Dionysus, wheat-born 3 not fire- 
born, barley god not boisterous god. 4 



On the Organ 

A strange growth of reeds do I behold. Surely 
they sprang on a sudden from another brazen field, 
so wild are they. The winds that wave them are 
none of ours, but a blast leaps forth from a cavern of 
bull's hide and beneath the well-bored pipes travels 
to their roots. And a dignified person, with swift 

2 i. e. son of Deineter goddess of corn. 

3 Tivpoyevj], not iropoyevrj, a plav on words. See The Greek 
Anthology, Vol. 3. 368, Paton. 

* Bp6,uos means "oats"; Bromius "boisterous" was an 
epithet of Dionysus ; it is impossible to represent the play on 
the words. 

3°5 
VOL. III. X 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

kclL rf? dvrjp ayepco^o^, e%cov Boa Sd/crvXa 

Xeipos, 
iLO-rarai dfi(f>a(j)6o)v tcavovas crvfufrpaS/jLOvas 

av\wv, 
oi £' airakov cnapTwvTes cittoOxLjBovgiv doihrjv. 



3 

AlWy/za et? KOVToiraLKTrjv 1 

eariv tl Sev&pov twv avafcropcov fieaov, 
ov pi^a teal %fi kcli \a\el tcapirois dfia' 
fita S' ev ibpq /cal (pvreveTai fe^eo? 
teal tcapirbv av^ei teal rpvyarai pi^oOev. 



4 

ei? top irapovra 'O/irjpi/cbv arixov e% 7roSa? 
lyovra cov oi rpels elai Bd/crv\oL 2 

tcovprj 'I/capLOLO irepicfrpcov UrjveXoireia 

ef ttoctIv i/jL/3€/3avia TpiSdfCTvXos i^€(padv8rj. 

1 Hertlein 3. Palatine Anthology vol. 2. p. 769. 

2 Hertlein 4. Anthology 2. 659. 

1 A note in the MS. {Parisinus 690) explains that Julian 
composed this poem during a procession, when he was leaving 
the church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople. He was 

306 



EPIGRAMS 

moving fingers of the hand, stands there and handles 
the keys that pass the word to the pipes ; then the 
keys leap lightly, and press forth the melody. 1 



3 

Riddle on a performer with a pole 

There is a tree between the lords, whose root has 
life and talks, and the fruits likewise. And in a 
single hour it grows in strange fashion, and ripens its 
fruit, and gets its harvest at the roots. 2 



4 

On the Homeric hexameter which contains six 

feet of which three are dactyls 
" The daughter of Icarius, prudent Penelope," 
appears with three fingers 3 and walks on six feet. 

then a mere boy, pursuing his education in Constantinople, 
before he was interned in Cappadoeia. 

2 The performer balances on his forehead, between his 
temples, a pole at the end of which is a cage or bar, supporting 
a child or children. 

3 There is a play of words on SaxrvKos = "finger" and 
"dactyl," a metrical foot. In the title," foot "and "dactyl" 
are metrical terms, in the riddle they are used in the original, 
physical sense. The hexameter quoted has three dactyls. 

3°7 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

5 

Et? iTnrotcevTavpov 1 

avBpoOev eKKkyyff ittttos, aviSpajjue S' liriToOev 

avrjp, 
avrip voacfri ttoSoov, /ce(j)a\f)<; 8' arep alokos 

ittttos' 
17T7TO? ipevyerai avSpa, avrjp 8' cnroTrepheTai 

'iTTTTOV. 



lovXiavov rod TTapaftdrov 2 

&)? eOeXei to cf>epov o~e 

(frepetv, (j)epov tjv 8' airiOrjar)^, 

/ecu aavrov ftXd-tyeis, teal to 
cj)6pov o~e (f)epei. 

1 Hertlein 6. Assigned to Julian by Tzetzes Chiliades 
959 ; Anthology, vol. 2, p. 659. 



308 



EPIGRAMS 

5 

To a Hippocentaur 

A horse lias been poured from a man's mould, a 
man springs up from a horse. The man has no feet, 
the swift moving horse has no head. The horse 
belches forth as a man, the man breaks wind as a 
horse. 



6 

By Julian the Apostate 

Even as Fate the Sweeper wills to sweep thee 
on, be thou swept. But if thou rebel, thou wilt but 
harm thyself, and Fate still sweeps thee on. 1 

1 Perhaps there is a similar meaning in the phrase virb tuv 
dew i<pep6/j.7)i> in the puzzling frag* 13, p. 303. 

2 Not in Hertlein. First ascribed to Julian, from Baroc- 
cianus 133, by Cumont, Revue de I'hilologie, 1892. Also 
ascribed to St. Basil ; cf. a similar epigram in Palatine 
Anthology 10. 73, ascribed to Palladas. 



3°9 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 



introduction- 
Julian, like Epictetus, always calls the Christians 
Galilaeans * because he wishes to emphasise that this 
was a local creed, "the creed of fishermen," and 
perhaps to remind his readers that " out of Galilee 
ariseth no prophet"; 2 with the same intention he 
calls Christ " the Nazarene." 3 His chief aim in the 
treatise was to show that there is no evidence in the 
Old Testament for the idea of Christianity, so that 
the Christians have no right to regard their teaching 
as a development of Judaism. His attitude through- 
out is that of a philosopher who rejects the claims of 
one small sect to have set up a universal religion. 
He speaks with respect of the God of the Hebrews, 
admires the Jewish discipline, their sacrifices and 
their prohibition of certain foods, plays off the Jews 
against the Christians, and reproaches the latter for 
having abandoned the Mosaic law ; but he contrasts 
the jealous, exclusive "particular" (/xcpiKos) Hebraic 
God with the universal Hellenic gods who do not 
confine their attentions to a small and unimportant 
portion of the world. Throughout Julian's works 

1 Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, First Invective Against Julian 70 
(115), TaKiXaiovs avr\ Xpi<TTiava>v ovo/xdffas nal KaXuadai vofxo- 
fleTTjo-as" This was ignored by Neumann in his reconstruction 
of the work, which he entitled Kara XpurTiavav. Cf- Socrates 
.3. 12. 

2 John 7. 52. 

3 In the fragmentary Letter 55, To PhoUnus, p. 189. 

3*3 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

there are scattered references, nearly always dis- 
dainful, to the Galilaeans, but his formal attack on 
their creed and on the inconsistencies of the 
Scriptures, which he had promised in Letter 55, 
To Photinus, the heretic, was not given to the general 
public, for whom he says he intends it, till he had 
left Antioch on his march to Persia in the earl}'' 
spring of 363. He probably compiled it at Antioch 
in the preceding winter. 1 Perhaps it was never 
completed, for at the time Julian had many things 
on his mind. It was written in three Books, but the 
fragments preserved are almost entirely from Book I. 
In the fifth century Cyril of Alexandria regarded the 
treatise as peculiarly dangerous, and said that it had 
shaken many believers. He undertook to refute it 
in a polemic of which about half survives, and from 
the quotations of Julian in Cyril's work Neumann 
has skilfully reconstructed considerable portions of 
the treatise. Cyril had rearranged Julian's hurriedly 
written polemic, in order to avoid repetitions and to 
bring similar subjects together. Moreover, he says 
that he omitted invectives against Christ and such 
matter as might contaminate the minds of Christians. 
We have seen that a similar mutilation of the letters 
occurred for similar reasons. 

Julian's arguments against the Christian doctrine 
do not greatly differ from those used in the second 
century by Celsus, and by Porphyry in the third ; but 

1 Libanius, in his Monody on Julian, says that at Antioch 
there were composed by the Emperor /8ij8a«W (rvyypa(f>cd 
fSoi)6ovvTu)v BeoTs ; in the Epitaph on Julian, that the attack 
on Christian doctrines was composed in the long nights of 
m inter, i. e. 362-363, at Antioch, where he spent the winter 
with Julian. 

3*4 



INTRODUCTION 

his tone is more like that of Celsus, for he and Celsus 
were alike in being embittered opponents of the 
Christian religion, which Porphyry was not. Those 
engaged in this sort of controversy use the same 
weapons over and over again ; Origen refutes Celsus, 
Cyril refutes Julian, in much the same terms. Both 
sides have had the education of sophists, possess the 
learning of their time, borrow freely from Plato, 
attack the rules or lack of rules of diet of the oppo- 
nents' party, point out the inconsistencies in the 
rival creed, and ignore the weaknesses of their own. 1 

For his task Julian had been well equipped by his 
Christian teachers when he was interned at Macellum 
in Cappadocia, and he here repays them for the 
enforced studies of his boyhood, when his naturally 
pagan soul rebelled against the Christian ritual in 
which he had to take part. In spite of his insistence 
on the inconsistency of the Christians in setting up 
a Trinity in place of the monotheism of Moses and 
the prophets, he feels the need of some figure in his 
own pantheon to balance that of Christ the Saviour, 
and uses, both in this treatise and in Oration 4, about 
Asclepius or Dionysus or Heracles almost the 
language of the Christians about Christ, setting these 
pagan figures up one after another as mani- 
festations of the divine beneficence in making a link 
between the gods and mankind. 

Though Julian borrowed from Porphyry's lost 
polemic in fifteen Books, 2 he does not discuss 

1 Geffcken, Zivei GriecJiiscke Apologetcn, p. 250, speaks of a 
Chinese polemic against Christianity, composed according to 
the regular conventions of this type. 

2 On Julian's debt to Porphyry, and his lack of sympathy 
with Porphyry's attitude to religion, see Harnack, Porphyrins, 
Berlin, 1916 ; Bide?, Vit dc Torphyre, Gand, 1913. 

3'5 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

questions of the chronology and authorship of the 
Scriptures as Porphyry is known to have done. 
Libanius, always a blind admirer of Julian, says 1 that 
in this treatise the Emperor made the doctrines of 
the Christians look ridiculous, and that he was 
"wiser than the Tyrian old man/' that is, Porphyry. 
But apparently the Christians of the next two 
centuries did not agree with Cyril as to the pecu- 
liarly dangerous character of Julian's invective. At 
any rate, the Council of Ephesus, in a decree dated 
431, sentenced Porphyry's books to be burned, but 
did not mention Julian's ; and again in a law of 
Theodosius II. in 448, Julian was ignored while 
Porphyry was condemned. When in 529 Justinian 
decreed that anti-Christian books were to be burned, 
Porphyry alone was named, though probably Julian 
was meant to be included. Not long after Julian's 
death his fellow-student at Athens, Gregory Nazian- 
zen, wrote a long invective against him, in which he 
attacked the treatise Against the Galilaeans without 
making a formal refutation of Julian's arguments. 
Others in the fifth century, such as Theodoras of 
Mopsuestia and Philip Sideta, wrote refutations 
which are lost. But it was reserved for Cyril, Bishop 
of Alexandria, writing between 429 and 441, to 
compose a long and formal refutation of Julian's 
treatise ; the latter seems to have been no longer in 
circulation, or was at least neglected, and Neumann 
thinks that the bishop was urged to write his polemic 
by his dislike of the heretical views of other and 
earlier antagonists of Julian, especially Theodoras ot 
Mopsuestia. This refutation, which was dedicated to 
the Emperor Theodosius II, was in at least twenty 

1 Oration IS. ITS. 

316 



INTRODUCTION 

Books. But for Cyril's quotations we should have 
a very vague idea of Julian's treatise, and as it 
is we are compelled to see it through the eyes of a 
hostile apologist. Cyril's own comments, and his 
summaries of portions of the treatise have been 
omitted from the following translation, 1 but the 
substance of the summaries has been given in the 
footnotes. The marginal numbers in the Greek 
text correspond with the pages of Spanheim's (1696) 
edition of Cyril's polemic Pro Christiana Rcligionc, 
from which Neumann extracted and strung together 
Cyril's quotations of Julian. There is, therefore, an 
occasional lack of connection in Julian's arguments, 
taken apart from their context in Cyril's treatise. 

1 For a full discussion of the work of Cyril and the other 
Christian apologists who attempted to refute Julian, and for 
an explanation of Neumann's method of reconstruction, the 
reader is referred to the Latin Prolegomena to Neumann's 
Edition of Julian's polemic. * , 

The numerous passages or expressions in this treatise 
that can he paralleled in Julian's other works have been 
collected by Asmus in his Concordance, Julian's Galiliier- 
schrift, 1904. 



i 7 



IOTAIANOT ATTOKPATOP02 KATA 
rAAIAAIHN AOrOS A* 



39 A KaXw? eyeiv e/noiye $alve7ai Ta? atria? etcOea- 
Oai irdaiv dvOpcoirois, v(f> osv eirela6r]v on TOiv 
Ta\i\aiwv r) a/cevoopla TrXda/na iarlv dvOpconcov 

39 B vtto /ca/covpyias crvvreOev. eypvaa /xev ovBev delov, 
dTTO\pr](Tayikvr\ he. tQ> (piXo/ivda) /cal Traihapidihei 
teal avowry T/79 ^^779 puopiw, rrjv reparoXoyiav 
et? tt'kttlv fjyayev dXrjdeias. 

41 E lAeWwv he virep twv irpwrcov Xeyofievcov 

hoy/idrcov diravrcov iroielaOai rbv \6yov, e/celvo 
^oiiXofxai irpcorov elirelv, on ^prj tou? evTvyyd- 
vovras, elirep avrCkeyeiv eOeXoiev, coairep ev hi/ca- 
(TTTjpiq) fjLT)$ev egcodev TroXvTTpay/jLoveiv jJLrjhe, to 
Xeyo/xevov, dvTi/caT7]yopetv, ea>9 av virep rcov Trap 

42 A avrols 2 a7To\oyrj(T(t)VTai. dfjueivov fiev yap ovtoo, 

/cal aa^earepov ihiav puev evaTTjaaadai irpay/jia- 
reuav, orav 11 twv irap tj/ullv evdvveiv Oekwaiv, ev 
oh he irpbs Ta? Trap 1 rj/ncov evQvva? dirokoyovvjai, 
jxrjhev dvTi/carriyopelv. 
42 E Mi/cpbv Be dva\a/3eiv af;iov, 66 ev r\plv r)/cei teal 
07ra)? evvoia 6eov to irpoijov, elra irapaOelvai tcl 
irapa ToW^Xki^ai koX irapa tols 'E/3yoatoJ9 virep 

1 The marginal numbers in Neumann's text represent the 
paging of the edition of Cyril by Spanheim, 1696, as rearranged 







AGAINST THE GALILA.EANS 



Book I 

It is, I think, expedient to set forth to all man- 
kind the reasons by which I was convinced that 
the fabrication of the Galilaeans is a fiction of men 
composed by wickedness. Though it has in it nothing 
divine, by making full use of that part of the soul 
which loves fable and is childish and foolish, it has 
induced men to believe that the monstrous tale is 
truth. Now since 1 intend to treat of all their first 
dogmas, as they call them, I wish to say in the first 
place that if my readers desire to try to refute me 
they must proceed as if they were in a court of law 
and not drag in irrelevant matter, or, as the saying is, 
bring counter-charges until they have defended their 
own views. For thus it will be better and clearer 
if, when they wish to censure any views of mine, 
they undertake that as a separate task, but when 
they are defending themselves against my censure, 
they bring no counter-charges. 

It is worth while to recall in a few words whence 
and how we first arrived at a conception of God ; 
next to compare what is said about the divine 
among the Hellenes and Hebrews ; and finally 

by Neumann. In the Introduction to his edition he defends 
his rearrangement of the text of Aubert 1638, given by 
Spanheim. 

2 tu>v trap' avrols Neumann ; MS. t«j> irpwruv Gollwitzer 
would retain, taking vnep rwv irpwruv = irpbs to irpwra. 

3*9 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

43 A tov Oelov Xeyo/neva, Kal fiera rovro eiravepecrOai 
toi>? ovre "EWrjvas ovre 'lovBalovs, dWd t?)? 
TaXCkaiwv ovtcls alpeaeo)<;, dvO* orov irpb t&v 
rjfjLcTepcov eiKovro ra Trap* eiceivoi*;, Kal eirl tovtw, 

Tl B?) ITOTG fjLTjB' €K€LVOL<; €fJ,fjL€VOVO~lV, aWa fCCLK€i- 

vcov airoGTavTes IBiav 6B6v irpdirovTO. 6/jloXo- 
yrjcravTes fiev ovBev twv KaXcov oi/Be twv airovBaiwv 
ovre tcov irap tj/xlv Tot? "EXXriaiv ovre to>v irapd 
tois (jltto Mojucreo)? 'E/9/oatot?, 1 air dfityolv Be ra? 
TTapaireTTiyyvias tovtols to£? eOveaiv coairep Tivds 

43 B Krjpas Bpeiropbevoi, tyjv ddeorrjra puev etc t?}? 
'lovBaiKrjs pqBiovpyias, cf>avXov Be teal eiriaeavp- 
jxevov fiiov e/c t?}? Trap* rjpLLv paOv/iias teal '\vBaio- 
ttjtos, tovto ty]V apiorrrjv deoaefieiav rjOeXiicrav 
ovo/jbd^eadai. 

52 B "Otl Be ov SiBa/crop, dXXa (fiucreL to elBevcu 
6ebv tols dvB pdnvoi^ VTrdp^ei, re/cfiypiov t)/jllv 
earco irpcoTov 1) kqivt) ttuvtcov dvOpcoircov IBia Kal 
Brj/LLoaia, /cal /car dvBpa teal eOvrj irepl to Oelov 
Trpodvfiia. diravre^ yap dBiBdicTax; Oelov tc ireiTi- 
(TTevKafiev, virep ov to fxev d/cpi{3es ovre irdai paBiov 
ycvcaaKetv ovre toIs eyvcoKoaiv elirelv eU irdwas 
Bvvarov . . . ravrr} Br) ttj Koivfj irdvTwv dvOpooirwv 
evvoia TrpocrecrTL /cal ciXXtj. irdvTes yap ovpava) 

52 C Kal tols ev avjcp (fraivofievois Oeols ovrco By tl 
<t>vo-LK(b<? irpoaripTrjixeBa, oj<? Kal el tl<z aXXov 
vTreXafte Trap* avTovs tov Oeov, OLKrjTrjpLov avTO) 
7ravT(0<; tov ovpavbv direvei/jLev, ovk a7roaTr}o~a<; 
avTOv t% 7%, a\X' olov a>? eh TipaoaTepov tov 

1 Klimek would delete 'Efipalots as a gloss. 

1 Some words are lost. 
320 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

to enquire of those who are neither Hellenes nor 
Jews, but belong to the sect of the Galilaeans, why 
they preferred the belief of the Jews to ours ; and 
what, further, can be the reason why they do not even 
adhere to the Jewish beliefs but have abandoned 
them also and followed a way of their own. For they 
have not accepted a single admirable or important 
doctrine of those that are held either by us Hellenes 
or by the Hebrews who derived them from Moses ; 
but from both religions they have gathered what has 
been engrafted like powers of evil, as it were, on 
these nations — atheism from the Jewish levity, 
and a sordid and slovenly way of living from our 
indolence and vulgarity ; and they desire that 
this should be called the noblest worship of the 
gods. 

Now that the human race possesses its knowledge 
of God by nature and not from teaching is proved 
to us first of all by the universal yearning for the 
divine that is in all men whether private persons 
or communities, whether considered as individuals 
or as races. For all of us, without being taught, have 
attained to a belief in some sort of divinity, though 
it is not easy for all men to know the precise 
truth about it, nor is it possible for those who do 
know it to tell it to all men. . . . l Surely, besides 
this conception which is common to all men, there 
is another also. I mean that we are all by nature 
so closely dependent on the heavens and the gods 
that are visible therein, that even if any man con- 
ceives of another god besides these, he in every 
case assigns to him the heavens as his dwelling- 
place ; not that he thereby separates him from the 
earth, but he so to speak establishes the King of 

321 

vol. ii r. Y 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

nravrbs ifceivo rbv ftacriXea KaOiaas rcov oXcov 
i(popav eKelOev viroXa/Juftdvcov rd rfjBe. 

69 B Tt Bei pot, 1 KaXelv "EXXrjvas /ecu 'EfSpaiovs 
evravOa fidprvpas ; ovBels eariv, o? ovk dvarelvei 
fiev ei? ovpavov Ta? %ei/3a? ev^bpevos, bfivvcov Be 
Oeov t]tol Oeovs, evvoiav oXcos rov Oeiov Xafiftdvoov, 
€K€L(re (peperai. Kal rovro ovk aireifcoTw? eiraOov. 
opcovres yap ovre 7rXr) Ovvo/juevov' 2 ovre eXarrov- 
/xevov ri rwv irepl rbv ovpavov ovre rpeirbfievov 
ovre irdOos virofievov ri roiv draKrcov, aXX! evap- 
/iioviov fiev avrov rrjv Kivrjcriv, ififieXrj Be rr]i> rd^tv, 

69 C (bpicr/JLevovs Be (fycoriafiovs o~eXr)vr)<$, rjXiov Be dva- 
ToXa? koX Sucre*? copiafievas iv wpiap,evoi^ del 
icaipols, elfcorcos Oeov zeal Oeov Opbvov vireXaftov. 
to yap roiovrov, are jjur^Befiia irpoaOrjicr) itXtjOvvo- 
fievov fjLTjBe eXarrovpievov dtyaipeaei, rrj<; re rear 
dXXoiwaiv Kal rpoirrjv e/cTO? lardfievov fxera^oXrj^ 
Trda-qs KaOapevei cj)0opd<; Kal yeveaecos, dOdvarov 
8i bv (pvaei /cal dvcoXeOpov iravroias eo~rl /caOapbv 
K7]XlBo$' d'iBiov Be Kal deiKLvrjrov, &>? opej/xev, r)roi 

69 D irapd 'tyv'xfjS KpeLrrovos Kal Oeiorepas evoiKovai-js 
avrw, coairep, olfiai, ra rj/juerepa acopuara irapd 
Tr)? ev Tj/jLtv Tfrvx?]?, (peperai kvkXw irepl tov /xeyav 
Brj/jLiovpyov, rj 77730? avrov rod Oeov rrjv klvt]o~lv 
7rapaBe£d/jL€Vov rbv diretpov e^eXirrei kvkXov dirav- 
arqy Kal aiwviw <f>opa. 

1 Gollwitzer deletes /not. 

2 oijre irXrfdvvSfxeyov Klimek adds, cf. 69 C. 

1 Cf. Oration 6. 183c, Vol. 2. 
3?2 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

the All in the heavens * as in the most honourable 
place of all, and conceives of him as overseeing from 
there the affairs of this world. 

What need have I to summon Hellenes and Hebrews 
as witnesses of this ? There exists no man who does 
not stretch out his hands towards the heavens when 
he prays ; and whether he swears by one god or 
several, if he has any notion at all of the divine, he 
turns heavenward. And it was very natural that 
men should feel thus. For since they observed that 
in what concerns the heavenly bodies there is no 
increase or diminution or mutability, and that they 
do not suffer any unregulated influence, but their 
movement is harmonious and their arrangement in 
concert; and that the illuminations of the moon are 
regulated, and that the risings and settings of the 
sun are regularly denned, and always at regularly 
denned seasons, they naturally conceived that the 
heaven is a god and the throne of a god. 2 For a 
being of that sort, since it is not subject to increase 
by addition, or to diminution by subtraction, and is 
stationed beyond all change due to alteration and 
mutability, is free from decay and generation, and 
inasmuch as it is immortal by nature and indestruc- 
tible, it is pure from every sort of stain. Eternal 
and ever in movement, as we see, it travels in a 
circuit about the great Creator, whether it be im- 
pelled by a nobler and more divine soul that dwells 
therein, just as, I mean, our bodies are by the soul 
in us, or having received its motion from God Him- 
self, it wheels in its boundless circuit, in an unceasing 
and eternal career. 

2 Cyril 70a ridicules Julian for confusing here a god with 
a throne ; but «ol can be interpreted "or," 

323 

y2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

44 A Ovkovv" EXXrjves piev toi>? /jlvOovs eirXaaav virep 
tcov decdv cnricrTov<; teal repaTGoSeis. KaTairielv 

44 B yap etfiaaav tov Kpovov tov9 ircu'Sas 1 eW avOis 
i/ieaac. zeal ydfiovs rfbr) irapavojiovi' firjrpl yap 
6 Zeu? i/jui^Or) ical 7rai$0TT0ir)ad/j.€V0<; ef avTrj? 
eyvf^e /xev avrb<; rrjv avTOU Ovyarepa, fidXXov he 
ovhe eyrjpuev, dXXa /u%#el? dirXais aXXcp irapaBe- 
Sco/cev 2 avrrjv. elra oi Aiovvaov airapayfiol Kai 
peXwv KoXXrjaeis. TOiavra oi pJuOoi tcov 'YLXXrjvwv 

75 A (paaiv. tovtois irapdfiaXXe ttjv 'lovSaifcrjv SiSaa- 
/caXiav, Kai top cfrvTev 6 fievov vtto rod 6eov irapd- 
Seiaov teal tov bir* clvtov irXaTTOjievov 'ABd/ju, elra 
Tr\v yivo}xkvr)v avTop yvval/ca. Xeyei yap 6 6eo$ 
" Ov /caXbv elvcu top avOpwirov fiovov TToirjaoofiev 
avTcp /3or)6bv /car avTovT Trpbs ovBev fiev avTop 
to)v oXcov /3orj6rjo-ao-av, e^airari]aaaav Be teal 
yevofievrjv irapaiTiov avTop re eteelva) Kai eavrfj 
75 B rov Treaelv etjco t/}? tov irapaBeiaov Tpv<j)f)<;. 

Tavra yap io~TL pLvOooBrj iravTeXoos. irrel 7rco? 
evXoyov dyvoelv rbv 6eov, otl to yivofievov vtt 
avrov 7r/oo? ftorjOeiav ov 7rpbs KaXov fidXXov, dXXa 
86 A 7rpo? /ca/cov tw XaBovTi yevqaerai ; rbv yap ocf)iv 
rbv BiaXeyo/nevov irpbs ttjv Kvav iroBairfj tivi 
y^prjadat (f>r)ao/jL€v BiaXeKTW ; apa dvOpooireia ; real 
ti Bca^epet, tmv irapd toi<; fl EXXrjai ireirXaafievoov 
89 A fivOwv tcl TOiavTa ; to Be kcl\ tov Oebv dirayopeveiv 
tt)V Btdyvcocriv /caXov T€ kcu (j>avXov rot? in 
avTOV TrXaadelacv dvOpooirois ap y ov% vTrepftoXrjv 

1 Before *!t' Neumann adds Kai, but this is not necessary. 

2 irapttiwKcv Klimek. 

1 Persephone. 2 Hades. 

324 



AGAINST THE GAL1LAEANS 

Now it is true that the Hellenes invented their 
myths about the gods, incredible and monstrous 
stories. For they said that Kronos swallowed his 
children and then vomited them forth ; and they 
even told of lawless unions, how Zeus had inter- 
course with his mother, and after having a child by 
her, married his own daughter, 1 or rather did not 
even marry her, but simply had intercourse^with 
her and then handed her over to another. 2 (y.'hen 
t oo there is the legend that Dionysus was re nt 

-•\ g ""^l r f? n '1 Ilia limlu- jniijfr} tnnrpHiflr again ) This 

is thesort of thing described in the myths of the 
Hellenes. Compare with them the Jewish doctrine, 
how the garden was planted by God and Adam was 
fashioned by Him, and next, for Adam, woman 
came to be. For God said, "It is not good that 
the man should be alone. Let us make him an 
help meet like him." 3 Yet so far was she from help- 
ing him at all that she deceived him, and was in 
part the cause of his and her own fall from their 
life of ease in the garden. 

This is wholly fabulous. For is it probable 
that God did not know that the being he was 
creating as a help meet would prove to be not 
so much a blessing as a misfortune to him who 
received her? Again, what sort of language are 
we to say that the serpent used when he talked 
with Eve ? Was it the language of human beings ? 
And in what do such legends as these differ from 
the myths that were invented by the Hellenes ? 
Moreover, is it not excessively strange that God 
should deny to the human beings whom he had 
fashioned the power to distinguish between good 

3 Genesis 2. 18. 

325 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

droirla^ eyei > T ' 1 y**P av ^XiOicorepov yzvoiro rov 
/jlt) Svvafievov Siayivcoafceiv KaXov Kal irovrjpbv ; 
SfjXov yap, on ra [lev ov (frevijerai, Xeyco Se rd 
Katcd, rd Be ov fieraBico^ei, Xeyco Be ra KaXa> 
KecpdXaiov Be, fypovrjcrecos aTnjyopevaev 6 6ebs 
dvdpdnrco yevaaaOai, 979 ovBev dv ecrj ripucorepov 

89 B avOpGOTTO). 1 on yap 77 rov KaXov /cal rod yeipovos 
Sidyvcoais ol/celov eariv epyov cppovtfcrecos, irpbBrjXov 

93 D earl ttov Kal roh dvorjrois' coare rov ocptv evep- 
yerrjv fxdXXov, dXX* ov%l Xvjuecbva rrj<; dv6 pcoirivrjs 

93 E yeveaecos elvai. eirl touto/? 0ebs Sec XeyeaOat 2, 

f3da/cavo<;. eTretBr) yap elBe ixeracryovra tt)? cppo- 
vtjaeco? rbv dvOpcoirov, Iva /mrj, (f>ijcrb, yevo-qrai rov 
%vXov t?}? £&>?)?, e£e/3aXev avrbv rov irapaSeicrov 
SiapprjSrjv elircov " 'lSov, 'ASap, yeyovev &)? eh ef 
tj/jlcov rod yivcoo~Keiv KaXov teal irovqpbv. Kal vvv 
/jLTiirore e/creivj) rrjv %etpa /cal Xdfty dirb rov %v\ov 
rfjs ^corj<; Kal (f>dyrj Kal ^aerat eh tov alcova. ' 

94 A tovtcov Tolvvv e/caaTOV el firj fxvdos e%cov Oecopiav 

diropprjrov eh], oirep eyco vevofiiKa, ttoXXtj^ ye- 
jjlovctiv ol Xoyoi Trepl tov Oeov /3Xao-(pr]/jLia<;. to 
yap dyvorjaai fiev, go? rj yivopievrj /3or)6b<$ atria 
rov it too fxar 09 carat Kal to dirayopevaai KaXov 
Kal Trovrjpov yvcoaiv, 3 b pbvov eoiKe avve^eiv rov 
vovv rov dvOpcoTTivov, Kal irpbaeri rb ^rfKorvirrjaai, 

1 avrf Neumann, avdpooTrcp MSS. ; Klimek would delete 
hvdpuircf ; Gollwitzer rightly retains as characteristic Julianic 
tautology. 

2 Se? KtytoQai Neumann ; \4yoir &v Klimek ; AeyeTcu MSS. ; 
Gollwitzer deletes i-ni. 

3 Gollwitzer adds AajSelV; Asmus avaXafteiv, cf. Vol. 2, 265a. 

1 Genesis 3. 22. 
326 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

and evil ? What could be more foolish than a 
being unable to distinguish good from bad ? For 
it is evident that he would not avoid the latter, I 
mean things evil, nor would he strive after the 
former, I mean things good. And, in short, God 
refused to let man taste of wisdom, than which there 
could be nothing of more value for man. For that 
the power to distinguish between good and less good 
is the property of wisdom is evident surely even to 
the witless ; so that the serpent was a benefactor 
rather than a destroyer of the human race. Further- 
more, their God must be called envious. For when 
he saw that man had attained to a share of wisdom, 
that he might not, God said, taste of the tree of 
life, he cast him out of the garden, saying in so 
many words, " Behold, Adam has become as one of 
us, because he knows good from bad ; and now let 
him not put forth his hand and take also of the tree 
of life and eat and thus live forever." 1 Accord- 
ingly, unless every one of these legends is a myth 
that involves some secret interpretation, as I indeed 
believe, 2 they are filled with many blasphemous 
sayings about God. For in the first place to be 
ignorant that she who was created as a help meet 
would be the cause of the fall ; secondly to refuse 
the knowledge of good and bad, which knowledge 
alone seems to give coherence to the mind of man ; 
and lastly to be jealous lest man should take of the 

2 For Julian's belief that myths need allegorical interpre- 
tation cf. Oration 5. 169-170, Vol. 1, p. 475, note ; see also 
Caesars 306c, Oration 7. '206c, 220, for myths as emblematic 
cf the truth. This is the regular method of Neo-Platonic 
writers, such as Sallustius, in dealing with the unpleasant or 
incongruous elements in Greek mythology. 

327 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

firf tov £v\ov t/)? £&>?}? /jieTaXaftaov dvOpoairo^ 
aOdvaros etc Ovrjrov yevrjTai, (f>0ovepov kclI ftacr/cd- 
vov Xiav iariv. 

96 C 'Tirep Be wv i/eelvoi re aXrjOoos Botjd^ovaiv rj/xlv 
T€ ef dpxW 0l Trarepes nrapeBoaav, 6 p,ev rjpbeTepos 
%X eL ^070? goBI * tov irpoaex/) T °v koct/jlov tovtov 
Brjpuovpyov. . . . virep yap Oecov 2 toov avwrepco tovtov 
Meoucr?)? fiev elprjKev ovBev o\o)?, 09 ye ovBe virep 

96 D t?)? TOiV dyyeXcov eToXpLrjae tl cf)va€co<;' aA,V on 
p,ev XetTOVpyovat tw dew 7roWa^co? /cal rroXXd/cis 
elirev, cltc Be yeyovoTes, etVe dyevrjToc, erre vir 
aXXov puev yeyovoTes, d\X(p Be XeiTovpyetv TeTay- 
fievoL, etTG aUw? 7rco?, ovBa/noOev BiuzpicrTai. 
Trepl Be ovpavov teal 7% /cal twv ev avTrj t'ivcl 
Tpoirov Bie/coo-p,i]0)i Bie^eicri. /cal to, puev <fir)o~t, 
KeXevaai tov Oeov yevecrOai, toairep <£co? /cat crre- 
peco/jua, Ta Be Troirjcrai, wairep ovpavov /cal yrjv, 

96 E rjXiov Te koX aeXrjvrjv, tcl Be ovTa, KpvTTTo/xeva Be 
Teeo?, 3 SiatcpLvai, fcaOdirep vBcop, olpai, /cal t^j> 
%r)pdv. 7rpb<? tovtois Be ovBe Trepl yeveaew; fj 
Trepl 7roi7]aeoD<; tov TTvevfiaTos elirelv eToXprjo-ev, 
dXXa fiovov " Kat irvevpa Oeov errefpepeTo eirdvw 
tov vBaTo? " • iroTepov Be dyevrjTov ecrTiv rj yeyovev, 
ovBev Biao-afyel. 

49 A 'EvTavOa irapa^dXwpev, el ftovXeaOe, ttjv 

TIXaTCDVOS (f>Q)Vr)V. TL TOLVVV OVTOS VTT€p TOV 

Brjpuovpyov Xeyei ical riva? TrepiTiOrjo-iv avTU) 

1 d>S2 Asmus restores from MSS. ; oi<5e Neumann. 

2 Asmus deletes as superfluous 6ewi> added by Neumann. 

3 tie, Tews Neumann ; 8e t4ws, Asmus. 

1 The pagan theory is missing and also part of the Jewish, 
according to Asmus. 
328 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

tree of life and from mortal become immortal, — 
this is to be grudging and envious overmuch. 

Next to consider the views that are correctly held 
by the Jews, and also those that our fathers handed 
down to us from the beginning. Our account has 
in it the immediate creator of this universe, as the 
following shows. . . .* Moses indeed has said no- 
thing whatsoever about the gods who are superior 
to this creator, nay, he has not even ventured to 
say anything about the nature of the angels. But 
that they serve God he has asserted in many ways 
and often ; but whether they were generated or un- 
generated, or whether they were generated by one 
god and appointed to serve another, or in some other 
way, he has nowhere said definitely. But he de- 
scribes fully in what manner the heavens and the 
earth and all that therein is were set in order. In 
part, he says, God ordered them to be, such as light 
and the firmament, and in part, he says, God made 
them, such as the heavens and the earth, the sun 
and moon, and that all things which already existed 
but were hidden away for the time being, he 
separated, such as water, I mean, and dry land. 
But apart from these he did not venture to say a 
word about the generation or the making of the 
Spirit, but only this, " And the Spirit of God moved 
upon the face of the waters." But whether that 
spirit was ungenerated or had been generated he 
does not make at all clear. 

Now, if you please, we will compare the utter- 
ance of Plato. 2 Observe then what he says about 
the creator, and what words he makes him speak 

2 In his Letter to a Priest 292, Vol. 2, Julian contrasts the 
Platonic account of the Creation with the Mosaic. 

329 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

cfycovas ev rfj Koa/jboyevela a/coTrrjcrov, Xva rr)v 
JlXdrcovos zeal Mcovaecos Koafioyeveiav avriirapa- 
ftdXcofiev dXXrjXaiS' ovrco yap av (paveurj, ris o 
Kpeirrcov Kal ris a^ios rod 6eov fiaWov, ap 6 rocs 
elBooXots XeXarpevKcos UXdrcov rj irepl ov cfirjaiv r) 

49 B ypa<pr], 07i aTOfia Kara arbfia 6 debs eXdXrjaev 
avrw. "'Ev dpxf) 6Trolr}o~ev 6 debs rov ovpavbv Kal 
rr)v yrjv. r) Be yfj r)v dbparos teal aKaraa Kevaaros, 
Kal ctkotos eirdvco rrjs dpvaaov, zeal irvev/jua deov 
€7T€(j)€p6T0 eirdvco rov vBaros> Kal elirev 6 debs 
Tevr)6i]rw cf)cos, zeal eyevero 0a>9. Kal elBev o 
debs rb <pcos, on kclXov. Kal Bie^onpicTev 6 debs 
dva fieaov rod (pcorbs Kal dvd fieaov rod aKorovs. 
Kal eKaXeaev 6 debs to (pebs rj/iepav Kal rb a kotos 
eKaXeae vvKra. Kal eyevero eairepa Kal eyevero 
irpcoi, rifiepa fiia. Kal elirev 6 debs' Tevrjdijrco 

49 C arepeco/ia ev /xeaw rov vBaros. Kal eKaXeaev 6 
debs to arepecofia ovpavbv. Kal elirev 6 debs' 
Svva)(6r}T(o to vBcop to viroKarco tov ovpavov els 
away coy r)v fiiav Kal bepdrjreo r) %qpd. Kal eyevero 
ovrcos. Kal elirev b 6ebs' TSXaarrjadrco r) yrj /3o- 
rdvriv ybprov Kal IjvXov Kapirifiov. Kal elirev b 
debs' Tevrjdrjrcoaav epeoarfjpes ev tw arepecbfiari 
rov ovpavov, r iva coaiv els cpavacv eirl rrjs yrjs. 
Kal edero avrovs b debs ev tm arepecbfiari rov 

49 D ovpavov, ware apyeiv rrjs rjfiepas Kal tPjs vvktos." 

'Ev Br) tovtols Mcovarjs ovre rr)v afivaaov ire- 

irotrjadai cprjaiv virb rov deov ovre to aKoros 

ovre to vBcop' Kalroi %pr\v Brjirovdev elirbvra irepl 

33° 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

at the time of the generation of the universe, in order 
that we may compare Plato's account of that gener- 
ation with that of Moses. For in this way it will ap- 
pear who was the nobler and who was more worthy 
of intercourse with God, Plato who paid homage to 
images, or he of whom the Scripture says that 
God spake with him mouth to mouth. 1 "In the 
beginning God created the heaven and the earth. 
And the earth was invisible and without form, and 
darkness was upon the face of the deep. And the 
spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters. 
And God said, Let there be light ; and there was 
light. And God saw the light that it was good ; 
and God divided the light from the darkness. 
And God called the light Day, and the darkness 
he called Night. And the evening and the morn- 
ing were the first day. And God said, Let there 
be a firmament in the midst of the waters. And 
God called the firmament Heaven. And God said, 
Let the waters tinder the heaven be gathered 
together unto one place, and let the dry land 
appear ; and it was so. And God said, Let the 
earth bring forth grass for fodder, and the fruit 
tree yielding fruit. And God said, Let there be 
lights in the firmament of the heaven that they may 
be for a light upon the earth. And God set them 
in the firmament of the heaven to rule over the day 
and over the night." 2 

In all this, you observe, Moses does not say that 
the deep was created by God, or the darkness or 
the waters. And yet, after saying concerning light 

1 Numbers 12. 8 : " With him will I speak mouth to 
mouth." 

2 Genesis 1-17, with certain omissions. 

331 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

TOV </>0)T09, OTl TTpOGTa^aVTOS 6 GOV yeyovev, 6L7T6LV 
6TL KCU 7T€pl T?}? VVKTOS Kal TTCpl TTj^ a/3va(TOV Kal 

irepl tov vBaTOS. 6 Se ovSev elirev <w? irepl ov x 
yeyovoTcov oXcos, kclitoi iroXXaKis eiripLvrjaOels 
avToov. 7T/30? tovtois our 6 tt)? tw^ dyyeXcov fxe- 
fivrjrat yeveaeax; r) 7roi7Jaeco<; ov& ovTiva rpoirov 

49 E iraprj^drjaav, dXXd tcov irepl tov ovpavbv puovov 
Kal irepl tiiv yr\v awpLc'nwv, 2, o>? elvai tov Oebv 
fcaTa tov Mcovaea aaoj/xaTcov puev ovSevbs iroirjTrjv, 
vXrjs Be viroKecpLev)]^ fcoo-fiTJTOpa. to yap "'H Be 
yrj tjv aopaTOs Kal aKaTao~Kevao~TO$ " ovBev eTepbv 
i(TTiv fj Trjv fiev vypdv Kal £i]pdv ova [av vXrjv iroi- 
ovvtos, KoapafjTopa Be aurr/9 tov debv eladyovTos. 

57 B r/ ye pur)v UXcltcdv aKove irepl tov Koapov tl 

57 C $7)giv. " O Br) 7ra? ovpavov r) Koap,o<; — fj Kal aXXo, 
6 Tl rroTe 6vopia%6p,evo<; pbdXiGTa av BeypiTO, tovto 
rjpiv a)vop,do-0o) — TroTepov rjv del, yevecrecos dpyiiv 
eywv ovBepbiav, rj yeyovev, dif dpyr)<$ twos dp£d- 
- pievos ; yeyovev opaTos yap cltttos tz Igti Kal 
cra)/jLa e^cov. irdvTa Be to, TOiavTa alo-Or/Ta, to, 
Be alaOrjTa, Bo^rj irepiXrjirTa pueTa alaOrjaews, 
ytyvopieva Kal yevvrjTa ecfrdvr) . . . ovrax; ovv KaTa 
tov Xoyov tov eLKOTa Bel Xeyeiv TovBe tov Koapov 
%(pov epyfrv^ov evvovv T€ Trj dXiiOela Sid tt)v tov 

57 D Oeov yeveadai irpovoiav." 

57 E r 'Ev Be evl irapaftdXcopLev puovov Tiva Kal iroBa- 

1 Klimek ws irepl ov ; Neumann a>? irepl. 

2 Neumann o-KijuufidTuv from Marcianus 123 ; own&ruv 
W right from Marcianus 122. 

1 Timaeus 28b, c. 
33 2 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

that God ordered it to be, and it was, surely he 
ought to have gone on to speak of night also, and 
the deep and the waters. But of them he says not 
a word to imply that they were not already existing 
at all, though he often mentions them. Further- 
more, he does not mention the birth or creation of 
the angels or in what manner they were brought 
into being, but deals only with the heavenly and 
earthly bodies. It follows that, according to Moses, 
God is the creator of nothing that is incorporeal, 
but is only the disposer of matter that already 
existed. For the words, "An4 the earth was in- 
visible and without form " can only mean that he 
regards the wet and dry substance as the original 
matter and that he introduces God as the disposer 
of this matter. 

Now on the other hand hear what Plato says 
about the universe : " Now the whole heaven or the 
universe, — or whatever other name would be most 
acceptable to it, so let it be named by us, — did it 
exist eternally, having no beginning of generation, 
or has it come into being starting from some begin- 
ning ? It has come into being. For it can be seen 
and handled and has a body ; and all such things 
are the objects of sensation, and such objects of 
sensation, being apprehensible by opinion with the 
aid of sensation are things that came into being, as 
we saw, and have been generated. . . .* It follows, 
therefore, according to the reasonable theory, that 
we ought to affirm that this universe came into being 
as a living creature possessing soul and intelligence 
in very truth, both by the providence of God." 2 

Let us but compare them, point by point. What 

8 Timaeus 30b ; cf. Julian, Oration 5. 170d. 

333 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

irr\v rroielrai BrfpL^yoplav 6 0eb<; 6 irapa Mcovafj 
teal irohairriv 6 irapa YlXarcovi ; 

58 A " Kal elirev 6 Oeos' HoirjacopLev civOpcoirov /car' 
el/eova rjperepav Kal /ca0' opolcoaiv. Kal dpyk- 
rcoaav rcov iyQvcov rr)<; OaXdcrcrrjs Kal rcov rrerei- 
vcov rod ovpavov Kal rcov Krrjvcov Kal irdtrr]^ rij? 
7>j? Kal irdvrcov rcov epirercov rcov epirovrcov eirl 
rrjs y?}?. Kal iiroirjaev 6 Oebs rbv dvOpcoirov, Kar 
eiKova 6eov eiroirjaev avrbv apcrev Kal 6r)Xv liroi- 
ijaev avrovs Xeycov Av^dveode Kal rrXrjOvveade 
Kal rrXrjpcoaare rrjv yrjv Kal KaraKvpievcrare av- 

58 B r/}?. Kal dp-ykreoaav rcov lyQvcov rfj<; daXdacrt^ 
Kal rcov rrereivcov rod ovpavov Kal irdvrcov rcov 
Krrjvcov Kal 7rdarj<i t?}? 7?}?." 

"Akov€ Brj ovv Kal t?}? HXarcoviKrjs Srjfirjyopla';, 
r)v rco rcov oXcov irepiriOrjai BrjpLiovpyco. 

" Beot Oecbv, cov eyco Brjpaovpyb^ irarrjp re epycov 
dXvra ecrrai epiov ye e6eXovro<;. rb p,ev 8i] Bedev 
rrdv Xvrbv, rb ye p,r)v KaXco<; dppoadev Kal h\ov ev 
Xveiv eOeXeiv KaKov. Sib eireLTrep yeyevrjaOe, ovk 
dddvaroi puev eare ovBe aXvroi rb irdp.rrav, ovri 
ye pir)v XvdrjaeaOe ovBe rev^eaOe Oavdrov pbolpas, 

58 C rrjs ipLrjf; ftovXrjtrecos pLCL^ovos en BecrpLOV Kal 
Kvpicorepov Xayovres eKelvcov, oh ore eyiveaOe 
%vveBelaQe. vvv ovv b Xeyco irpb<; u/xa? evBeiKvv- 
fjievos p,d6ere. Ovrjrd en yevr) Xoiird rpia dyev- 
vr)ra, rovrcov Be pirj yevopuevcov ovpavbs dreXrjs 
earai. rd yap rrdvra ev avrco yevr) £cocov ov% 
eljer vir' epiov Be ravra yevopbeva Kal filov puera- 

* Genesis 26. 27. 28, 
334 



AGAINST THE GALILAEAXS 

and what sort of speech does the god make in the 
account of Moses, and what the god in the account 
of Plato ? 

" And God said, Let us make man in our image, 
and our likeness ; and let them have dominion over 
the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, 
and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and 
over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the 
earth. So God created man, in the image of 
God created he him ; male and female created 
he them, and said, Be fruitful and multiply and 
replenish the earth, and subdue it ; and have 
dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the 
fowl of the air, and over all the cattle and over all 
the earth." 1 

Now, I say, hear also the speech which Plato 
puts in the mouth of the Artificer of the All. 

" Gods of Gods ! Those works whose artificer and 
father I am will abide indissoluble, so long as it is my 
will. Lo, ail that hath been fastened may be loosed, 
yet to will to loose that which is harmonious and in 
good case were the act of an evil being. Wherefore, 
since ye have come into being, ye are not immortal 
or indissoluble altogether, nevertheless ye shall by 
no means be loosed or meet with the doom of death, 
since ye have found in my will a bond more mighty 
and more potent than those wherewith ye were 
bound when ye came into being. Now therefore 
hearken to the saying which I proclaim unto you : 
Three kinds of mortal beings still remain unborn, 
and unless these have birth the heaven will be 
incomplete. For it will not have within itself all 
the kinds of living things. Yet if these should 
come into being and receive a share of life at 

335 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

cryovra Oeois icrd^ono dv. Xv ovv 0vr)rd re fj to re 
irav roBe ovtgos dirav 17, rpeireade KCLia cpvaiv 
voxels eirl rr)v roov %wwv Br\Liiovpyiav, LLiLiovpevoi 

58 D tt)V €fii]f Bvva/niv wepl rr)v vpuerepav yeveaiv. /cal 
/ca6' ocrov /JL6V avrcov dOavdrots oluovvliov elvai 
irpoarjKei, Oeiov Xeybfievov r)yepLOvovv re ev avrocs 
rcov del Bl/crj /cal v/jllv eOeXovrcov eireaOai, <nreipa$ 
ical virap^dpevos eyco irapaBcoaco. rb Be Xolttov 
vp,el<s, dOavdrw Ovtjtov it poavtyaivovres direpyd- 
£ea0e ?<£a /cal yevvdre rpocprjv re BiBovres av^dvere 
/cal cfiOlvovra irdXiv Be^eaOe." 

65 A 'A\V a pa litj tovto ovap earlv ivvoijaovres 

65 B avrb LtaOere. Oeovs ovoptd^et UXdrcov tou? epi- 
(fravels, tjXiov /cal aeXrjvrjv, darpa /cal ovpavov, 
dXX' ovroi rwv difiavoov elo~iv el/coves' 6 (paivoLievos 
tch? 6(f)0a\pLOL<i rjpwv tjXlos rod vorjrov /cal firj 
(fiaivo/jievov, /cal iraXiv i) cpatvop.ev7] rols 6(j)0aX- 
liois fjfiwv aeXrjvr) ical roov darpcov e/caarrov el/coves 
elal T(hv vorjrwv. ifcelvovs ovv tovs votjtovs /cal 

65 C d(f)aveL<; Oeovs evvirdpyovra^ /cal avvvirdpyovra^ 
/cal ef avrov tov Brj/niovpyov yevvrjOevras ical 
irpoeXOovras 6 YlXdrcov olBev. etVorco? ovv cprjatv 
6 BrjfjLiovpybs 6 Trap' avrco " Oeoi,^ irpbs tou? 
dcpavecs Xeycov, " OecovT t&v ejicpavcov Bi]Xov6ri. 
tcoivbs Be dfi(f)OTep(jL)v Brj/iuovpybs ovto<s eariv 6 
Te\vy]a dfievos ovpavov ical yrjv /cal OdXaaaav /cal 

1 Timaeus 41a,b,c. Julian may have been quoting from 
memory, as there are omissions and slight variations from 
our text of the Timaeus. 

8 Cf. Julian, Vol. 1, Oration 4. 149a, 156d. 

3 Julian's Fourth Oration, Vol. 1. is an exposition of this 
theory held by the late Neo-Platonists ; in the present 
treatise he does not, as in the Fourth and Fifth Orations, 

336 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

ray hands they would become equal to gods. 
Therefore in order that they may be mortal, and 
that this All may be All in very truth, turn ye 
according to your nature to the contriving of living 
tilings, imitating my power even as I showed it in 
generating you. And such part of them as is fitted 
to receive the same name as the immortals, which 
is called divine and the power in them that governs 
all who are willing ever to follow justice and you, 
this part I, having sowed it and originated the 
same, will deliver to you. For the rest, do you, 
weaving the mortal with the immortal, contrive living 
beings and bring them to birth ; then by giving 
them sustenance increase them, and when they 
perish receive them back again." 1 

But since ye are about to consider whether this 
is only a dream, do ye learn the meaning thereof. 
Plato gives the name gods to those that are visible, 
the sun and moon, the stars and the heavens, but 
these are only the likenesses of the invisible gods. 
The sun which is visible to our eyes is the likeness 
of the intelligible and invisible sun, 2 and again the 
moon which is visible to our eyes and every one of 
the stars are likenesses of the intelligible. 3 Accord- 
ingly Plato knows of those intelligible and invisible 
gods which are immanent in and coexist with the 
creator himself and were begotten and proceeded 
from him. Naturally, therefore, the creator in Plato's 
account says "gods" when he is addressing the 
invisible beings, and "of gods," meaning by this, 
evidently, the visible gods. And the common creator 
of both these is he who fashioned the heavens and 

distinguish the intelligible {vorjot) gods from the intellectual 
(voepoi). 

337 

VOL. III. Z 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

darpa /cal yevvrfaas ev rot? votjtols tcl tovtwv 
apykivira. 

^k6tt€l ovv, 1 otl /cal tcl eirl tovtois /caXw<;. 
" AeiireL " yap (frycri " rpia Oprjra yevr)" BtjXovotl 
to tcov avOpoorrcov real to t&v ^axov ical to t&v 
(pvTcov tovtoov yap e/caaTOV IBlols topiaTai XoyoL$. 
" Et fiev ow" <f)7]o-i, " teal tovtcov e/caarov vit' ifiov 
65 D yevoiTO, iravTairaaiv dvay/catov dddvaTov ai)TO 
yeveaOai." teal yap Tot? votjtols Oeols ovBev aXXo 
r?j? dOavaaias atTiov /cal T<p (ftaivofievw Koa/xw rj 
to vtto tov Brj/nLOvpyov yeveaOai. otl ovv (j>rjcriv 
"'Oiroaov iarlv dddvaTov, dvayicalov Icttl tovtol? 
irapa tov BrjfiLovpyov BeBocrdai" tovto Be icrTiv rj 
XoyiKT) tyv%ri. " To Be Xolttov " (f)7]aiv " vfiels 

65 E a,9avaT(p Ov^tov TrpoavfyalveTe" BrjXov ovv otl 

irapaXa{36vTe<; ol BrjixLovpyucol 2 Oeol nrapa tov 
a(f)cov iraTpos Tt]V hrjfjLLOvpyiKTjv Bvvap.LV, direyev- 
vycrav ewl tt}<; yf)<$ tcl Ovr/Ta twv %(p(ov. el yap 
/jLr)8ev efieXXe BiacpepeLv ovpavb? dvOpdnrov koX 
val p,a Aia 6r)pLov ko\ TeXevTalov avTwv twv 
epireTcov /cal twv iv Trj OaXdao-r) vriyojxevtov lx@ v ~ 
Blcov, eBeL tov SyjjuLLovpybv eva /cal tov avTov elvai 
TrdvTcov. el Be ttoXv to fxecrov io~Tlv ddavaTcov teal 

66 A OvrjTwv, ovhe/JLLa irpoaOi'jKr] fxel^ov ovBe dtpaipeaeL 

fieLOVfievov ovBe /jayvv/xevov irpb<; tcl dvrjTa teal 
eTTL/crjpa 3 aiTiov elvaL 7rpoa/]KeL tovtwv fiev ciX- 
Xov<;, eTepcov Be eTepov<;. 

Ov/covv eireLBrjirep ovBe irepl tov 7r/?ocre^oi)? tov 

1 olv tn Klimek suggests. 

2 ZrimovpyiKol Asmus ; ti-qpuovpyol Neumann. 

3 Asmus adds ouSe fjuyvvfxsvou retains vpbs — iiriKrjpa; Neu- 

33* 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

the earth and the sea and the stars, and begat in the 
intelligible world the archetypes of these. 

Observe then that what follows is well said also. 
"For," he says, "there remain three kinds of mortal 
things," meaning, evidently, human beings, animals 
and plants ; for each one of these has been defined 
by its own peculiar definition. " Now," he goes on 
to say, "if each one of these also should come to 
exist by me, it would of necessity become immortal." 
And indeed, in the case of the intelligible gods and 
the visible universe, no other cause for their im- 
mortality exists than that they came into existence 
by the act of the creator. When, therefore, he says, 
"Such part of them as is immortal must needs be 
given to these by the creator," he means the reasoning 
soul. " For the rest," he says, "do ye weave mortal 
with immortal." It is therefore clear that the 
creative gods received from their father their creative 
power and so begat on earth all living things that 
are mortal. For if there were to be no difference 
between the heavens and mankind and animals too, 
by Zeus, and all the way down to the very tribe of 
creeping things and the little fish that swim in the 
sea, then there would have had to be one and the 
same creator for them all. But if there is a great 
gulf fixed between immortals and mortals, and this 
cannot become greater by addition or less by sub- 
traction, nor can it be mixed with what is mortal 
and subject to fate, it follows that one set of gods 
were the creative cause of mortals, and another of 
immortals. 

Accordingly, since Moses, as it seems, has failed 

maim deletes irpbs — 4iriK7]pa ; Gollwitzer ixaovjxivov wairtp Ta 
0vr)Ta teal iiriKTipx. 

339 
z 2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

k6(T[jlov tovtov Brjpiiovpyov iravra Bi€iXeyp,evo<; 
Meofo-?}? (j)alv€Tat, ri]V re 'Efipaicov /cal rrjv rcov 
99 E rjpLerepoov irarepwv Bb^av virep eOvcov tovtcov ulvti- 
irapadoypev dXXrfXais. 

r O Mft)uo-/}? (pr)(Ti rov rov k6(t fjuov Brjpuovpybv 
e/cXe^aaBai to twv 'Fiffpaiayv edvo<s Kal irpoae^eLv 
i/c€LV(p pi6v(p zeal e/ceivov cfrpovTLaai /cal BuBcoaiv 
avTw rrjv e7rip,eXeiav avrov fxovov. twv Be aXXcov 
iOvtov, 07r&)9 rj v^ oIgtkji Bioi/covvrai #eot?, ouB' 
rjvTivovv jiveiav ireiroirjTai,' ttXtjv el \xr\ ri$ e/celva 
avy^coprjcreiev, ore rov i']Xlov avrols /ecu rrjv aeXtj- 
vtjv aireveLfiev. dXX virep [xev tovtwv /cal pu/epbv 

100 A varepov. 7rXrjv on rod ^YaparfX aurbv pubvov debv 
/cal rr}<z 'lovSaias teal tovtovs e/cXe/crovs (prjaiv 
at»ro? re /cal oi fier e/celvov wpocprjraL ical 'Irjaovs 
6 Nofw/jaw? eVjSetfa), clXXa /cal rov iravra^ 
iravrayov tou? irunrore ybrjras /cal aTrarewvas 
virepftaXXbpevov TiavXov. d/covere Be twv Xelje'ov 
avjwv, /cal irpanov jxev rtov Majuo-eco?* " ^.v Be 
epels T(p <&apa(p' vlbs nrpwrbroiebs pov 'lapaijX. 
elirov Be' e^a-TToareLXov rov Xabv pov, Xva pot 

100 B Xarpevar). av Be ov/c efiovXov e^airoarelXai 
avrovT Kal pitcpbv varepoir " Kal Xeyovcriv 
avra>' 6 0eb<; rcov 'Eftpaicov Trpoa/cetcXrjTai ?;/xa<?. 
iropevcropLeda ovv et<? rrjv eprjpov 6Bbv rjpbepcov 

TpiCOV, O7T60? 6vO~(i)p,€V KVpL(p TW 0€(p IjpLWV. fCai 

puer oXiya irdXiv bpoiw " Kvpios 6 #eo? twv 
'Eftpaicov eijaTrearaX/ce pie irpbs o~e Xeycov e^airb- 
34° 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

also to give a complete account of the immediate 
creator of this universe, let us go on and set one 
against another the opinion of the Hebrews and 
that of our fathers about these nations. 

Moses says that the creator of the universe chose 
out the Hebrew nation, that to that nation alone did 
he pay heed and cared for it, and he gives him 
charge of it alone. But how and by what sort of 
gods the other nations are governed he has said not 
a word, — unless indeed one should concede that he 
did assign to them the sun and moon. 1 However 
of this I shall speak a little later. Now I will only 
point out that Moses himself and the prophets who 
came after him and Jesus the Nazarene, yes and 
Paul also, who surpassed all the magicians and char- 
latans of every place and every time, assert that he 
is the God of Israel alone and of Judaea, and that 
the Jews are his chosen people. Listen to their 
own words, and first to the words of Moses : " And 
thou shalt say unto Pharaoh, Israel is my son, my 
firstborn. And I have said to thee, Let my people 
go that they may serve me. But thou didst refuse 
to let them go." 2 And a little later, " And they 
say unto him, The God of the Hebrews hath sum- 
moned us ; we will go therefore three days' journey 
into the desert, that we may sacrifice unto the Lord 
our God." 3 And soon he speaks again in the same 
way, "The Lord the God of the Hebrews hath sent 

1 Deuteronomy 4. 19 : "And lest . . . when thou seest the 
sun and the moon and the stars, even all the host of heaven, 
thou be drawn away and worship them, and serve them, 
which the Lord thy God hath divided unto all the peoples 
under the whole heaven." 

- Exodus 4. 22. « Exodus 4. 23. 

34i 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

areiXov tov Xaov fiou, 'iva Xarpevacoaiv ev rfj 
epyjfiw. 

106 A 'AW' oti fiev 'lovSalcov /llovcov efieXrjae tw 

106 B Oew to ef dp^j)^ teal teXrjpos avrov yiyovev ovros 
etjalperos, ov Mcofo-r}? jjlovov teal 'I770-0O?, aXXa 
kcli YlavXo? elprjtcoo<; (palverac tcauroi tovto d^tov 
Oavpbdaac irepl rod UavXov. 777)0? yap Tu^a?, 
wairep xpwra ol iroXvirohes 7T/)o? ra? irerpa^, 
aXXdrrei rd irepl 6eov hoypara, irore puev 'Iou- 
haiovs povov ri,v rod Oeov tcXijpovoplav elvat 
hiaTeivop,evo<$, irdXiv he rov<; r/ EXXr)va<f dvaireiOwv 
aura* 7rpoo~Ti0€a0ai, Xeycov " Mr) 'lovSaicov #eo? 
povov, ciXXd teal eOvcbv val real edutov" hi/cacov 

106 C ovv epeaOat tov UavXov, el p,rj tcov 'lovhalcov yv 
6 #eo? p,6vov, tiXXd teal twv eOvcov, tov X^P lp 
ttoXv puev eU tou? 'IovoWou? eirepuTre to irpo^rjTtKov 
yapiQ-pbo, teal tov Mcovaea teal to ^plapua teal tovs 
7r/)o<^>;Ta9 teal tov voptov teal tcl irapdho^a teal to, 
repdana twv fivOcov ; dteovets yap avrcov ftocov- 
to)V ""ApTov dyyeXcov ecf>ayev avOpanros." eirl 
TeXovs he real tov 'Irjcrovv eTrep-yjrev eteeivoLS, t)puv 
he ov 7rpo(prJTr)v, ov ^pio-p,a, ov hthdateaXov, ov 
tet'jpvtea irepl rf}? pueXXovarjs 6\jre irore yovv eaea- 

106 D Qai koX et? //yiea? a7r' avrov cf)LXav0pa)7ria<;. d\Xd 
teal Trepielhev ercov pbvpidhas, el he vp,el<; ftovXeaOe, 
XiXidhas ev dyvwaia roiavrrj rot? elhooXois, e5? 
<j>are, Xarpevovras rov<; dirb dviayovTO^ rjXiov 
P'k'xpi huopue'vov teal tov? dirb tcov dp/crow dxP 1 
pL€ar)p/3pia$ efa> teal putepov ykvov<$ ovhe rrpb hio~- 
342 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

me unto thee, saying, Let my people go that they 
may serve me in the wilderness." * 

But that from the beginning God cared only for 
the Jews and that He chose them out as his portion, 
has been clearly asserted not only by Moses and 
Jesus but by Paul as well ; though in Paul's case this 
is strange. For according to circumstances he keeps 
changing his views about God, as the polypus changes 
its colours to match the rocks, 2 and now he insists 
that the Jews alone are God's portion, and then 
again, when he is trying to persuade the Hellenes to 
take sides with him, he says : " Do not think that he 
is the God of Jews only, but also of Gentiles : yea of 
Gentiles also." 3 Therefore it is fair to ask of Paul 
why God, if he was not the God of the Jews only 
but also of the Gentiles, sent the blessed gift of 
prophecy to the Jews in abundance and gave them 
Moses and the oil of anointing, and the prophets and 
the law and the incredible and monstrous elements 
in their myths ? For you hear them crying aloud : 
"Man did eat angels' food." 4 And finally God sent 
unto them Jesus also, but unto us no prophet, no oil 
of anointing, no teacher, no herald to announce his 
love for man which should one day, though late, reach 
even unto us also. Nay he even looked on for 
myriads, or if you prefer, for thousands of years, 
while men in extreme ignorance served idols, as you 
call them, from where the sun rises to where he 
sets, yes and from North to South, save only that 

1 Exodus 5. 3 : the sayings of Jesus and the prophets, 
which Julian said he would quote, are missing. 

2 For this proverb, derived from Theognis, cf. Mlsopogon 
349d, Vol. 2. 

3 Romans 3. 29 ; Galatians 3. 28. 4 Psalms 78. 25. 

343 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

%iXlcov oXcov ircov ev 1 evl fl€p€l aVVOlKiaOeVTOS 
ta)? WaXaLarivr]^. el yap irdvTwv rjficov iart 
6eb$ Kal irdvTcov Srjfjuovpybs o/aolcos, ri irepielhev 

100 C r)/jLa<; ; irpoarjKei tolvvv tov tcov ( E/3pai(ov 6ebv 
ov)(l Si] Travrbs kogjjlov yeveaioupybv virdpyeiv 
oleadai Kal KaTe^ovcnd^eiv tcov oXwv, avuearaX- 
6ai £e, a)? e(f>r]v, Kal TreTrepaorp.ev^v eyovra tt)v 
106 dpxw dvapl^ Tot? ciXXols voelaOai Oeols. ere 
D, E irpoae^opLev vpulv, otl tov tcov oXcov debv aXP L 
yjriXrjs yovv evvoias vp,el<^ rj rrjs vpLeTepas tis 
ecpavrdcrOt] pl&s ; ov fiepi/ca iravra ravrd eari ; 
6eb<; tyfXtoTifc' fy]Xol yap 8ia tL Kal dfiapTLas 
eichiKoiv Trarepcov eirl re/cva ; 

115 D 'AXXa Brj aKOirelre 7T/30? ravra irdXiv tcl Trap 
rj/icbv. ol yap rjfjbeTepoc tov Srj/iLovpyov (paaiv 
dirdvTcov pev elvai koivov Trarepa Kal fiacriXea, 
veve/jur/aOaL Se vit avTOU tcl Xolttcl tcov eOvcov 
eQvdpyais Kal TroXtoi>xoi<; OeoU, cov 6/cao"TO? erri- 
Tpoirevei ttjv eavTov Xrj^iv olk€lco<; eavTco. eireihr] 

115 E yap ev fiev tco irarpl irdvTa TeXeta Kal ev irdvTa, 
ei> he Tot? piepio-Tols aXXr) Trap' aXXco Kparel 
hvva/JLL?, "Apr)? fxev eTriTpoirevei to, TroXefiiKa tcov 
eOvcov, 'AOrjva Be tcl pbera eppovyjereco*; iroXefiiKd, 
'Ep/Ai)*; Se tcl avveTonTepa fiaXXov ?} ToXfiripoTepa, 
Kal KaO eKaaTrjv ovaiav tojv olkclcov Oecov eireTai 
Kal tcl eTTLTpoirevo/JLeva irapa acpwv eOvrj. el pev 
ovv ov juapTvpel rot? i)p,eTepoLS Xoyois r) irelpa, 
irXdafia pev earco tcl Trap' r)pcov Kal TudavoTr]? 

1 eV Klimek supplies. 

1 Exodus 20. 5. 
344 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

little tribe which less than two thousand years before 
had settled in one part of Palestine. For if he is 
the God of all of us alike, and the creator of all, why 
did he neglect us? Wherefore it is natural to think 
that the God of the Hebrews was not the begetter 
of the whole universe with lordship over the whole, 
but rather, as I said before, that he is confined within 
limits, and that since his empire has bounds we must 
conceive of him as only one of the crowd of other 
gods. Then are we to pay further heed to you 
because you or one of your stock imagined the God 
of the universe, though in any case you attained 
only to a bare conception of Him? Is not all this 
partiality? God, you say, is a jealous God. But why 
is he so jealous, even avenging the sins of the fathers 
on the children P 1 

But now consider our teaching in comparison 
with this of yours. Our writers say that the creator 
is the common father and king of all things, but that 
the other functions have been assigned by him to 
national gods of the peoples and gods that p rotect 
tfre c ities ; every one of whom administers his own 
department in accordance with his own nature. For 
since in the father all things are complete and all 
things are one, while in the separate deities one 
quality or another predominates, therefore Ares 
rules over the warlike nations, Athene over those 
that are wise as well as warlike, Hermes over 
those that are more shrewd than adventurous ; and 
in short the nations over which the gods preside 
follow each the essential character of their proper 
god. Now if experience does not bear witness 
to the truth of our teachings, let us grant that 
our traditions are a figment and a misplaced 

345 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

116 A aKcupos, ra irap vpuv Be eiratvelaOw el Be irav 
rovvavTiov 0I9 p>ev rifieis \eyofi6v, ef alwvos rj 
irelpa ptapTvpel, toZ<$ vfierepoL^ Be Xoyot? ovBev 
ovSa/jLov (j>aiverat avfi^wvov, tI roaavr)]<; t% 
(f)i\ovei/cla<; avTeyeade ; 

AeyeaOco yap /jloi, ti? al-rla tov KeXrou? fxev 
elvai /cal Teppuavovs 6pacrel<s, f/ EAA?;m? Be /cal 
'Paj/xaiou? 009 eirLTrav ttoXitikov? /cal cj)i\av0pu)- 
ttovs fiera tov areppov re /cal 7ro\epLLrcov, avve- 
rwrepovs Be /cal Te^VLKWTepov; Alywrrriovs, 
diroXepuovs Be ical Tpv<fir)\ov<; *£vpov<; pLera tov 
avverov /cal Oeppov /cal /covepov /cal evfiadovs. 

116 B ravT7]<; yap r% ev Tot? edveai Biacfiopas el /xev 
ouBepblav T£? alrlav avvopatrj, p,d\\ov Be avrd 
(f)r)o~i /cal e/c tov avropbdrov avpuireaelv, ttox; en 
TTpovoia Bioi/celaOaL tov /coapuov oleTai ; el Be 
tovtcov alrlas elvai tj? TiOeTai, XeyeTco (jlol 7r/3o? 

131 B avTOv tov BtjpLiovpyov /cal BiBaa/ceTco. tou? puev 
yap vopbovs evBijXov, a>? rj tcov dvOpcoircov eOeTO 
(f>vcn<; ol/ceiov<; eavTrj, ttoXiti/covs fiev /cal (pikav- 

131 C 6pa)7rov<;, oh eirl ir\e2o~Tov evTeOpaivTO to (j)i\dv- 
6pa)7rov, dyplov<; Be /cal tnravdpooTrovs, oU evavTia 
<f)vais virfjv ical evvirrjpye twv r)9a*v. oi ydp 
vopLoOerai fii/cpa rats (pvaeai /cal rat? iirtTrjBeio- 
TTjo-i Bid t% dycoyrjs irpoaWeaav. ov/covv 'Avd- 
yapenv oi %/cv0ai fiaic)(evovTa irapeBe^avTO' ovBe 

1 In Mlsopogon 359b Julian speaks of the fierceness of the 
Celts compared with the Romans. 

2 A Scythian prince who travelled in search of knowledge 
and was counted by some among the seven sages. On his 
return to Thrace he is said to have been killed while cele- 
brating the rites of Cyhele, which were new to the 
Scythians ; Herodotus 4. 76, tells the tale to illustrate the 

346 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

attempt to convince, and then we ought to 
approve the doctrines held by you. If, however, 
quite the contrary is true, and from the remotest 
past experience bears witness to our account and in 
no case does anything appear to harmonise with your 
teachings, why do you persist in maintaining a pre- 
tension so enormous ? 

^Come, tell me why it is that the Celts and the 
Germans are fierce, 1 while the Hellenes and Romans 
are, generally speaking, inclined to political life and 
humane, though at the same time unyielding and 
warlike? Why the Egyptians are more intelligent 
and more given to crafts, and the Syrians unwarlike 
and effeminate, but at the same time intelligent, 
hot-tempered, vain and quick to learn ? For if there 
is anyone who does not discern a reason for these 
differences among the nations, but rather declares 
that all this so befell spontaneously, how, I ask, can 
he still believe that the universe is administered by 
a providence ^ But if there is any man who maintains 
that there are reasons for these differences, let him 
tell me them, in the name of the creator himself, 
and instruct me. As for men's laws, it is evident that 
men have established them to correspond with their 
own natural dispositions ; that is to say, constitutional 
and humane laws were established by those in whom 
a humane disposition had been fostered above all 
else, savage and inhuman laws by those in whom 
there lurked and was inherent the contrary dis- 
position. Qjor lawgivers have succeeded in adding 
but little by their discipline to the natural characters 
and aptitudes of menj) Accordingly the Scythians 
would not receive Anacharsis 2 among them when he 

Scythian hatred of foreign, and especially of Greek, customs ; 
cf. Lucian, Anacharsis. 

347 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

to)V 'Eaireplayv eOvcbv evpois av Tiva? evKoXcos 
irXrjv oXiycov cr<f)68pa iirl to (friXoaocfreiv rj yew- 

JJL€Tpelv Tj Ti TWV TOLOVTWV 7)VT pe7TUT/jL€VOV<Z, KaiTOL 
KpCLTOVCn~l<l 67TL TOCTOVTOV i]8r) T>}? 'PcOfldLCOV r)J€/bLO- 

via<s. dXX* diroXavovai povov ttjs SiaXefjeax: Kal 
131 D ty)<$ prjropeias ol Xiav evcfivels, aXXov 8e ovSevos 

lieraXafJipdvovai p,a6r)paTO<;. ovtcos Tayypov 

eoucev r) (frvcns elvat. t/? ovv r) 8iacf>opd tcov edvwv 

ev Tot? rjOeai /cal Tot? vopocs ; 
134 D 'O pev yap Mcoucr?}? alriav diroBeBcoKe Kopi8f) 

/jlvOcoSt) t% irepl ra<; SiaXe/crovs dvopLoioTrjTOS. 

€(f)rj yap tol>? vlovs to)v dvdpcoircov avveXOovTas 

134 E iroXiv iOeXeiv olKo8ope2v /cal irvpyov ev avrfj peyav, 

(pdvai Be tov Oeov, oti xprj KareXdelv ical t<x<? 
BiaXeKTovs ai/Tcov avyykai. Kal oircos prj tl<; pe 
vopicrrj ravra crvKOcpavTelv, /cal i/c twv Mawew? 
dvayvcoaopeOa ra e<£ef?}?. " Kal elirov Beure, 
Ol/Co8opi](TQ)/H€V eavTols iroXiv Kal irvpyov, ov 
earai r) KecpaXrj etw? tov ovpavov, /cal ironjcrcopev 
eauroLS ovopa irpb tov Biaairapfjvai iirl irpoacoirov 
Trdarjs tt?9 yr}$. Kal KaT€j3>] Kvptos IBetv ttjv 
iroXiv Kal tov irvpyov, ov wKoBoptjaav ol viol tcov 
dvOpccircov. Kal elire Kvpto?' IBov, yevo? ev Kal 

135 A %eiXo<; ev irdvTcov, Kal tovto ijp^avTO iroirjaai 

Kal vvv ovk eKXei^ret air auTtov irdvTa, oaa av 
iirlOwvTai iroielv. BevTe, KdTaftdvTe? eKel avy- 
yecopev avTtov ttjv yXcoaaav, Iva prj aKovcoaiv 
eVao-ro? tt}<; (f)(ovf)<; tov irXrjalov. Kal Bieaireipev 
avTO\j<$ Kvpios 6 debs iirl irpoacoirov irdarjs tt}? 
yfjs Kal eiravaavTO OLKoBopovvTes tijv iroXiv Kal 
tov irvpyov." elTa tovtois d^iovTe iziGTeveiv 

343 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

was inspired by a religioiu frenzy, and with very 
few exceptions you will not find that any men of the 
Western nations 1 have any great inclination for 
philosophy or geometry or studies of that sort, 
although the Roman Empire has now so long been 
paramount. But those who are unusually talented 
delight only in debate and the art of rhetoric, and 
do not adopt any other study ; so strong, it seems, 
is the force of nature. Whence then come these 
differences of character and laws among the nations? 
Now of the dissimilarity of language Moses has 
given a wholly fabulous explanation. For he said 
that the sons of men came together intending to 
build a city, and a great tower therein, but that God 
said that he must go down and confound their 
languages. And that no one may think I am falsely 
accusing him of this, I will read from the book of 
Moses what follows: "And they said, Go to, let us 
build us a city and a tower, whose top may reach 
unto heaven ; and let us make us a name, before we 
be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth. 
And the Lord came down to see the city and the 
tower, which the children of men had builded. And 
the Lord said, Behold, the people is one, and they 
have all one language; and this they have begun to 
do; and now nothing will be withholden from them 
which they purpose to do. Go to, let us go down, 
and there confound their language, that no man may 
understand the speech of his neighbour. So the 
Lord God scattered them abroad upon the face of 
all the earth : and they left off to build the city and 
the tower." 2 And then you demand that we should 

1 He means the Gauls and Iberians, since the Germans at 
that time were distinguished only in warfare. 

2 Genesis 11. 4-8. 

349 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

7) pas , airiaieiTe Be v/xels to is vob' 'OfjLrjpov Xeyo- 
fxevoLS virep r&v 'AXcoaBwv, o>? dpa rpia eV 

135 B dXXrjXois oprj Qelvai Bievoovvro, " Xv ovpavbs 
dfi/3arb<; etr}." qbrj/il [xev yap iyoo zeal tovto irapa- 
irXrjaicos izeeiva) fivdcoBes elvai. vfiels Be, d-JToBe- 
yop,evoi to irporepov, dv@' orov irpbs Oecov diroBo- 
Kifid^ere rov 'Ofjbrjpov fivdov ; ezeelvo yap ol[xai 
Beiv auoirdv 77770? avBpas djiaOels, on zeav fiia 
(jxovrj zeal yXayaarj irdvres 01 Kara iraaav ttjv 
olzeov/xevrjv avOpeoiroi xptfacovrat, irvpyov olzeoBo- 
fielv ov Bvvrjaovrai irpbs top ovpavov dobizevov- 
/nevov, 1 Kav e/cnXivOevautai ttjv yr)v iraaav 

135 C (iTreipwv yap Berjaei ttXlvOcov laofieyeOwv ttj yfj 
^Vfnraar) rcov Bwrjao/ievcov dy^pi T ® v °"eA,?;V?79 
eabizeeadau /evzeXeov. VTrozeelaOeo yap iravras p>ev 
dvdpcoTTOV*; avveXr)Xv6 evat yXcoaarj zeal obcovf} fita 
/eexprj/jbevovs, iraaav Be eKirXivOevaai ttjv yrjv zeal 
e/eXarofjurjaai, irore dv jxeyjpis ovpavov obOdaeiev, 
el zeal XewTorepov dpjreBovo? eze/jLrjpvo/xeva)V avrwv 
e/eraOetT] ; tovtov ovv ovtco obarepbv ovra rov 
fivdov dXrjdrj vevopuzeores zeal irepl rov Oeov Bo£d- 
^ovres, ore 7T€(f)6/3r)Tai twv dvOpooireov t^z/ p,iai- 

135 D (poviav tovtov re %dpiv /eararreoboLTrj/eev avrwv 
avyykai ids BtaXezerovs, en ToXfidre Oeov yvcoaiv 
avyeiv ; 

137 E E7rdvet/jU Be avdis 77750? ezeelro, ras /jlcv yap 

BiaXezerovs oVa)? 6 #eo? avvkyeev. etprjzeev 6 
Mcovarjs ttjv fiev alriav, ort, (poftrjOels /nrj tl tear 
aifTov irpd^wai Trpoaftarbv eavrots rov ovpavov 

138 A /earepyaadfievoi, o/juoyXcoTTOt 6We? zeal o/xoobpoves 

1 icpiKuovfjLeuoy Klimek. 
350 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

believe this account, while you yourselves disbelieve 
Homer's narrative of the Aloadae, namely that they 
planned to set three mountains one on another, 
"that so the heavens might be scaled." 1 For my 
part I say that this tale is almost as fabulous as the 
other. But if you accept the former, why in the 
name of the gods do you discredit Homer's fable ? 
For I suppose that to men so ignorant as you I must 
say nothing about the fact that, even if all men 
throughout the inhabited world ever employ one 
speech and one language, they will not be able to 
build a tower that will reach to the heavens, even 
though they should turn the whole earth into bricks. 
For such a tower will need countless bricks each 
one as large as the whole earth, if they are to 
succeed in reaching to the orbit of the moon. For 
let us assume that all mankind met together, em- 
ploying but one language and speech, and that they 
made the whole earth into bricks and hewed out 
stones, when would it reach as high as the heavens, 
even though they spun it out and stretched it till it 
was finer than a thread ? Then do you, who believe 
that this so obvious fable is true, and moreover think 
that God was afraid of the brutal violence of men, 
and for this reason came down to earth to confound 
their languages, do you, I say, still venture to boast 
of your knowledge of God ? 

But I* will go back again to the question how God 
confounded their languages. The reason why hv 
did so Moses has declared : namely, that God was 
afraid that if they should have one language and 
were of one mind, they would first construct for 
themselves a path to the heavens and then do some 

1 Odyssey 11. 316. 

35i 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

dWrjXois* to Be irpdy/ia ottcos eiroirjaev ovBa- 
yLtco?, dXXa /novov, on KareXdcov e'f oupavov — puii 
Bvvd/jLevos dvcoOev avrb rroietv, co? eoiKev, el fi?) 
KarrjXOev eirl t?}? 7%. virep Be T/79 Kara rd i]6r] 
real rd vofiifia Biacpopa? ovre Mcovarjs ovre aXXo? 
a7re(rd(j)7]a€ T£9. Kairot tw iravrl fiei^cov iarlv 7) 
•nepl rd 1 ofiifia /cat rd iroXirtKa tcov edvcov ev to?9 
dv6 pwirois Tr}? irepl rd? BiaXeKrov; Biafyopds. Ti? 

138 B yap 'EXXijvcov dBeX(pfj, rt? Be Ovyarpi, t/? Be /xrjrpi 
(f>T]ai, Becv plyvvaOai ; tovto Be dyaObv ev Hepacas 
Kpiverai. tl fie ^prj kcl$ eKaarov eirievai, to 
cj^LXeXevOepov re kcll civviroraKTOv Tepfxavcov eVef- 
tovra, to %eip6r)6e? teal riOaabv ^upcov Kal liep- 
acov Kal Udpdcov Kal irdvrcov dirXco^ tcov 77/309 ew 
/cal 7too? fiearjfiffpiav flapftdpeov teal oaa Kal rds 
(BaaiXeia? dyaira KeKTiipueva BeairoriKcoTepas ; el 
fiev ovv dvev irpovoias fiel£ovo<; Kal Oeiorepas 
raura avvrjve)(9ri rd fiet^co Kal TifiLcorepa, tl 

138 C fidjrjv irepiepya^ofieOa Kal Oepairevofiev rbv fiyBev 
irpovoovvra ; co yap ovre fticov ovre rjOcov ovre 
TpQTToov ovre euvofjulas ovre ttoXltlkyj^ efieXrjae 
Karaardaeco^, dp' en irpoarjKei fxerairoielaOai 
Tf;? irap i)fxcov TLpijS ; ovBaficos. opdre, eU oaiqv 
vfilv 1 droTTiav X0709 epyerai. tcov yap dyaOcov 
oaa irepl rbv dvQpcoirivov OecopetraL fiiov, rjyeirai, 
fiev ra rr)<; ^v^P)?, eirerai Be rd rod acofiaTos- 
el to'lvvv tcov yjrv^LKOJV rj/xcov dyadcov KarcoXtyco- 
prjaev, ovBe tt)9 (pvaiKrjs rjficov KaraaKevfjs irpo- 

1 bjxiv Klimek ; ujhwu Neumann. 
352 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

mischief against him. But how he carried this out 
Moses does not say at all, but only that he first came 
down from heaven, — because he could not, as it 
seems, do it from on high, without coming down to 
earth. But with respect to the existing differences 
in characters and customs, neither Moses nor any 
one else has enlightened us. And yet among man- 
kind the difference between the customs and the 
political constitutions of the nations is in every way 
greater than the difference in their language. What 
Hellene, for instance, ever tells us that a man ought 
to marry his sister or his daughter or his mother ? 
Yet in Persia this is accounted virtuous. But why 
need I go over their several characteristics, or describe 
the love of liberty and lack of discipline of the 
Germans, the docility and tameness of the Syrians, 
the Persians, the Parthians, and in short of all the 
barbarians in the East and the South, and of all 
nations who possess and are contented with a some- 
what despotic form of government ? Now if these 
differences that are greater and more important came 
about without the aid of a greater and more divine 
providence, why do we vainly trouble ourselves about 
and worship one who takes no thought for us ? For 
is it fitting that he who cared nothing for our lives, 
our characters, our manners, our good government, 
our political constitution, should still claim to receive 
honour at our hands ? Certainly not. You see to 
what an absurdity your doctrine comes. For of all 
the blessings that we behold in the life of man, those 
that relate to the soul come first, and those that 
relate to the body are secondary. If, therefore, he 
paid no heed to our spiritual blessings, neither took 
thought for our physical conditions, and moreover, 

353 

VOL. III. A A 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

138 D vorjad/nevos, ovre r)p.li> eirepb^re 8i8aatedXov<; rj 
vo/j.o6€Ta<; wairep rols ( E/3paioi<; Kara tov Mcovaea 
teal toi;? eV eteeivw Trpocfujras, virep tlvos e^ofiev 
avrw /ea\w<; evyapiGTelv ; 

141 C 'A\V opdre, /xy irore teal tj/jllv eScoteev 6 0eb<; 
ovs vjAels rjyvoijfcare Oeovs re teal irpoardra^ 
ayaOovs, ovSev eXaTTOvas tov irapa rot? 'ILftpalois 
ef dp^rj^ TijJLoofievov rfjs 'Iou8ata?, rjo-irep eteelvos 
TTpovoelv eXa^e fAovris, wairep 6 Mcovafj<; ecpij Aral 

141 D oi jier e/eelvov dy^pis tj/jlwp. el Be 6 Trpoae^V^ 
etr) tov teoafiov 8r]fALovpyb<; 6 irapd to?? 'RfipaLoi? 
TL/ncb/jbevos, en teal fieXTiov vnrep avrou Bievorjdrj- 
fiev r)}JL€i<; dyaOd re rj/xiv eBcoteev i/eeLvcov jxei^ova 
id re irepl ^v^rjv teal tcl i/eros, vrrep osv epov/iev 
oXiyov varepov, eareiXi re teal €(£' fj/icis vofioOeTas 
ovBev MwL'crea)? ^eipovas, el /jltj tovs 7roXXov<> 
parcpw KpeiTTOva^. 

143 A "Oirep ovv eXeyofitv, el firj tcaO' e/cao-To'v edvos 
edvdpyr}<$ Tt? debs eirirpoTTevoov dyyeXos re vir' 

143 B avrw teal Bai/Jicov teal tfpeos 1 teal yfrv^wv IBid^ov 
yevos virrjperLfcbv teal hirovpyucbv rols KpeiTToaiv 
Wero ttjv ev Tot? vbfJbois teal rot? rjOeo-i 8ia(j)Op6- 
rr)Ta, Bec/evvaOco, irap aXXov 7TW9 yeyove ravra. 
teal yap ov&e diroxpV Xeyeiv " Elirev 6 #eo? teal 
eyevero" \QjjLoXoyeiv yap %pr) toZ? eirirdy/iaai 
rov Oeov TOiv yivofievcov rd<; (pvaeL<;7\ b be Xe^w, 
aa^iarepov epeb. eteeXevo-ep 6 0eb<$ dvco cfrepeadai 

1 Asmus adds Kai ifipws from Oration, 4. 145C ayyeKois, 
Hai/xoaiv, Vipwai, \J/i/xcus Te fxepiarals. 

354 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

did not send to us teachers or lawgivers as he did for 
the Hebrews, such as Moses and the prophets who 
followed him, for what shall we properly feel 
gratitude to him ? 

But consider whether God has not given to us also 
gods 1 and kindly guardians of whom you have no 
knowledge, gods in no way inferior to him who from 
the beginning has been held in honour among the 
Hebrews of Judaea, the only land that he chose to 
take thought for, as Moses declared and those who 
came after him, down to our own time. But even if he 
who is honoured among the Hebrews really was the 
immediate creator of the universe, our beliefs about 
him are higher than theirs, and he has bestowed on 
us greater blessings than on them, with respect both 
to the soul and to externals. Of these, however, I 
shall speak a little later. Moreover, he sent to us 
also lawgivers not inferior to Moses, if indeed many 
of them were not far superior. 

Therefore, as I said, unless for every nation 
separately some presiding national god (and under 
him an angel, 2 a demon, a hero, and a peculiar order 
of spirits which obey and work for the higher powers) 
established the differences in our laws and characters, 
you must demonstrate to me how these differences 
arose by some other agency. Moreover, it isnot 
sufficient to say, "God spake and it was so."^For 
the natures of things that are created ought to 
harmonise with the commands of GodTj I will say 
more clearly what I mean. Did Goo: ordain that 
fire should mount upwards by chance and earth 

1 Cf. Oration 4, 140a, Vol. 1, on the creative gods. 
8 Cf. Oration 4. 141b, note, and 145c, note; Plato, Laics 
713d. 

355 
a a2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

to Trvp, 6L Tvyoi, Karco Be rr\v yrjv ; ov% Xva TO 
irpozraypba yevrjrai tov 6eov, to fiev €XPV V € ^ va ^ 
/cov(f)ov, to Be fipWeiv ; ovrco Kal eirl tcov erepcov 
143 C 6/nolcos . . . tov avrov rpoirov Kal eirl tcov 
Oelcov. atriov Be, on to jmev tcov dvOpcoircov eiri- 
K7)pov eari Kal (pOapTov yevo<;. el/coToos ovv avrov 
cpOapra fcal ra epya Kal pera^Xrira Kal iravro- 
Baircos rpeTTOfieva' tov Oeov Be vTrdpxovros dlBiov, 
Kal ra TTpoardyfiara roiavr eivai nrpocn}Kei. 
roiavra Be ovra ijroi cpvcreis elcrl tcov ovtcov rj rrj 

(pVO~€l TCOV OVTCOV OploXoyOVpieva. 7TC05 ydp CIV Tj 

(f)vcri<; rco rrpoardypiaTi pidypiTO rod Oeov ; ircos 

143 D cV av etjco ttltttol t^? 6poXoyia<; ; ovkovv el fcal 

irpoaera^ev coairep rds yXcoaaas crvyxvOfjvai Kal 

fir) avficpcoveiv dXXrjXai<;, ovrco Be Kal rd rroXuiKa 

tcov edvcov, ovk eirirdyfiari Be fibvov eiroLrjae 

roiavra Kal irecpvKevai, ovBe rjfids 7rpo? ravrrjv 

KareaKevaae rriv Biacpcovlav. *XP*J V Y^P ' Tr p C0T0V 

Biacpopovs vireivai cpvaei<; rocs ev to?? eOveai Bia- 

cpopcos eaofievois. opdrai yovv rovro, Kal to?? 

acofiaaiv el tj? diriBoi Tepfiavol Kal ^KvOai 

143 E Aifivcov Kal AWloitcov ottoctov Biacpepovaiv, dpa 

Kai rovro ecrri "tyiXbv eiriraypia, Kal ovBev 6 drip 

ovBe r\ \copa rco 7rJ>9 ^X €iV Tpfc T0 XP^f 10, @ € °W 

avpLir parrei ; 

146 A Etj Be Kal 6 Ncovarfs eireKaXvirre to toiovtov 

146 B elBco? ovBe rr)v tcov BiaXeKrcov avyxvcriv dvare- 

1 A few words are lost. 
356 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

sink down ? Was it not necessary, in order that the 
ordinance of God should be fulfilled, for the former 
to be light and the latter to weigh heavy ? And in 
the case of other things also this is equally true. . . .* 
Likewise with respect to things divine. /fBut the 
reason is that theyrace of men is doomeo^to death 
and perishable A ffherefore men 's wnrlnff nlno ire 
liatjirallvjn eristfapifi and m"ntal i|r Hid mhjiililt In 
e yenriciha of alteration j l But since God is eternal, 
it follows that of such^sort are his ordinances also. 
And since they are such, they are either the natures 
of things or are accordant with the nature of things. 
For how could nature be at variance with the ordi- 
nance of God ? How could it fall out of harmony 
therewith ? Therefore, if he did ordain that even as 
our languages are confounded and do not harmonise 
with one another, so too should it be with the 
political constitutions of the nations, then it was not 
by a special, isolated decree that he gave these con- 
titutions their essential characteristics, or framed us 
also to match this lack of agreement. 2 For different 
natures must first have existed in all those things that 
among the nations were to be differentiated. This at 
any rate is seen if one observes how very different in 
their bodies are the Germans and Scythians from the 
Libyans and Ethiopians. Can this also be due to a 
bare decree, and does not the climate or the 
country have a joint influence with the gods in 
determining what sort of complexion they have? 

Furthermore, Moses also consciously drew a veil 
over this sort of enquiry, and did not assign the 

2 i.e. if there were to be differences of speech and political 
constitution, they must have been adapted to pre-existing 
differences of nature in human beings. 

357 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

QeiKe rco 6eQ> fMovw. (frrjcrl yap avrbv ov fiovov 
KareXdelv ov fjurjv ovBe eva crvyKare\6elv clvtw, 
irXelovas Be, teal tovtovs o'itiv&s elaiv ovk elirev 
evBrjXov Be, on 7rapa7r\r)(TLov<; avrw tou? avytcaT- 
i6vtcl<; V7T€\d/jL/3avev. el rotvvv 7r/)o? ttjv avy- 
yyaiv rwv BiaXeKTWv ov% 6 Kvpios jjlovos, dWa 
Kal ol avv avT(p Karepypviai, irpbBrfkov, on teal 
777309 ttjv avyxyaiv rebv rjOwv ovx o fcvpto^ jjlovos, 
ciWd Kal ol avv avrw ra? BiaXefcrov? avyxeovres 
etVoTO)? av v7To\afM/3dvoLVTO ravTrj? elvai tj}? 
Biaardaeo)<; aonoi. 

148 B Tt ovv, ovk ev fiaicpols elirelv /3ov\6fievos, 
Toaavia eire^rfkOov ; &)?, el /xev 6 Trpoaexv^ € ^V 
rov Koo-fiov Brj/uiovpybs 6 virb rod Mayvaeco^ 
/crjpvTTOfievos, r)[Ael<; virep avrov fieXrlow; e^o/Jiev 
Botjas ol KOivbv fiev eKelvov v7roXa/jL/3dvovre<; dirdv- 
T(ov BeaTrorrjv, eOvap^as Be aXXovs, o't Tvyyd- 
vovai jxev vit eKelvov, elal Be atajrep virapyoi 
fiaaiXews, €Kaaro<; ttjv eavrov BtacfrepovTCds eirav- 

148 C opOovfievos cfrpovrlBa' Kal ov KadlaTa/iev avrbv 
ovBe dvTijxepiTr]v ro)V vir' avrbv 6ecbv KaOiara- 
fievcov. el Be fiepiKov nva n/nrjaas eKeivo? dvnri- 
Otjctiv avrw ttjv rod Travrbs rjyefiovlav, djieivov 
rbv T(bv oXcov Oebv r\jxlv ireiOofxevov^ eiriyvcovac 
fiera rod p,r]Be eKelvov dyvorjaai, rj rbv rod eka^'i- 
arov i±epov<$ elXriyoia rrjv rjyefioviav dvrl rov 
irdvTwv n/xav Brj/icovpyov. 

152 B 'O vo/jlo? iarlv 6 rov Mcovaews Oavfiaaros, ?/ 



1 Generis 11. 7. "Go to, let us go down, and there 
confound their language." . . . The word "us" has been 
variously interpreted. 

35» 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

confusion of dialects to God .alone. For he says l 
that God did not descend alone, but that there 
descended with him not one but several, and he did 
not say who these were. But it is evident that he 
assumed that the beings who descended with God 
resembled him. If, therefore, it was not the Lord 
alone but his associates with him who descended 
for the purpose of confounding the dialects, it is 
very evident that for the confusion of men's char- 
acters, also, not the Lord alone but also those 
who together with him confounded the dialects 
would reasonably be considered responsible for this 
division. 

Now why have I discussed this matter at such 
length, though it was my intention to speak briefly ? 
For this reason : If the immediate creator of the 
universe be he who is proclaimed by Moses, then 
we hold nobler beliefs concerning him, inasmuch 
as we consider him to be the master of all things in 
general, but that there are besides national gods 
who are subordinate to him and are like viceroys 
of a king, each administering separately his own 
province ; and, moreover, we do not make him the 
sectional rival of the gods whose station is subordinate 
to his. But if Moses first pays honour to a sectional 
god, and then makes the lordship of the whole 
universe contrast with his power, then it is better 
to believe as we do, and to recognise the God of 
the All, though not without apprehending also the 
God of Moses ; this is better, I say, than to honour 
one who has been assigned the lordship over a 
very small portion, instead of the creator of .all 
things. 

That is a surprising law of Moses, I mean the 

359 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

Se/cdXoyos €K€ivt)' " Ov tfXei^et?, ov <f>ovevGei<;, ov 
ifrevBofiapTVprJGeis" yeypdcpdco Be clvtols to?? 1 

152 C pyjfiacTiv e/caGTr) tcov evToXcov, a? vir avrov (prjai 
yeypdcpOai rod deov. 

" y Eyoo el/JLi Kvpios 6 #eo? gov, o? egrjyaye ere e/c 
777? Aiyv7TTOv" BevTepa /nerd tovto' " Ov/c eaov- 
raL gol Oeol 6T€pot 7t\t]v ifiov. ov TTOLrjcreis aeavru) 
e'iBcoXov." /cal ttjv aWiav TrpoGTiOrjGiv "'JLyco 
yap eljxi /cvpios 6 #eo? <rov, 6eo<; tyXcoTT)*;, aTroBi- 
8ou? irarepcov dfiapTuas iirl re/cva eW t/ut?;? 
yeveds" " Ov X^yjry to ovojjlcl KVpiov rod 6eov 
gov iirl jjLaraUd." " MvijaOrjTi ttjv rj/nepav tcov 
GafiftdTcov." " Tl/aci gov top iraikpa /cal rr]v 
/jLi]T6pa. 'UuyLto^eL'o-e^. Uv cpovevGeis. Uv 

152 D tfAe^et?." " Ov ^evBopbapTvp^Geis" " Ov/c eVt- 
0vp,r)G€i<; rd rod ttXtjglov crou." 

UotOV WvOS 6GTL, 7T/90? TCOV OeCOV, €%(*) TOV " OlJ 

irpoGKVvrjGeis 6eol<s erepois " /cal tov " MvtjgOtjti, 
tt)? rjfiepas tcov GaftftdTcov" /nr) ra? aXXas 
olerat xprjvat, cpvXaTTeiv evToXds, &)? ical Tificopia? 
/c€LG0ai to?? nrapafiaLvovGLV, eviaypv [xev Gcpo- 
Bporepas, eviaypv Be irapanrXr^Gias Tat? irapd 

McOV O-eC0? VO/JLO06T6LGCIIS, €GTl Be 07TOV KCLI tf)lXaV- 

0pco7roT€pa<; ; 
155 C 'AWa to " Ov 7rpoG/cvv7]G€i<; #eot? eripois" — 

Br) fjierd /xeydXrjs irepl tov Oeov cprjGi Bia/3oXr}<;. 

" ©eo? yap ^tjXcottjs " cprjGr /cal ev aXXois TrdXiv 
155 D " O #eo? rjficov trvp KaravaXiGKov." elra avO pwrros 

fyXcoTrjs /cal ftaGfcavos agios elvai goi cpaiverai 

1 tois Klimek adds. 

1 Exodus 20. 2-3. 2 Exodus 20. 4. 8 Exodus 20. 13-17. 
360 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

famous decalogue ! "Thou shait not steal." "Thou 
shalt not kill." "Thou shalt not bear false witness." 
But let me write out word for word every one of 
the commandments which he says were written by 
God himself. 

" I am the Lord thy God, which have brought 
thee out of the land of Egypt." x Then follows the 
second: "Thou shalt .have no other gods but me." 
" Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image." 2 
And then he adds the reason : " For I the Lord thy 
God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the 
fathers upon the children unto the third generation." 
" Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God 
in vain." "Remember the sabbath day." "Honour 
thy father and thy mother." " Thou shalt not commit 
adultery." "Thou shalt not kill." "Thou shalt not 
steal." "Thou shalt not bear false witness." "Thou 
shalt not covet anything that is thy neighbour's." 3 

Now except for the command "Thou shalt not 
worship other gods/' and " Remember the sabbath 
day," what nation is there, I ask in the name of the 
gods, which does not think that it ought to keep 
the other commandments ? So much so that penal- 
ties have been ordained against those who transgress 
them, sometimes more severe, and sometimes similar 
to those enacted by Moses, though they are 
sometimes more humane. 

But as for the commandment "Thou shalt not 
worship other gods," to this surely he adds a 
terrible libel upon God. " For I am a jealous God," 
he says, and in another place again, " Our God is a 
consuming fire." 4 Then if a man is jealous and 
envious you think him blameworthy, whereas if Gad 

4 Deuteronomy 4. 24 ; Hebreios 12. 29. 

361 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

/jLefiyjrecos, eK0eid%eis Be, el ^rjXorviros 6 Oebs Xeye- 
rai ; nanoi ircos evXoyov ovrco (fravepbv irpdyfia 
rov Oeov Kara^revBeaO at ; kcu yap el ^rfkbrvrros, 
aKOvros avrov irdvres oi 6eol irpoaKvvovvrai Ka\ 
rrdvra rd Xonrd rcov eOvoov rovs Oeovs irpoaKvvel. 
elra ircos ovk dveareCXev avrbs ^rfkcov outgo /cal 
/jlt) ftovXo/jievos irpoa-Kweladai rovs aXXovs, dXXa 
\xbvov eavrbv ; ap* ovv ov% olos re r)V rj ovBe rrjv 
155 E dpyr)V rj/3ovXr)0r) KcoXvaai jxr\ irpocrKwelaOai koX 
rovs aXXovs Oeovs ; dXkd to fiev irpcorov daeftes, 
rb Brj Xeyeiv cos ovk rjBvvaro" to Bevrepov Be rots 
rjfjLerepois epyois ojuLoXoyet. afore rovrov rbv 
Xrjpov real firj rrfktKavrrjv e<£' v/nds avrovs eX/cere 

159 E /3Xaa(pr}/jilav. el yap ovBeva 6e\ei irpoa-KwelaOai, 

rov ydpiv avrov rbv vbOov vlbv rovrov rrpoaKV- 
velre /cal bv eKelvos IBlov ovre evoficcrev ov6* rjyj]- 
aaro rrcorrore. /cal Bei^co ye rovro paBlcos- vfiels 
Be, ovk olB* oOev, V7ro{3Xr]rov avrw irpoariOere . . . . 

160 D OvBa/jLov yaXerraivcov 6 debs ^alverav ovBe 

dyavaKrcov ovBe opyi^o/ievos ovBe o/jlvvcov ovB' eV 
dficporepa Ta%ea)? peirwv ovBe arpeTrros, 1 cos 6 
M.covo~r}s <f)7]aiv errl rov Qivees. et res v/jlcov dveyvco 
rovs dpiOfiovs, olBev b Xeyco. eTrecBr) yap <&ivees rbv 
reXeadevra roo J$€e\(j)eyu)p fierd rrjs dva7reco~do~T)s 
avrov yvvaiKos avroyeipla Xaftoov direKreivev 
al-r^pCo Kal oBvvrjpordrro rpav/ian, Bid rfjs fiij- 

1 Neumann suggests oi'>5e arp^rrhs or ou5e ix^Ta^K-qrhs to 
represent neque mutabilis esse, the translation of one MS ., 
Occolampadius. 

1 According to Cyril's summary, Julian next reproaches 
the Christians for having forsaken the Greek doctrines about 
God. 

362 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

is called jealous you think it a divine quality ? And 
yet how is it reasonable to speak falsely of God in a 
matter that is so evident ? For if he is indeed 
jealous, then against his will are all other gods 
worshipped, and against his will do all the remaining 
nations worship their gods. Then how is it that he 
did not himself restrain them, if he is so jealous and 
does not wish that the others should be worshipped, 
but only himself? Can it be that he was not able 
to do so, or did he not wish even from the beginning 
to prevent the other gods also from being worshipped ? 
However, the first explanation is impious, to say, I 
mean, that he was unable ; and the second is in 
accordance with what we do ourselves. Lay aside 
this nonsense and do not draw down on yourselves 
such terrible blasphemy. For if it is God's will that 
none other should be worshipped, why do you 
worship this spurious son of his whom he has never 
yet recognised or considered as his own? This I 
shall easily prove. You, however, I know not why, 
foist on him a counterfeit son. . . .* 

Nowhere 2 is God shown as angry, or resentful, or 
wroth, or taking an oath, or inclining first to this 
side, then suddenly to that, or as turned from his 
purpose, as Moses tells us happened in the case of 
Phinehas. If any of you has read the Book of 
Numbers he knows what I mean. For when Phine- 
has had seized with his own hand and slain the man 
who had dedicated himself to Baal-peor, and with 
him the woman who had persuaded him, striking 
her with a shameful and most painful wound through 

2 i. e. in the Greek accounts of the gods ; probably Julian 
refers to Plato and a phrase to this effect may have dropped 
out at the beginning of the sentence. 

363 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

160 E Tpas, (frrjai, iraiaa^ ttjv yvvatKa, ireiToirjTai Xeycov 

6 #eoV " <$>ivees u/05 'EXed^ap vlov 'Aapcov 
tov lepeo)<; KaTeiravae tov Ovfiov /nov airo vlwv 
'lo-parjX ev tcq fyXeoaab fiov tov ^rjXov ev clvtols. 
Kal ovk e^avr^Xwaa tou? vlovs 'laparjX ev tw 
%r)X(p fjbov" tl Kov(f)OT€pov r>}9 atria?, 81 t)v 6eb? 
opyiadel? ovk dXrjda)? virb tov ypdyjravro? ravra 

161 A 7reTroi7]Tai ; tl Be dXoycorepov, el BeKa r) rrevre- 

/caiBerea, KeiaOco Be real eKarbv, ov yap Brj ^tXlov? 
epovcri — 6o)[iev Be rjfxet? teal roaovrov? roXfii)- 
aavrds ti, rcov virb tov Oeov TeTay/jbivcov vofirov 
Trapaftfjvar e^aKoaia? ^XPV V ^ ia tov? dira^ 
^iXiov? dvaXcoOfjvai ^iXidBa? ; w? epuoiye Kpetrrov 
elvai t&> iravrl tyaiverat ^iXlol? dvBpdcn fteXTL- 
arot? eva avvBiao-odcrai irovypbv rj avvBia(j>OelpaL 
tov? %lXlov<; evL . . . 

El yap Kal evb? rjpcocov ko\ ovk eiricnjpLOV 
Baifxovo? Bvaoiaro? r) opyr) ^copat? Te ko\ iroXeatv 
oXoKXrjpois, ri? av vTrearrj roaovrov Oeov Baifioaiv 

168 B i) dyyeXot? r) ko\ dv6 parrot? err nir\VLGavro? ; a^ibv 
ye eart irapafSaXe'Lv avrbv rfj AvKOvpyov irpabri^Ti 

168 C Kal rfj 'ZoXcovo? dve^iKaKiq r) rfj 'Pcofiatwv 77/309 

171 D tou? rjBiKrjKOTas eiueiKeia Kal xp^o-tottjtl. iroaco 
Be Br) ra Trap' rjplv rcov Trap' avrol? Kpeirrova, 
Kal €K TwvBe (TKOirelTe. /JLtfietaOat KeXevovaiv 
r)/j,a? 01 (fuXocrocjioi Kara Bvvapav rov? Oeov?, elvai 
Be ravrrjv tt}v /jLi/jLTjaiv ev Oecoplq rcav ovtcov. on 

171 E Be tovto &%(i irdOov? earl Kal ev diraOela Kelrai, 




1 Numbers 25J 

ccocd in^>Co Cyril, Julian then argued that the Creator 
ought not to have given way so often to violent anger against 
and even wished to destroy, the whole Jewish people. 

364 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

the belly, as Moses tells us, then God is made to say : 
" PliinehaSj the son ofEleazar, the son of Aaron the 
priest, hath turned my wrath away from the children 
of Israel, in that he was jealous with my jealousy 
among them ; and I consumed not the children of 
Israel in my jealousy." 1 What could be more 
trivial than the reason for which God was falsely 
represented as angry by the writer of this passage ? 
What could be more irrational, even if ten or fifteen 
persons, or even, let us suppose, a hundred, for 
they certainly will not say that there were a 
thousand, — however, let us assume that even as 
many persons as that ventured to transgress some 
one of the laws laid down by God ; was it right 
that on account of this one thousand, six hundred 
thousand should be utterly destroyed ? For my 
part I think it would be better in every way to 
preserve one bad man along with a thousand virtuous 
men than to destroy the thousand together with 
that one. . . . 2 

For if the anger of even one hero or unimportant 
demon is hard to bear for whole countries and cities, 
who could have endured the wrath of so mighty a 
God, whether it were directed against demons or 
angels or mankind ? It is worth while to compare 
his behaviour with the mildness of Lycurgus and 
the forbearance of Solon, or the kindness and bene- 
volence of the Romans towards transgressors. But 
observe also from what follows how far superior are 
our teachings to theirs. The philosophers bid us 
imitate the gods so far as we can, and they teach us 
that this imitation consists in the contemplation of 
realities. And that this sort of study is remote from 
passion and is indeed based on freedom from passion, 

365 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

irpoBrfkov iari itov, kolv iyoo //,?/ Xeyw /caO' baov 
apa iv diradeia yivo/ieOa, reraypLevoi irepl rcov 
ovrcov ttjv 1 Oecopiav, Kara roaovrov itjofiocovfieOa 
tu> 6ew. Tt? Be r) Trap* f E/3patof? vfivovfievr) rod 
Oeov {ml fir) a i ? ; opyrj Kal #17x09 Kal £?}\o? aypios. 
"O^ee?" yap (prjat, '* Kareiravae tov 6vp,6v fiov 
airo vlcov 'laparfk iv ray %r)Xwo~ai tov ^rjXbv fiov 
iv clvtols. ' eupcov yap 6 #eo? rbv avvayava- 
Krovvra /cal avvaXyovvra dcfrels ttjv ayavaKTijaiv 

172 A fyaiveTai. ravra /cal ra roiavra irepl Oeov erepa 
TreiroLrjTai Xeycov 6 Mcovo~r}<; ov/c okLya^ov t% 
ypa<j)r}<;. 

176 'On Be ou^ 'Eftpaicov fiovov ifieXijae tw 6ew, 

AB irdvTwv Be idvcov KrjBofievos eBcoKev i/eeivois fiev 
ovBev airovBalov r) fieya, rjfilv Be fia/cpco /cpecrrova 
Kal Biacfrepovra, a/coirelre Xolttov to ivrevOev. 
exovai [lev elirelv Kal AZyvirTioi, trap eavToU 
diraptO fiovfievoi ao(f)(bv ov/c okiywv bvo/xara, ttoX- 
Xovs io")(r)tcevai tou? curb rrjs 'Epfiov BiaBo^?}?, 
'Epfiov Be (frrjfiL tov rpirov iirtcpOLTrjaavTOs ry 
AlyvTTTw, XaXBalot Be Kal 'Aaavpioi tovs air 
'ildvvov Kal BrjXov, fivpiovs Be r 'EXXr}ve$ tol»? dirb 

176 C Xetyoawo?. i/c tovtov yap irdvTes iyevovro reXe- 
ariKol cf)vaet Kal OeoXoyiKoi, KaBb Br/ BoKovav 

/jlovov Eftpaloi ra eavrcbv diroorefivvveLV 

1 T7]v Klimek adds. 

1 A reference to Hermes Trismegistus, "thrice greatest 
Hermes," whom the Greeks identified with the Egyptian 
god Thoth. The Neo-Platonists ascribed certain mystic 
writings to this legendary being and regarded him as a sage. 

8 A Babylonian fash-god described by Berosus in his History 
of Babylonia. He was supposed to have taught the Chal- 
daeans the arts of civilisation and has some analogy with the 
serpent of Genesis. 

3 C6 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

is, I suppose, evident, even without my saying it. 
In proportion then as we, having been assigned to 
the contemplation of realities, attain to freedom 
from passion, in so far do we become like God. But 
what sort of imitation of God is praised among the 
Hebrews ? Anger and wrath and fierce jealousy. 
For God says : " Phinehas hath turned away my 
wrath from the children of Israel, in that he was 
jealous with my jealousy among them." for God, 
on finding one who shared his resentment and his 
grief, thereupon, as it appears, laid aside his resent- 
ment. These words and others like them about God 
Moses is frequently made to utter in the Scripture. 

Furthermore observe from what follows that God 
did not take thought for the Hebrews alone, but 
though he cared for all nations, he bestowed on the 
Hebrews nothing considerable or of great value, 
whereas on us he bestowed gifts far higher and 
surpassing theirs. For instance the Egyptians, as 
they reckon up the names of not a few wise men 
among themselves, can boast that they possess many 
successors of Hermes, I mean of Hermes who in his 
third manifestation visited Egypt ; x while the Chal- 
daeans and Assyrians can boast of the successors of 
Oannes 2 and Belos; 3 the Hellenes can boast of count- 
less successors of Cheiron. 4 For thenceforth all 
Hellenes were born with an aptitude for the mysteries 
and theologians, in the very way, you observe, which 
the Hebrews claim as their own peculiar boast. . . . 5 

3 This is the Greek version of the Assyrian bil, "lord" or 
" god," the Baal of the Bible. 

4 The Centaur who taught Achilles. 

6 According to Cyril's summary, Julian then ridicules 
David and Samson and says that they were not really brave 
warriors, but far inferior to the Hellenes and Egyptians, and 
their dominion was very limited. 

367 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

178 A 'AAA,' u>PXV v eBco/cev vpuv eTrco-Trjfirjs rj /idOrj/uia 

(£>i\6cro(f)ov ; /cal irolov ; r) /xev yap irepl tcl (pac- 

178 B vo/ieva decopia irapd Tol$ f 'EXXrj a iv eTeXeicoOr], tcop 

TTpGOTGOV T7]prj(T6(t)V TTCLpa TO?? ftdpftdpOlS 6V J$af3v- 

Xojvl yevo/juevcov r) Be nepl Trjv yecofieTplav dirb 
T779 yecdBaiaias rrjq iv AlyvTTTO) ttjv dpyjqv Xa- 
ftovara 7rpo? roaovrov fieyeOos rjv^Tjdrj' to Be 

7T€pl TOVS dplO/lOVS dlTO TO)V QoLVlKGdV ifJLlTopcOV 

dp^dfievov Te&)9 et? e7riaTrj/JL7]<; irapd tol<; "EXXrjcri 
Karearrj 7rp6o")(r}{ia. ravra 1 Brj rpla /nerd 2 t% 
avvapidjxov 3 pbovatKr)^ "EXXrjves eh ev avvPjyfrav, 
darpovopiav yewfxeTpia TrpoavifirjvavTes, dficpolv 
Be 7rpoaap/ji6o-avTe<i tou? dpi9fxov<i /cat to ev tov- 
to£? evapjxovLov /caTavorjaavTes. evrevdev edevro 
rfj irapa o-<f)Lai fiovo~ifcf) tovs opovs, evpovres twv 
dpfioviKcov Xoycov 77730? Tt]v acaOrjaiv tt)? d/cor)<; 
diTTaiGTov opuoXoyiav rj otl tovtov fidXiara iyyvs. 

184 B Horepov ovv y^ar] fie kcut dvBpa ovo/zd^eiv rj 
/car €7TLT7]Bev/jLara ; rj tou? dvOpooTrovs, olov TlXd- 
TQ)va, Xcofcpdrrjv, 'ApiaTeiBrjv, K.[ficova, SaXijv, 
Av/covpyov, 'AyrjaiXaov, 'ApxiBafiov — rj (jlolXXov 
to t&v <piXoa6(j)Q)v yevos, to twv aTpaTrjycov, to 
tcov Brj/xLovpywv, to twv vop,odeTwv ; evpeOrjaovTai 
yap oi fjLoyOrjpoTaTOL ical /3BeXvpd)TaT0i twv o~Tpa- 

184 C Trjycov iTuei/ceaTepov yprjadfievoi rot? rjBifcrj/coo-L ra 
peyiaTa rj Mcovar)? Tot? ovBev e^rjfiapTrjKoaiv. 

190 C Tiva ovv vfiiv dirayyeiXw /3ao-iXeiav ; iroTepa ttjv 
Uepaews rj Trjv Alafcov rj Mlvco tov KprjTos, o? 
efcdOr/pe /xev Xrjo-Tevo/jLevrjv Trjv ddXaaaav, e/cfia- 

1 ravra Klimek, to Neumann. 

2 Klimek defends fierd, Neumann suggests /j.adr}H.ara. 

3 For 0-v/naccid/j.ou corrupt, Neumann suggests el>pv9fx.ov. 

368 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

But has God granted to you to originate any science 
or any philosophical study? Why, what is it? For 
the theory of the heavenly bodies was perfected 
among the Hellenes, after the first observations had 
been made among the barbarians in Babylon. 1 And 
the study of geometry took its rise in the measure- 
ment of the land in Egypt, and from this grew to 
its present importance. Arithmetic began with the 
Phoenician merchants, and among the Hellenes in 
course of time acquired the aspect of a regular 
science. These three the Hellenes combined with 
music into one science, for they connected astronomy 
with geometry and adapted arithmetic to both, and 
perceived the principle of harmony in it. Hence 
they laid down the rules for their music, since they 
had discovered for the laws of harmony with refer- 
ence to the sense of hearing an agreement that was 
infallible, or something very near to it. 2 

Need I tell over their names man by man, or 
under their professions ? I mean, either the indi- 
vidual men, as for instance Plato, Socrates, Aris- 
teides, Cimon, Thales, Lycurgus, Agesilaus, Archi- 
damus, — or should I rather speak of the class of 
philosophers, of generals, of artificers, of lawgivers? 
For it will be found that even the most wicked and 
most brutal of the generals behaved more mildly to 
the greatest offenders than Moses did to those who 
had done no wrong. And now of what monarchy 
shall I report to you ? Shall it be that of Perseus, 
or Aeacus, or Minos of Crete, who purified the sea 

1 Cf. Oration 4. 156c, the Hellenes perfected the astronomy 
of the Chaldaeans and Egyptians. 

2 They had discovered the laws of musical intervals. 

369 
VOL. III. B B 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

Xodv Kal e^eXdaa*; tol>? ftapftdpovs &XP 1 ^ v pia<; 
teal Xi/cekias, e<£' e/cdrepa 7T/3o/3a? rots rrj<; dp^r}? 
opioid, ov fiovwv Be tcov vrjacop, dXXa Kal rwv 
nrapaXlwv i/cpdrei ; Kal BceXopievos 7rpo? top dBeX- 
(j)bv 'PaBd/juavdvv, ovti ttjv yrjv, dXXa ttjv eVtyue- 
Xeiav tcw dvOpaoTTcov, avrbs jiev eriOei irapd rov 
Ato? \a/jb/3dvcov rovs vo/llovs, eKelv(p Be to BtKaaTL- 
kov rj<f)L€L /xepos dv } air\7] povv .... 
193 C 'AW eireiBr) KTtorOeiaav avTr/v ttoXXoI fiev 
irepieaTTjaav iroXepLOi, irdvrcov Be eKpdrev Kal 
KarrjycovL^eTO Kal, nap avrd fxaXXov av%avop.evr\ 
tcl Beivd, rr}<$ dafyaXeia*; iBelro yLei^ovos, avQis 
6 Zei)? tov (j) i\o a o<p cot arov avrfj ~Nov/j,av icf)i- 
arrjo-LV. ovtos rjv 6 KaXos Kal dya06<; 6 

193 D NouyLta?, aXaeaiv eprjfioL^ €vBiarpi/3cov Kal auvebv 

del Tot? 6eol<; Kara Ta? aKpaifyvels avrov 
vorjaeis o£to? toi>? irXeicrTov^ tcop lepa- 

194 B tlkcov Karearrjae vopLov?. ravra /nev ovv €K 

Karo^r) 1 * f^al eiriirvoias #eta? ck re tcov tt)? XiftvX- 
X779 Kal rcov aXXcov, ot Brj jeyovaai Kar eKelvov 
tov xpdvov Kara Tr\v irdrpiov (pcovrjv Xprjo-fioXoyoi, 
(palperai Bovs Zevs rfj iroXei. ttjv Be ef depos 
irecrovarav dairuBa Kal ttjv ev ra> Xocjxp KecfraXrjv 
194 C ^tavelaav, oQev, olpat, Kal rovvop,a irpoaeXaftev r\ 

1 According to Cyril, Julian then related stories about 
Minos, and the myth of Dardanus, the account of the flight 
of Aeneas, his emigration to Italy and the founding of 
Rome. a i. e. Rome. 

8 Numa Pompilius, a legendary king who is supposed to 
have succeeded Romulus ; various portents manifested the 
favour of the gods towards Numa. Cf. Julian, Oration 4. 
166a, note, Vol. 1. 

4 A few words are missing. 

370 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

of pirates, and expelled and drove out the barbarians 
as far as Syria and Sicily, advancing in both direc- 
tions the frontiers of his realm, and ruled not 
only over the islands but also over the dwellers 
along the coasts? And dividing with his brother 
Rhadamanthus, not indeed the earth, but the care 
of mankind, he himself laid down the laws as he 
received them from Zeus, but left to Rhadamanthus 
to fill the part of judge. . . .* 

But when after her 2 foundation many wars encom- 
passed her, she won and prevailed in them all ; 
and since she ever increased in size in proportion to 
her very dangers and needed greater security, then 
Zeus set over her the great philosopher Numa. 3 
This then was the excellent and upright Numa who 
dwelt in deserted groves and ever communed with 
the gods in the pure thoughts of his own heart. . . .* 
It was he wlio established most of the laws con- 
cerning temple worship. Now these blessings, derived 
from a divine possession and inspiration which pro- 
ceeded both from the Sibyl and others who at that 
time uttered oracles in their native tongue, were 
manifestly bestowed on the city by Zeus. And the 
shield which fell from the clouds 5 and the head 
which appeared on the hill, 6 from which, 1 suppose, 

5 A small shield, ancilc, on whose preservation the power 
of Rome was supposed to depend, was said to have fallen 
from the sky in Numa' 8 reign. Livy 1. 20 refers to it in the 
plural, caelestia anna quae ancilia appellantur ; cf. also 
Aeneid 8. 664, lapsa ancilia coelo. 

8 When the foundations were dug for the temple of Jupiter 
a human head, caput, was found ; this was regarded as an 
omen, and hence the Capitoline Hill received its name ; cf. 
Livy 1. 55. For Julian's belief in such traditions cf. Oration 5. 
Vol. 1, 161b on the legend of Claudia and the image of 
Cybele. 

371 
B B 2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

tov jxeydXov Ato? eBpa, irorepov iv tols irptoTOis rj 
Tot? BevTepois apiQ firjacofjiev tcov Baopcov ; elra, co 
Bvo~TV%ei<; avOpcoiroi, aco^ofievou rod Trap' rj/juv oir- 
Xov BioireTovs, b Kareirefiyjrev 6 /teya? Zevs rjroi 
7raT^p"Ap?7?, ive^vpov BlBovs ov \6yov, epyov Be, on 

T7)<i 7T0\e&J9 r)/uLCOV 64? TO SlT)V6/C6S irpOaGlTldU, TTpOCT- 

Kvvelv dcpeiTes kcl\ ae/3ea0aL, to tov ciTavpov irpoa- 

KVV6LT6 tjv\ov, eltcovas clvtov cr/ciaypacpovvTes iv 

194 D jw ixeT(i)Tr(p real irpb tcov olk^/jLutcov iyypdcpovTe<;. 

*Apa dglcos civ Tt? toi<9 avveTCOTepovs vp.cov 

pnarjaeiev rj tovs dcppoveaTepovs iXerjcreiev, o'c kcltcl- 

KO\OV0OVVT€<; V/1LV, 6t9 TOCTOVTOV YjXOoV 6\e0pOV, 

cogte tou? alcDvlcw; dcj>evTe<; 6eovs iiri tov 'Iov- 

197 C Baicov p,6Taft?}vai ve/cpov ; . . . Trapir)jii yap to, t?}? 

/Mr)Tpb<; tcov 6ecov fiVGTijpia /cal ^rjXco tov Mdpiov. 

198 B ... to yap etc Qecov eh dv6 pcoirovs t dcf>iKVovvevov 
C irvev/JLa GTravLafcis puev /cal iv oXuyots ylveTai /cal 

ovTe TrdvTa avBpa tovtov fieTacryelv paBtov ovTf. 
iv iravTi Kaipco. TavTy tci ical to irap f E/3/oatO£? 
7rpo(f)r]Ti/cbv TTvevfxa iireXnrev, ov/covv ovBe Trap 
klyviTTioi^ et? touto crco^eTai. fyaiveTai Be koX 
tcl avToepvrj ^pr)GTY)pLa aiyrjaai tcu9 tcov y^povcov 
etKOVTa irepioBoL^. b Br) fyikdvOpcoiros r)/icov 
BeaTroTTjs /cal iraTrjp Zevs ivvo^cras, a>? av fir) 
iravTairaai t?}? 7r/)o? tou? Qeom diroGTepriQcofLev 
tcoivcovia?, BeBcoKev iipuv Bid, tcov lepcov Teyycov 
198 D iiriaKe-^iv, vcf> y ^? 7r^o? Ta? %p€ia<; e^ofiev Tr)v 
diro^pcoaav /SorjOeiav. 

1 Here Cyril retorts that Julian admired what others 
condemn, e.g. the cruel and superstitious Marius, who, said 
he, was given to the Romans by the gods. The worship of 
Cybele was another gift from heaven to Rome. Julian then 
referred to various kinds of divination. 

372 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

the seat of mighty Zeus received its name, are we to 
reckon these among the very highest or among 
secondary gifts ? And yet, ye misguided men, though 
there is preserved among us that weapon which flew 
down from heaven, which mighty Zeus or father 
Ares sent down to give us a warrant, not in word 
but in deed, that he will forever hold his shield 
before our city, you have ceased to adore and rever- 
ence it, but you adore the wood of the cross and 
draw its likeness on your foreheads and engrave it 
on your housefronts. 

Would not any man be justified in detesting the 
more intelligent among you, or pitying the more 
foolish, who, by following you, have sunk to such 
depths of ruin that they have abandoned the ever- 
living gods and have gone over to the corpse of the 
Jew. 1 . . . For I say nothing about the Mysteries 
of the Mother of the Gods, and 1 admire Marius. . . . 
For the spirit that comes to men from the gods is 
present but seldom and in few, and it is not easy 
for every man to share in it or at every time. Thus 
it is that the prophetic spirit has ceased among the 
Hebrews also, nor is it maintained among the 
Egyptians, either, down to the present. And we 
see that the indigenous oracles 2 of Greece have also 
fallen silent and yielded to the course of time. Then 
lo, our gracious lord and father Zeus took thought 
of this, and that we might not be wholly deprived 
of communion with the gods has granted us through 
the sacred arts 3 a means of enquiry by which we 
may obtain the aid that suffices for our needs. 

2 Julian is thinking of the oracle of Delphi which he had 
in vain endeavoured to restore. 
8 i. e. of divination by entrails and other omens. 

373 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

200 A "E\ade fie puKpov to fieyiarov t&v 'HXlov koI 
Aio? Butpwv. eiKOTcos Be avrb icfrvXaga iv 1 tm 
reXei. teal yap ovtc cBiov iariv tj/jLojv puovov, dXX\ 
olfiai, koivov 7rpb<; r/1 EjW7]va5, tov? rjfierepovs avy- 
yeveh. 6 yap roi Zev<; iv fiev roh vorjroh e'f 
eavrov rbv ' Aa/cXTjiribv iyevvrjaev, eh Be rrjv yr)v 
Bid tT/9 'HXlov yovlfiov £a>?}? e^e^rjvev. ovro<; eirl 
yrjs cf ovpavov iroLrjadpevo^ rrjv irpooBov, evoeiBco<; 
/lev iv avOpaiiTov p*op<f)r} irepl rrjv 'EirlBavpov 

200 B ave(pdvT], TrXrjOvvopevos Be ivrevOev rah TrpooBois 

eirl iraaav oopefje rrjv yrjv ttjv acorypiov eavTOV 
Beljidv. rjXdev eh ITepya/iov, eh 'lcoviav, eh 
Tdpavra fierd rav6\ ixnepov r)X6ev eh rrjv 
'VoofJLTjv. <pX er0 ^ € ^ ^ft>, evOevBe eh Alyds. 
elra iravTayov yr)<$ iari real 6aXdaar)<;. ov /cad' 
etcaarov r)p,a)v iin^oiTa, teal o/ao)? iiravopdovrai 
^u^a? 7r\rj/jip,e\(x)<; Biatceipevas /cal rd acopuara 
daOevws e^ovra. 

201 E To Be tolovtov eavroh ( E/3pa2oi, tcavy&vTai 

irapa tov deov BeBoaOai, irpb^ oft? vfieh d<$> rjptbv 
avTOfjLoXrjo-avres ireiOeoSe ; el to£? i/cetveov yovv 
TTpoo~ei,x eT6 Xoyois, ovk av iravrdiraaiv iireirpd- 
yecre Bvcrrvxcos, dXXa yelpov fiev i) irporepov, 
07TOT6 avv r)p!lv rjre, olard Be op,co<; iireirovOeiTe 
av /cal (popyTa. eva yap dvrl iroXXcov 6ebv 2 iae- 
(Seo~6e av ovk avOpcoirov, p.dXXov Be TroWou? dv- 

202 A 0p(t)7rov<; Bvarv^h. teal vofMp o-KXrjpw /nev teal 

Tpayel ko\ ttoXv to aypiov eyovri teal ftdpftapov 
dvrl tcov Trap* i)plv intei/cuv teal cf>iXav0 paoircov 



1 Klimek would omit iv. 

2 debv Klimek ; 0eu>v MSS., Neumann. 



374 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

I had almost forgotten the greatest of the gifts of 
Helios and Zeus. But naturally I kept it for the 
last. And indeed it is not peculiar to us Romans 
only, but we share it, I think, with the Hellenes our 
kinsmen. I mean to say that Zeus engendered 
Asclepius from himself among the intelligible gods, 1 
and through the life of generative Helios he 
revealed him to the earth. Asclepius, having made 
his visitation to earth from the sky, appeared at 
Epidaurus singly, in the shape of a man ; but after- 
wards he multiplied himself, and by his visitations 
stretched out over the whole earth his saving right 
hand. He came to Pergamon, to Ionia, to Tarentum 
afterwards ; and later he came to Rome. And he 
travelled to Cos and thence to Aegae. Next he is 
present everywhere on land and sea. He visits no 
one of us separately, and yet he raises up souls that 
are sinful and bodies that are sick. 

But what great gift of this sort do the Hebrews 
boast of as bestowed on them by God, the Hebrews 
who have persuaded you to desert to them ? If 
you had at any rate paid heed to their teachings, you 
would not have fared altogether ill, and though worse 
than you did before, when you were with us, still 
your condition would have been bearable and support- 
able. For you would be worshipping one god instead 
of many, not a man, or rather many wretched men. 2 
And though you would be following  law that is 
harsh and stern and contains much that is MTftge 
and barbarous, instead of our mild and humane laws, 

1 See Vol. I, Introduction to Oration 4, p. 349; anil for 
Asclepius, Oration 4. 144b, where Julian, as here, opposes 
Asclepius to Christ ; and 153b for Asclepius the saviour, 

8 The martyrs. 

375 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

%po)fjL€VOi rd fxev a\\a ^eipove<; av rjre, dyvorepoi 
Be teal KaOapcorepot, t<z? ayiaTeias. vvv Be v/ilv 
(TVfi/3e/3r)fcev coairep Tat? /3^'Uat? to x € ^P iaT0V 
e\K€iv alfia ifcelOev, afyeivai Be to /caOapdorepov. 
191 D o Be 'Irjaovs dvairelaa^ to yeipiaTov twv irap 
191 E vfilv, okiyovs 7T/)o? to?9 rpiaicoalois evLavrols 
ovofid^erai, epyaadfievos Trap ov e%7) ^povov ovBev 
afcorjs afyoVy el firj Tt? oterai tovs kvWovs kcli 
Tf^Xou? lacraadai ical Baifiovcovras e^opici^eiv ev 
~Brj0craiBa ical ev VtrjOavla Tat? /coo/mai? rcov /neyl- 

205 E 0-to>j> epytov elvcu. ayveias fiev ovBe yap el ireiToirj- 

rai fxvrjfjbrjv eiricnaaOe' ^rjXovre Be 'lovBaucov rovs 
Ovfiovs ical tt]v TTLKpiav, dvai peirovre*; iepa ical 

206 A ySwyLtou? ical direo-^d^are ov% rjfjLcbv /ulovov toi>? 

to*? Trarpqiois 1 e/jL/jLevovTCLs, dWa ical rcov ef ttrrj^ 
vjucov ireiikavriixevwv alperiKOv? tovs a?) rbv avrbv 

TpOTTOV V/JLCOV TOV VC/CpOV OpTJVOVVTCLS. d\\(i TCLl/TCL 

v/nerepa fiaWov eaiiv' ovBa/iov yap oure 'I^croi)? 
aiira irapaBeBtoice iceXevcov vplv oure ITaOXo?. 
airiov Be, on /jbijBe r\KiTiaav et? rovro dcpi^eaOal 
7T0T€ BvvdfjLecos v/jbd^' 7]ydir(0V ydp, el depairaivas 
e^airaTT]GOVGi koX BovXovs koX Bid rovrcov t<x? 
yvval/cas dvBpas re, o'lovs Ko^^Xto? /cal Sepyios. 
206 B oov el? edv cpavy t&v rrjvLKavra yvcopi^ofievcov 
iirifivrjdeU — iirl Tifteplov yap tjtol KXavBiov 
ravra eylvero — , irepl irdvrcov on ^evBo/iai 
vofxi^ere. 

1 irarpiots Asmus, but Julian uses both forms. 

1 Cf. Misopogon 361b, Vol. 2. 

2 For the massacres of heretics by the Christians cf, 
Julian's letter To the Citizens of Bostra, p. 129. 

3 Jesus Christ; cf. above, 194d. 

376 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

and would in other respects be inferior to us, yet 

you would be more holy and purer than now in your 

forms of worship. But now it has come to pass that 

like leeches you have sucked the w orst b lood from 

that source and left the purer. Ye{£jesus\who won 

over the least worthy of you, has D£crr"Known by 

name, for but little more than three hundred years : 

and/luring his lifetime he accomplished nothing 

worth hearing of, unless anyone thinks that to heal 

crooked and blind men and to exorcise those who 

were possessed by evil demons in the villages of 

Bethsaida and Bethany can be classed as a mighty 

achievement. *As for purity of life you do not know 

whether he so much as mentioned it ; but you 

emulate the rages and the bitterness of the Jews, 

overturning temples and altars, 1 and you slaughtered 

not only those of us who remained true to the 

teachings of their fathers, but also men who were as 

much astray as yourselves, heretics, 2 because they did 

not wail over the corpse 3 in the same fashion as 

yourselves. But these are rather your own doings ; 

for nowhere did either Jesus or Paul hand down to 

you such commands. The reason for this is that they 

never even hoped that you would one day attain to 

such power as you have; for they were content if they 

could delude maidservants and slaves, and through 

them the women, and men like Cornelius 4 and 

Sergius. 5 /But if you can show me that one of these 

men is mentioned by the well-known writers of 

that time, — these events happened in the reign of 

Tiberius or Claudius, — then you may consider that 

I speak falsely about all matters. 

4 Acts 10, the story of Cornelius the oentorlon, 

5 Acts 13. 6-12 ; Scrgius was the proconsul. 

377 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

209 D 'AXXd rovro fiev ov/c olB' oOev coarrep e7ri7rve6fjL€- 
z>o? e^Oey^dfirjv, 60ev Be e^e(3r)V,OTi "Upb<z rovs'Iov- 
Baiovs 7}VTOfjio\^aaT6, ri to?? rj/uLerepots d^apiaTtj- 
aavTes deols ; " dp on /3acriXeveiv eBoaav ol 6eol 
Tr) 'Pco/ati, to?? 'lovSaiois oXiyov /xev y^pbvov eXev- 
Oepovs elvai, BovXevaai Be del koX irapoiKiiaai ; 
GKOirei rbv 'Aftpad/jL' ov)(l irdpotKo<; rjv ev dXXo- 

209 E Tpiq ; rbv 'lafccoff' ov irporepov fiev Su/aot?, e£f/<? 

Be eirl tovtols UaXaiarivot^, ev yr\pa Be Alyvir- 
Ttoi? eBovXevaev ; ov/c e'f olkov BovXelas e^aya- 
yelv avrovs 6 Mcovcrr)? (ftrjaiv ef Alyvirrov ev 
(^pa^Lovi vyjrrjXq) ; Karoi/c7]aavre<; Be rr)v UaXac- 
<jtlv7]v, ov irvKvorepov rjfiecyjrav Ta? rvyas 7) rb 
Xpcofid <f)ao~iv ol reOeafievoi rbv yap^aiXeovra, vvv 
/xev viraicovovre^ rot? KptraLs, vvv Be to?? dX\o- 
cpvXois BovXevovre? ; eTreiBr) Be e/3acriXev0r]o-av — 
d(j>eLo-0o) Be vvv oirw ovre yap 6 0eb<z erccov avrols 
rb (SaaiXevecrOaL o-vve^coprjcrev, a>9 7) ypacfrij (prjaiv, 

210 A dXXa ffiaaOels vir 1 avrcov /cal TrpoBiacrreiXdfievos, 

OTi a pa (pavXcos ^aaiXevOrjaovrai. rfXrjv dXX 
wKr]aav yovv rrjv eavrcov /cal eyecopyrjcav oXiya 
7T/oo? to?? rpiaicoGiois erecriv. ef e/ceivov irpwrov 
*Ao~avpLoi<;, elra M.ijBoi<;, varepov Uepo~ai<; eBov- 
213 A Xevcrav, elra vvv tj/jliv avroU. fcal 6 irap vplv 
tcrjpvTTO/JLevos 'I770-01)? eh rjv ra)V KatVapo? virti- 
k6(ov. el Be dino-relre, jMtcpbv varepov diroBei^w 
fxdXXov Be rjBr) XeyeaOco. (f)are fievroi fierd rov 
Trarpbs avrbv diroypdyfrao-Oai teal t?}? firirpb^ eirl 
KvprjVLOv. 



I See above 201e. * Exodus 6. 6. 

9 Judges 2. 16, 



378 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

But I know not whence I was as it were inspired to 
utter these remarks. However, to return to the point 
at which I digressed, 1 when I asked, " Why were you 
so ungrateful to our gods as to desert them for the 
Jews ? " Was it because the gods granted the sovereign 
power to Rome, permitting the Jews to be free for a 
short time only, and then forever to be enslaved and 
aliens ? /Look at Abraham : was he not an alien in a 
strange land ? And Jacob : was he not a slave, first 
in Syria, then after that in Palestine, and in his old 
age in Egypt ? Does not Moses say that he led them 
forth from the house of bondage out of Egypt " with a 
stretched out arm " ? 2 And after their sojourn in 
Palestine did they not change their fortunes more fre- 
quently than observers say the chameleon changes its 
colour, now subject to the judges, 8 now enslaved to 
foreign races ? And when they began to be governed 
by kings, — but let me for the present postpone asking 
how they were governed : for as the Scripture tells 
us, 4 God did not willingly allow them to have kings, 
but only when constrained by them, and after pro- 
testing to them beforehand that they would thus be 
governed ill, — still they did at any rate inhabit their 
own country and tilled it for a little over three hundred 
years. After that they were enslaved first to the 
Assyrians, then to the Medes, later to the Persians, 
and now at last to ourselves/ Even Jesus, who was 
proclaimed among you, was one of Caesar's subjects. 
And if you do not believe me I will prove it a little 
later, or rather let me simply assert it now. How- 
ever, you admit that with his father and mother 
he registered' his name in the governorship of 
Cyrenius. 5 

« 1 Samuel 8. • Luke 2, 

379 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

213 B 'AXXa yevo/xevos dvOpcoiro^ 1 tlvcov ayadcov 
curios Kareo-rrj to?? eavTod avyyeveaiv ; ov yap 
rjOeXrjaav, <pao-[v, viraKOvaai rod 'Irjaov. rl Be ; 
6 a/cXrjpo/cdpBtos /cal Xi6oTpd-)(r)Xo$ ifceivo? Aao? 
7rw? vTrrj/covcre rod Mcovcreco*;' '\r)aov<; Be, 6 TOi? 
TTvevfiaaiv eiriTaTTcov /cal flaBifav eirl tt)? OaXdcr- 
Grj<$ kcu tol BaifiovLa e^eXavvcov, a>? Be vfiels Xeyere, 
rov ovpavbv /cal ttjv yrjv a7repyaadfievo<; — ov yap 
Brj ravra t€t6X/jL7)/c€ Tt? elirelv irepl avrov tcov 

213 C fiadrjTcov, el /jltj jjlovos 'IcodvvTjs ovBe avrbs cra</><w? 
ovBe rpavws' aXX* elprj/cevai, ye crvy/c€)^copi]a6co — 
ov/c rjBvvaro Ta? Trpoaipecreis eirX acoTrjpia tcov 
eavrov (fciXoov /cal avyyevcov /jueraarrjaaL ; 

218 A Taura /xev ovv /cal fii/cpov varepov, orav IBia 
irepl ttjs tcov evayyeXlcov Teparovpyias /cal a/cevco- 
pias egerd^eiv dp^copLeda. vvvl Be diro/cpLveaQe 
fxot 7Tyoo? e/celvo. iroTepov afieivov to Bnjve/ccos fxev 

218 B eXevOepov elvai, ev Bio-yCkiois Be bXois eviavTols 
dp^ai to irXelov yijs /cal OaXdaaris, rj to BovXevetv 
/cal 7T/30? eiriTay\xa %i)v dXXoTpiov ; ovBels oi!tw? 
€0~tIv dvaio"xyvTO<;, a>9 eXeadac fiaXXov to BevTepov. 
dXXa to TToXefup /cpaTeiv olrjo-eTai rt? tov /cpa- 
TelaOai yelpov ; ovtco rt? io~Tiv dvaiadr)TOs ; el Be 
TavTa dXrjOrj (frajmev, eva /jlol /caTa ' AXetjavBpov 
Bei^aTe GTpary/yov, eva /caTa Kaicrapa irapd toIs 
'E/SpaiOL*;. ov yap Brj trap v/jllv. /caiToi, /jlol tov? 
deovs, ev olB* oti irepivftpi^co tou? avBpas, e/ivr/- 
218 C /xovevaa Be avTcov &>? yvcopl/xcov. ol yap B?j tovtcov 
eXaTTOU? virb tcov 7roXXcov dyvoovvTai, cov e/caaTos 

1 auQpwiros Neumann would add. 

1 Ezekiel 3. 7. 
380 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

But when he became man what benefits did he 

confer on his own kinsfolk? Nay, the— L^alilaeaus 
answer, they refused to hearken untq^fesus. What ? 
How was it then that this hardhearteoTalnfstubborn- 
necked people hearkened unto Moses ; but Jesus, 
who commanded the spirits 2 and walked on the sea, 
and drove out demons, and as you yourselves 
made the heavens and the earth, — for no one of his 
disciples ventured to say this concerning him, save 
only John, and he did not say it clearly or distinctly ; 
still let us at any rate admit that he said it — could 
not this Jesus change the dispositions of his own 
friends and kinsfolk to the end that he might save 
them ? 

However, I will consider this again a little later 
when I begin to examine particularly into the mi rack- 
working and the fabrication of the gospels. But 
now answer me this. Is it better to be free con- 
tinuously and during two thousand whole years to 
rule over the greater part of the earth and the sea, 
or to be enslaved and to live in obedience to the will 
of others ? No man is so lacking in self-respect as to 
choose the latter by preference. Again, will anyone 
think that victory in war is less desirable than defeat ? 
Who is so stupid ? But if this that I assert is the 
truth, point out to me among the Hebrews a single 
general like Alexander or Caesar ! You have no such 
man. And indeed, by the gods, I am well aware 
that I am insulting these heroes by the question, but 
I mentioned them because they are well known Pot 
the generals who are inferior to them are unknown 
to the multitude, and yet every one of them deserves 

* Mark I. 27. 

38i 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

irdvrcov ofiov rcbv Trap* ( E/3pa,Loi<; yeyovbrcov earl 

OaVfACHTTOTepO?. 

221 E 'AXV o rrjs TToXiTeias Oeapubs /cal rviros tcov 

BlKCC(TTr]pLCQV, i) Be ITCpl TO.? TToXeiS OlKOVOflLCL KCU 

tcov voficov 1 to /cdXXos, 7] Be ev rot? pLaOrjfiaarLV 
eiriBocris, 7) Be ev rat? eXevOepioi? Teyyais da/crjcns 

222 A oi;^ 'Eftpaicov fxev rjv ddXia /cal (3ap{3apt/cr) ; kcli- 

toi PovXerai 6 /jLO^0rjpb<; Evaefftos elvai riva /cal 
Trap avTol? e^d^erpa, /cal cpLXoTifiecrai Xoyi/crjv 
elvau irpay/Jbarelav irapa tols ^EftpaioL?, fjs tov- 
vo/xa d/aj/coe irapa tols "EXXycri,. irolov larpi/crjs 
elBos dvecpdvrj irapa tois r E/3pa[oi<;, cocnrep ev 
r, EXXr)cri, ttjs 'Iitit o/c parous ical tlvcov aXXcov fier 

224 C e/ceivov alpeaecov ; 6 aocpcoraros *EoXop,cov irapo- 
yuoio? eari tw irap e 'EXXr)o~i <&wicvXlBr) i) (deoyviBt, 
i) 'lao/cpdrec ; irbOev ; el yovv irapaftdXois t«9 
'laofcpdrovs irapatvecrei<i rats e/ceivov irapoifjuiais, 

224 D evpois civ, ev olBa, rbv tov SeoBcopov /cpelrrova rod 
o-ocfxordrov fidtTiXeas, dXX* e/ceivos, cpacrL, teal 
irepl Oeovpyiav rja/crjTO. ri ovv ; ov^l ical 6 
HoXo/jlcov ovtos to?9 r/fierepois eXdrpevae Oeols, 
virb Trj<; yvvatfcos, ft)? Xeyovcriv, e^airarriOels ; co 
/AeyeOo? dperrjs. Si aortas irXovros. ov irepiye- 
yovev JjBovrjs, ical yvvai/cbs Xoyoi toutov irapr]- 
yayov. eiirep ovv virb yvvaiKos yirarrjOr), tovtov 
croepbv fir) Xeyere. el Be ireir tare v /care aofybv, fii] 
roc irapa yvvaaebs avrbv e^irarrjaOac vofii^eTe, 

1 After (col a lacuna ; Gollwitzer, followed by Asmus, 

•suggests rwv vo/xuiv ; Neumann tuv ttoXitwv. 

1 Eusebius, Pracparatio Exangelica 11. 5. 5 says that Mose 
;uid David wrote in " the heroic metre." 

382 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

more admiration than all the generals put together 
whom the Jews have had. 

Further, as regards the constitution of the state 
and the fashion of the law-courts, the administration 
of cities and the excellence of the laws, progress in 
learning and the cultivation of the liberal arts, were 
not all these things in a miserable and barbarous state 
among the Hebrews? And yet the wretched Eusebius 1 
will have it that poems in hexameters are to be found 
even among them, and sets up a claim that the study 
of logic exists among the Hebrews, since he lias 
heard among the Hellenes the word they use for logic. 
What kind of healing art has ever appeared among 
the Hebrews, like that of Hippocrates among the 
Hellenes, and of certain other schools that came 
after him ? Is their " wisest " man Solomon at all 
comparable with Phocylides or Theognis or Isocrates 
among the Hellenes ? Certainly not. At least, if one 
were to compare the exhortations of Isocrates with 
Solomon's proverbs, you would, I am very sure, find 
that the son of Theodorus is superior to their 
"wisest" king. "But," they answer, "Solomon was 
also proficient in the secret cult of God." What 
then ? Did not this Solomon serve our gods also, 
deluded by his wife, as they assert? 2 What great 
virtue ! What wealth of wisdom ! He could not 
rise superior to pleasure, and the arguments of a 
woman led him astray! Then if he was deluded 
by a woman, do not call this man wise. But if you 
are convinced that he was wise, do not believe that 
he was deluded by a woman, but that, trusting to his 

a 1 Kings 11. 4: "His wives tamed away his heart after 

other gods.' 1 Julian may allude to Pharaoh's daughter, see 
1 Kings, 3. 1. 

383 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

224 E /cplaei Be ol/ceia /cal avveaei /cal rfj irapd tov 
(pavivTOS avT(p Beov BiBaaKa\ia ireiQopuevov \e\a- 
rpev/cevai /cal Tot? aWois OeoU. (f>66vos yap /cal 
fj/Xo? ovBe a%pi tcov dpiarcov dvOpcoTrcov d<pi/cvel- 
rai, to<tovtov aireariv dyyekcov /cal 6eo)v. v/iels 
Be dpa irepl ra \xepr\ twv Bwdfiecov arpecpeaOe, a 
Brj Baipuovid Tt? elircov ov/c egafiaprdvet. to yap 
(J>i\6ti/jlov evravOa zeal /cevoBotjov, ev Be to?? Oeols 
ovBev virdpyei teal tolovtov. 

229 C Tov ydpiv b\iel$ twv irap e/ E\\r]ai irapeaOiere 
/jLaOrj/jbdrcov, eiirep avrdp/cr)? vjmv icrriv rj twv 
vfierepwv ypacpcov dvdyvwcris ; tcairoi /cpelrrov 
e/cetveov etpyeiv toi>? dvQpdmovs r\ t?}? twv lepodv- 
twv eBcoBrjs. e/c fiev yap e/cel,vr]<;, /cadd /cal 6 
IlaOXo? Xeyei, fiXdrrTeTai /nev ovBev 6 irpoafyepo- 
fievos, 7} Be avveiBrjai^ rod fiXenrovTOs dBe~A.(f)OV 
cr/cavBaXiaOeiri av icaO' v/ias, a) ao^coraroi /cal 
vireprj^avoi. 1 Sid Be rebv fxaOyfjidrcov tovtwv dire- 

229 D cr T7 } T yj<; dOeorrjTOs irdv on irep irap vjmv rj (pvais 
rjveyxe yevvalov. 07(p ovv vrrrjp^ev evepvtas /ctiv 
fiiKpov fjiopiov, tovt(o Ta\iGTa crvi>e/3r) t?}? irap 1 
vfiiv d0eorr]TO<; drroarrjvai. fteXriov ovv etpyeiv 
/jLadrj/idroov, ov'X lepeiwv toi>? dvQpdnrov^. dXk 
tare /cal v/JLels, &)? ifiol fyalverai, to Bid^opov el? 
avveaiVTcov irap* v/jllv ypatywv irpbs Ta? rjfxerepas,' 2 
/cal a>? e/c t&v Trap 1 vpuv ovBels av yevoiro yevvalos 
dvrjp, fxaXkov Be ovBe eiriei/cr)<$, e/c Be twv Trap' 
rj/jLtv auTO? avrov 7ra? av yevoiro koWlcov, el /cal 

229 E TravrdTraaiv a(£u?;? tj? eirj. (fivaecos Be e^wv ev 

1 After (ro<f>u>TaToi lacuna, for which Neumann suggests ital 
vireo^cpavoi. 

2 After 7/^€T€poj Neumann suggests kcxkov, unnecessary. 

384 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

own judgement and intelligence and the teaching that 
he received from the God who had been revealed to 
him, he served the other gods also. For envy and 
jealousy do not come even near the most virtuous 
men, much more are they remote from angels and 
gods. But you concern yourselves with incomplete 
and partial powers, 1 which if anyone call daemonic 
he does not err. For in them are pride and vanity, 
but in the gods there is nothing of the sort. 

If the reading of your own scriptures is sufficient 
for you, why do you nibble at the learning of the 
Hellenes ? And yet it were better to keep men away 
from that learning than from the eating of sacrificial 
meat. For by that, as even Paul says, 2 he who eats 
thereof is not harmed, but the conscience of the 
brother who sees him might be offended according 
to you, O most wise and arrogant men ! But this 
learning of ours has caused every noble being 
that nature has produced among you to abandon 
impiety. Accordingly everyone who possessed even 
a small fraction of innate virtue has speedily aban- 
doned your impiety. It were therefore better for 
you to keep men from learning rather than from 
sacrificial meats. But you yourselves know, it seems 
to me, the very different effect on the intelligence of 
your writings as compared with ours ; and that from 
studying yours no man could attain to excellence or 
even to ordinary goodness, whereas from studying 
ours every man would become better than before, even 
though he were altogether without natural fitness. 
But when a man is naturally well endowed, and 

1 Julian seems to refer to the saints 

2 1 Corinthians 8. 7-13. 

385 

VOL III. c c 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

Kal Ta<$ i/c toutcov irpoaka^oov iraiBeia^ arexvax; 
yiverai twv OecdV Tot? av6 p(£>irois Bcopov, r/roi </>co9 
dvdyfras e7narr]/jLr]<; rj TToXireias yevos vcfrrjyrjcrd- 
/juevos 1 r) TToXe/iLovs ttoXXov? rpe-yjrdfxevo<; rj /cal 
iroXXrjv jiev yrjv, TroXXrjv Be eireXdoov OdXaaaav 
Kal tovtg) fyavels ijpcoiKos. . . . 

229 E TefCjAi'-jpiov Be tovto aacfres' ifc nrdvrwv v/jlcou 

eTTiXe^dpievoi iratBia to,?? ypacpaU epLfxeXeTrjaat 

230 A irapaaKevdaare. kclv (pavfj tcov dvBpairoBcov a? 

avBpas 2 reXeaavra oirovBaibjepa, Xrjpelv e/xe 
Kal pieXayxoXav vo/il^ere. elra ovtcds eare Bv- 
cru^efc Kal dvorjToc, ware vo/JLi^eiv Oeiovs fiev 
€Kelvov<; tov? Xoyovs, vfi o)v ovBels av yevoiro 
cj)povi/JL(OTepo<; ovBe dvBpeiorepos oi/B' eavrou 
KpeiTTcow v($> u)v Be eveariv dvBpelav, (ppovrj- 
criv, BiKaioGvvrjv irpoaXaj3elv, tovtovs diroBlBoTe 
t$ aarava Kal TOi? tw aarava Xarpevovaiv. 

235 B 'Iareu ' Aa kXtjtt ib$ r)ficov rd ad)fxara, TraiBevov- 
aiv rjfiwv at MoOcrat avv 'Act kXtjitl w Kal 'AttoX- 
Xcovi Kal 'Epfifj XoyL(p ta? -v^ir^a?, "A/??;? 3 Be Kal 
'Evv a) rd 7rpo? rbv rroXefjLOV avvaywviterai, rd Be 
et? re^a? "H^ouctto? diroKXrjpol Kal Biave/xei, 

235 C ravra Be rrdvra 'A07]vd fierd rod Ato? irapOevos 
dfirjTwp irpvravevei. aKoirelre ovv, el fxr] Ka9* 
eKaarov rovrcov v/xcov ea/nev Kpeirrov^, Xeyco Be rd 
irepl Ta9 Teyyas Kal aocptav Kal avveaiv ecre yap 
rd$ tt/jo? rr)V XP e ' iav cKOTrrjaeias, eire t<x? tov 
KaXov X^pLV /MfjLrjTiKds, olov dyaX/jLaro7roir]TiKrjv, 

1 For lacuna after yhos Neumann suggests v<pr)yr)<raixevos. 

2 avSpas Asmni, of. Misopogon 356c. ; &v^pa Neumann. 

3 "Ap€i Neumann because verb in singular, but no change 
is necessary. 

386 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

moreover receives the education of our literature, he 
becomes actually a gift of the gods to mankind, 
either by kindling the light of knowledge, or by 
founding some kind of political constitution, or by 
routing numbers of his country's foes, or even 
by travelling far over the earth and far by sea, and 
thus proving himself a man of heroic mould. . . .* 

Now this would be a clear proof: Choose out children 
from among you all and train and educate them 
in your scriptures, and if when they come to man- 
hood they prove to have nobler qualities than slaves, 
then you may believe that I am talking nonsense and 
am suffering from spleen. Yet you are so misguided 
and foolish that you regard those chronicles of yours 
as divinely inspired, though by their help no man 
could ever become wiser or braver or better than he 
was before ; while, on the other hand, writings by 
whose aid men can acquire courage, wisdom and 
justice, these you ascribe to Satan and to those who 
serve Satan ! 

Asclepius heals our bodies, and the Muses with the 
aid of Asclepius and Apollo and Hermes, the god of 
eloquence, train our souls ; Ares fights for us in war 
and Enyo also ; Hephaistus apportions and administers 
the crafts, and Athene the Motherless Maiden with 
the aid of Zeus presides over them all. Consider 
therefore whether we are not superior to you in 
every single one of these things, I mean in the arts 
and in wisdom and intelligence ; and this is true, 
whether you consider the useful arts or the imitative 
arts whose end is beauty, such as the statuary's art, 

1 Some words are missing. The summary of Cyril shows 
that Julian next attacked the Old Testament and ridiculed it 
because it is written in Hebrew. 

387 

c c 2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

ypa(j)ifcr)V, rj olKOVopuKrjv, larpifcrjV rrjv i£ 'Aa/cXi]- 
iriov, ov iravjayov 77)9 icnt ^prjar^pia, a hihcoaiv 
rj/ALV 6 Oebs /jL€Ta\a<y)(dv6LV hirjvefccos. ifie yovv 
IdaaTO TToWd/cis 'AaKXrjTnbs tcdpuvovra virayopev- 
235 D era? <j)dp/na/ca' zeal tovtcov pudprvs earl Zeu?. el 
Toivvv ov 1 7rpoarel/JLavTe<; eavrovs tw rrjs diroaTa- 
aias TrvevficLTt, rd irepl ^v^rjv dpLetvov e^ofiev real 

7T€pl (TWfJLCL KCU TCL 6KT09, TIVO? 6V€Kev dcj)6VT€<; 

tclvtcl eV e/celva (Sahi^ere ; 
238 A *Av6' orov he pLijhe toZ? 'EfipalKols \6yot<; ep- 
238 B Revere firjre dyairare rbv vbp,ov, bv hehco/cev 6 Oebs 
eKelvois, tt7roXt7ro^T69 he rd irdrpia ical hbvres 
eavrovs 0*9 eiafjpv^av oi 7rpo^>rjrai, ir\eov eiceivcDV 
r) tcov Trap rjpti- a7re<JT7]Te ; to yap dXyOes ec ti$ 
virep v/jlwv eOeXoi gkottgIv, evpyjaei rrjv vfierepav 
daefteiav ere re 7779 'lovhai/cr]*; Tokfir)? kcu t?}9 
irapd Tot9 eOveaiv dhia(f)Opia<; kcli %fSaj(m?T09 
avyKei/jLevrjv. ef dfupolv yap ovti to tcdWiaTOv, 
dXXa to yelpov e\/cvaavT€<; 7rapv(f>i)v Kaicwv elpyd- 
aaa6e. rot'; fiev yap f E/9/oatot9 aKpifBrj rd irepl 
238 C Oprjo-Keiav earl vbpup.a koX rd ae^do-para /cal 
cf>v\dypara p,vpia /cal hebpieva fiiov real irpoai- 
pecrea)<; lepaTi/cijs. dirayopevaavTOs he rod vop,o- 
Oerov to irdai pt) hov\eveiv to?9 Oeols, evl he 
pibvov, ov " puepis eariv 'Ia/coj/3 koX oypivio-p,a /c\rj- 
povopLia? 'laparjX" ov rovro he /jlovov elirovros, 
dXkd ydp, olpLai, teal irpocrQevTos "Ov Ka/co\oyi']creL<$ 

1 ov Klimek ; ol Neumann, who regards irpoo-viiixavres — 
Trvevfiari as a quotation from a Christian polemic against the 
Pagans. 



388 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

painting, or household management, and the art of 
healing derived from Asclepius whose oracles are 
found everywhere on earth, and the god grants to us 
a share in them perpetually. At any rate, when 
I have been sick, Asclepius has often cured me by 
prescribing remedies ; and of this Zeus is witness. 
Therefore, if we who have not given ourselves over 
to the spirit of apostasy, fare better than you in 
soul and body and external affairs, why do you 
abandon these teachings of ours and go over to those 
others ? 

And why is it that you do not abide even by the 
traditions of the Hebrews or accept the law which 
God has given to them? Nay, you have forsaken 
their teaching even more than ours, abandoning the 
religion of your forefathers and giving yourselves 
over to the predictions of the prophets ? For if any 
man should wish to examine into the truth concern- 
ing you, he will find that your impiety is compounded 
of the rashness of the Jews and the indifference and 
vulgarity of the Gentiles. 1 For from both sides you 
have drawn what is by no means their best but their 
inferior teaching, and so have made for yourselves a 
border 2 of wickedness. For the Hebrews have precise 
laws concerning religious worship, and countless 
sacred things and observances which demand the 
priestly life and profession. But though their law- 
giver forbade them to serve all the gods save only that 
one, whose "portion is Jacob, and Israel an allotment 
of his inheritance " ; 8 though he did not say this only, 
but methinks added also " Thou shalt not revile the 

1 Cf. 43b. 

2 irapvcprj, Latin clavus, is the woven border of a garment. 

3 Cf. Deuteronomy 32. 9. 

3§9 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

6eov<;, ' r) tcov eiriyivop,evwv ftBeXvpla re /cal roX/ia, 
povXojxevr] iraaav evXdfieiav e^eXelv rod 7rXrj0ov<;, 
d/coXov0elv evopaae tw fir) Bepaireveiv to fiXaacpr]- 

238 D fiecv, o Br) ical vjxel<; evrevOev eiX/cuaare /uovov oj<? 
toov ye aXXwv ovOev vpilv re ean /cd/ceivois irapa- 
irXiqaLov. airo fxev ovv rrjs 'EjfipaLGov /caivoTOfiias 
to /3Xaa<j)r)/jLeli> tou? irap rjfiiv ti/jl(d/jL6POV<; Oeovs 
r)p7rdo-aT6. dirb Be T/79 irap r)jxiv 6pr)GKeicv$ rb 
fxev ei)cre/3e? re 6/iov Trpbs airaaav rrjv /cpeirrova 
(fivcriv kclI rcov irarpLcop ayaivr]TiKQv airoXeXoi- 
Trare, pbvov o° i/cTTJo-aaOe to iravra eaQleiv go? 
Xdyava yoprov. koX el ypr) rdXr)6e<; elirelv, eVt- 
TeZvau rr)v irap tj/jlIv ecfzLXoTL/LDJdrjre yvBaLorrjra' x 

238 E rovro Be, oI/jlcli, /cal /jlcl\! el/corco?, o-ufiftaLvei iraatv 
eOveaiv /cal /3loi<; dv6 pdoirwv evTeXcov, 2 fcaTrrjXcov, 
reXwvoiv, opyrjaTcov, eTaiporpocpxov koX appLOTreiv 
Mi'iOrjre rd Trap v/ullv. 

245 A "Otl Be ov% ol vvv, dXXd /cal ol ef dpyris, ol 
7rpu)TOL irapaBe^d/jLevoi tov Xoyov irapa rod Ylav- 

245 B Xov roiovrol rives yey ovaaiv, evB)]Xov ef o*v avTos 
6 TlavXos fxaprvpel irpos avrovs ypd(f)cov. ov yap 
r)v oi/to)? dvaiayyvro*;, olfiai, &>9 firj crvveiBoDS av- 
Tot<? oveiBrj roaavra 7jy)o? avrov<; e/celvovs virep 
avrcov ypd(f)€iv, ef wv, el /cal eiralvovs eypayfre to- 
govtovs avrodv, el ical dXrjOei? ervyyavov, epvQpuxv 

1 x^SaiOTTjro — Kai Klimek ; x^cuJ-r^Ta, « a ^ <yap> Neu- 
mann, failing to see the parenthesis. 

2 Asmus ; krtpwv MSS , Neumann ; Asmus -naai yap to7s 
edtaiv Kai — evreAwi/ — $T)Qr\Te XP*) vaL : "For you thought you 
must adapt your ways to all the customs and lives of 
worthless men." 

1 Exodus 22. 28. 
39° 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

gods "; l yet the shamelessness and audacity of later 
generations, desiring to root out all reverence from 
the mass of the people, has thought that blasphemy 
accompanies the neglect of worship. This, in fact, is 
the only thing that you have drawn from this source; 
for in all other respects you and the Jews have 
nothing in common. Nay, it is from the new-fangled 
teaching of the Hebrews that you have seized upon 
this blasphemy of the gods who are honoured among 
us ; but the reverence for every higher nature, 
characteristic of our religious worship, combined with 
the love of the traditions of our forefathers, you have 
cast off, and have acquired only the habit of eating all 
things, "even as the green herb." 2 But to tell the 
truth, you have taken pride in outdoing our vulgarity, 
(this, I think, is a thing that happens to all nations, 
and very naturally) and you thought that you must 
adapt your ways to the lives of the baser sort, shop- 
keepers, 3 tax-gatherers, dancers and libertines. 

But that not only the Galilaeans of our day but 
also those of the earliest time, those who were the 
first to receive the teaching from Paul, were men of 
this sort, is evident from the testimony of Paul 
himself in a letter addressed to them. For unless he 
actually knew that they had committed all these 
disgraceful acts, he was not, I think, so impudent as 
to write to those men themselves concerning their 
conduct, in language for which, even though in the 
same letter he included as many eulogies of them, 
he ought to have blushed, yes, even if those 

2 Cf. 314c and Oration 6. 192d, Vol. 2, where he quotes with 
a sneer "these words of the Galilaeans," from Genesis 9. 3. 

3 Cf. Letter 36 for Julian's reproach against the Christian 
rhetoricians that they behave like hucksters. 

39' 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

rjv, el Be yjrevBels /cal ireirXaerpuevoiy /caraBveaOai 
cfeevyovra rb fiera Ocoireta^ Xdyvov /cal dveXev- 
Oepov /coXa/ceias evivyydveiv Bo/celv. a Be ypdcpei 

245 C irepl icov d/cpoacrap,evcov avrov IlauXo? 777309 av- 
rov? i/ceivovs, earl ravra- "Mr) irXavdcrOe' ovre 
elBcoXoXdrpat, ovre poiypi, ovre paXa/cot, ovre 
dperevo/colrai, ovre /cXeirrai, ovre TrXeove/crai, ov 
puedvaoi, ov XotBopot, ov% apirayes j3aatXeiav Seov 
/cXr)povop,r]er overt, ical lavra ov/c dyvoetre, dBeX- 
<fioL, on /cal vptels roiovrot rjre. dXX* direXov- 
eracrOe, aU' rjytdaOrjre ev rep ovoptart ^Irjcrov 
"Xpterrov." opas, ort /cal rovrovs yeveerQai eprjal 
rotovrovs, dytaerdrjvat Be /cal airoXovaaaOat, pv- 
irretv l/cavov /cal Bta/caOaipetv vBaro? eviroprj- 

245 D eravros, o ixey^pi ^f%% elerBvaerat ; /cal rov ptev 
Xeirpov rrjv Xeirpav ov/c ae\>atpelrai to farmer pta, 
ovBe Xeixv va s ovBe dX<f)Ov<; ovre d/cpoxopBtova<z 
ovBe iroBdypav ovBe Bverevreptav, ov% vBepov, ov 
irapcovvx^ctv, ov pt/cpov, ov pteya rcov rov ercoparo? 
dp,aprrjpdrcov, potxela<; Be /cal dpirayd? /ca\ irdaas 
dirXco? 7-779 ^f %>7? irapavopblas e^eXet ; . . . . 

253 A 'EiretBrj Be irpbs pev tou? vvvl 'lovBatovs Bta- 
<f>epeo~6al cf>aatv, elvat Be d/cptftcos ^lapaijXZrat 

253 B /cara tou? it poef>r)ia? avrcov, /cal ra> Mcovajj 
p,dXtara ireiOeaOat ical rot? air e/ceivov ire pi rrjv 
'lovBatav eirtyevo pivot? irpocfrrjrat?, tBcoptev, /card 
iL ptdXtcrra opoXoyovertv avrol?. dp/creov Be rjpZv 
diro rcov M covered)*;, ov Bij ical avrov cpacri irpo/cr)- 

1 1 Corinthians 6. 9-11. 

2 In Cyril's summary, Julian next compares the Christian 
converts with slaves who run away from their masters in the 

392 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

eulogies were deserved, while if they were false and 
fabricated, then he ought to have sunk into the 
ground to escape seeming to behave with wanton 
flattery and slavish adulation. But the following are 
the very words that Paul wrote concerning those who 
had heard his teaching, and were addressed to the 
men themselves : " Be not deceived : neither idol- 
aters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor abusers of 
themselves with men, nor thieves, nor covetous, nor 
drunkards, nor revilers, nor extortioners, shall inherit 
the kingdom of God. And of this ye are not 
ignorant, brethren, that such were you also ; but ye 
washed yourselves, but ye were sanctified in the 
name of Jesus Christ." * Do you see that he says 
that these men too had been of such sort, but that 
they " had been sanctified " and " had been washed," 
water being able to cleanse and winning power to 
purify when it shall go down into the soul ? And 
baptism does not take away his leprosy from the 
leper, or scabs, or pimples, or warts, or gout, or 
dysentery, or dropsy, or a whitlow, in fact no dis- 
order of the body, great or small, then shall it do 
away with adultery and theft and in short all the 
transgressions of the soul ? . . . 2 

Now since the Galilaeans say that, though they 
are different from the Jews, they are still, precisely 
speaking, Israelites in accordance with their prophets, 
and that they obey Moses above all and the prophets 
who in Judaea succeeded him, let us see in what 
respect they chiefly agree with those prophets. 
And let us begin with the teaching of Moses, who 
himself also, as they claim, foretold the birth of 

belief that, even if they do not succeed in escaping, their state 
will be no worse than before. 

393 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

pv^ai tt\v eaofievr]v 'Irj&ov yevvrjcnv. 6 roivvv 
McovaPjs ou% carat; ovBe 61 9 ovBe rpis, dXXa 
TT\eiaTaKL<; eva Oebv puovov d^iol Ti/ndv, ov Bi) 
teal eVt ttclgiv ovopd^et, Oebv Be erepov ovBapuov' 

253 C dyyeXov<; Be ovo/id^ei /cal Kvpiovs kclL fievrot, real 
Oeovs TTXeiovas, e^aiperov Be tov irpcoTOV, d\Xov 
Be ov% v7reL\r](f)€ Bevrepov ovre ojjloiov ovre dvo- 
fioiov, KaOdirep vfxel^ eire^eipyaaOe. el Be eail 
ttov Trap 1 vplv virep tovtcov pia Mwucreo)? prjais, 
ravTTjv eare Bikclioi irpocpepeiv. to yap u Ylpo- 
(prjrrjv vplv dvaarrjaei Kvpios 6 Oebs r\p,cov etc tcov 
dBeXcpcov vpicop a)? ifii' avTOv dfcovaeaOe" p,d\i<jra 
puev ovv ovk eiprjTai ire pi tov yevvriOevTOs etc 
Ma/)ta?. el Be t*9 vpucov eveica avyyuipi]a-eiev, 

253 D eavTco fyrjcriv avrbv o/jloiov yevr'iaeaOai /cal ov tco 
0eco, 77 po(jyt]T7)v coenrep eavrbv /cal ef dvO pcoircov , 
dXhS ovk e/c 6eov. /cal to " Ovk e'/eAet^et dpycov 
el; 'lovSa ovBe rjyovpievos eK tcov pbripcov avrov " 
pudXiara p,ev ovk ecprjrai irepl rovrov, dXXa irepl 
tt}<; tov AafilB (BaaLkelas, i) Bi) KareXi^ev et? 
^eBeKiav tov fiaaiXea. koX Brj ?; ypacprj Bi7rXcos 
7T&)? eX €L '* & * €\0rj rd diroKeipeva auTW," irapa- 
7re7roLi]Kare Be vpuels " ero? eXOrj co diroKeiTai." 

253 E on Be tovtcov ovBev tco 'Irjcrov TTpocr?]Kei, irpo- 
BtjXov ovBe ydp £cttiv e£ 'lovBa. ttcos yap 6 KaO* 
v/jlcis ovk e'f 'lcoo~)j<f>, aXX' ef dyiov TrvevpaTO? 
yeyovdis ; tov 'Icocrrjcp yap yeveaXoyovvTes els 
tov 'lovBav dvacf)€peT€ koX ovBe tovto eBvv>)6r)Te 

1 Acts 3. 22 ; Deuteronomy 18. 18. Genesis 49. 10. 

3 Or "whose it is" ; Julian follows the Septuagint. The 
version "until Shiloh come" was not then current; cf. 
Skinner, Genesis, p. 522. It is still debated whether these 

394 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

Jesus that was to be. Moses, \then, not once or 
twice or thrice but very ft mny tunes says that men 
ought to honour one God only, and in fact names him 
the Highest; but that they ought to honour any 
other god he nowhere says. He speaks of angels and 
lords and moreover of several gods, but from these 
he chooses out the first and does not assume any god 
as second, either like or unlike him, such as you have 
invented. And if among you perchance you possess a 
single utterance of Moses with respect to this, you are 
bound to produce it. For the words "A prophet shall 
the Lord your Gocl raise up unto you of your brethren, 
like unto me ; to him shall ye hearken," * were certain- 
ly not said of the son of Mary. And even though, to 
please you, one should concede that they were said of 
him, Moses says that the prophet will be like him 
and not like God, a prophet like himself and born 
of men, not of a god. And the words " The sceptre 
shall not depart from Judah, nor a leader from his 
loins," 2 were most certainly not said of the son of 
Mary, but of the royal house of David, which, you ob- 
serve, came to an end with King Zedekiah. And cer- 
tainly the Scripture can be interpreted in two ways 
when it says " until there comes what is reserved for 
him " ; but you have wrongly interpreted it u until he 
comes for whom it is reserved." 3 But it is very clear 
that not one of these sayings relates to Jesus ; for he 
is not even from Judah. How could he be when 
according to you he was not born of Joseph but of 
the Holy Spirit? For though in your genealogies 
you trace Joseph back to Judah, you could not invent 

words refer to the Davidic kingdom or to a future Messiah, 
and there is no universally accepted rendering of the Hebrew 
original. 

395 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

irXdaac KaXtos. iXey^ovrai yap M.ar0alo<; real 
Aou/ca? irepl tt}? yeveaXoylas avrov Btaj>covovvTe<; 

261 E 7ryoo9 dXXtfXovs. dXXa irepl fiev tovtov /jLeXXovres 

iv rco Bevrepco avyypafifjLCLTL to a\rj9e<; aKpiftcos 
ifjerd^etv, vTrepTcOe/xeOa. avyKexcopr^aOco Be. Kal 
dpywv ef 'lovBa, ov " #eo? i/c Oeov " Kara rd irap 
vficov Xeyofieva ovBe " Ta irdvra Bi avrov iyevero 
teal %o>/h? avrov iyevero ovBe eV dXX' etpTjrat, 
Kal iv T0t9 apiO/JioU' " 'AvareXel darpov ef 'Ia/c&>/3 
Kal avOptoiro? i^'IaparfX." 1 rovO' on rco AaftiB 
TTpocrrjicei Kal rots air eiceivov, TrpoBrjXov earl 
7T0V rod yap 'lecrcral irals rjv 6 AaftiB. 

EfcVe/? ovv i/c rovrcov iin)(eipeire o~v{i/3L/3d%eiv, 
eViSetfare ylav iiceWev eXKvaavre<; prjo~iv, ottol 
iroXXd? rrdvv iyco. ore Be Oeov top eva top rov 
^laparfX vevbpLiKev, iv tw Aevrepovop,Lcp cprjauv 
" r/ £lo~re elBevai ae, on Kvpto? 6 0e6<> gov, ovtos 
Oebs eh iari, Kal ovk ecrriv aXXos ttXtjv avrov. , 

262 B Kal en 77750? rovrcp' " Kal iiriarpac^rjar) rfj Biavoia 

aov, otl Kvpios 6 Oeos aov ovros Oeb<; iv rco 
ovpavco dvcj Kal irrl r/}? yfj<; Karco Kal ovk eari 
ttXtjv avrov." Kal irdXiv ""AKOve, 'lapaijX, 
Kvpios 6 Oeb<; rjpbcov Kvpios eh iari." Kal irdXiv 
""iBere, otl iyco el\xi Kal ovk eart debs ttXtjv i/JLov." 
ravra fiev ovv 6 M.covar)<; eva Biaretvopievos 
fxovov elvai Oeov. aXV ovrou rvybv ipovatv 
ovBe ?;/xet? Bvo Xeyofiev ovBe rpecs. iyco Be 
Xeyovras p<tv avrovs Kal rovro Bei^co, fiaprv- 

1 Neumann in view of the next two sentences would read 
'Ie<nrat, " Jesse." 

1 Cf. Matthew 1. 1-17 with Luke 3. 23-38. 
396 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

even this plausibly. For Matthew and Luke are 
refuted by the fact that they disagree concerning his 
genealogy. 1 However, as I intend to examine closely 
into the truth of this matter in my Second Book, I 
leave it till then. 2 But granted that he really is "a 
sceptre from Judah," then he is not "God born of 
God," as you are in the habit of saying, nor is it true 
that " All things were made by him; and without him 
was not any tiling made." 3 But, say you, we are 
told in the Book of Numbers also : " There shall arise 
a star out of Jacob, and a man out of Israel." 4 It is 
certainly clear that this relates to David and to his 
descendants ; for David was a son of Jesse. 

If therefore you try to prove anything from these 
writings, show me a single saying that you have 
drawn from that source whence I have drawn very 
many. But that Moses believed in one God, the 
God of Israel, he says in Deuteronomy : " So that 
thou mightest know that the Lord thy God he is one 
God ; and there is none else beside him." 5 And 
moreover he says besides, " And lay it to thine heart 
that this the Lord thy God is God in the heaven 
above and upon the earth beneath, and there is none 
else." 6 And again, "Hear, O Israel: the Lord our 
God is one Lord." 7 And again, "See that I am and 
there is no God save me." 8 These then are the 
words of Moses when he insists that there is only 
one God. But perhaps the Galilaeans will reply : 
'• But we do not assert that there are two gods or 
three." But I will show that they do assert this 

2 Cyril's reply to this part of Julian's Second Book is lost, 
so that the Emperor's more detailed discussion cannot be 
reconstructed. 3 John 1. 3. * Numbers 24. 17. 

5 Deuteronomy 4. 35. 8 Deuteronomy 4. 39. 

7 Deuteronomy 6. 4. 8 Deuteronomy 32. 39. 

397 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

pofJLevos 'Icodvvrjv XeyovTa' " 'Ez> cipXV V p o X070? 

262 C Kal 6 Xoyos r\v 7r/)o? tov 6ebv Kal #eo? r)v 6 Xoyos" 

6 pas, oti 77790? tov debv elvai Xeyerai ; etre 6 tic 

Ma/^'a? yevvrjOels etre aXXos Tt? eariv — Tv 6/jlov 

Kal 777)0? (PCDTGIVOV aTTO/CpivGO/JLCLl — , hiacfiepei TOVTO 

vvv ovhev a(j)ii]fii Brjra rrjv pbd^rjv vplv. oti 
puevTOi (f)7)al " 77750? 6ebv " Kal " iv ap^f)" tovto 
diro)(pY) papTvpaoOai. 7rco? ovv 6p>oXoyel ravra 
to?? Mco7jcre&)? ; 

'AWa rot? Haaiov, (fiaaiv, opuoXoyel. Xeyei 
yap 'Hcraia?* " 'lhov rj irapOevos iv yaarpl e^et 
Kal re^erai viov." earo) h)] Kal tovto Xeyo/J-evov 
262 D virep 6eov, KaiTOi pir)hap.co<; elprjfiei'ov ou yap rjv 
Trap6evo<$ r) yeyaprjp,evrj Kal irplv a7roKvf]aai 
o-vyKaTafcXidelcra tw yijpavTi' hehoaOco he Xeye- 
a0ai Trepl TavT7]<; — pir) ti Qebv (frrjcnv €K t/)? 
irapOevov Teyd))o-eo-Qai ; Ogotokov he u/xet? ov 
iraveaOe Mapiav KaXovvTes, el p,r) irov (prjai tov 
€K tt)? irapOevov yevvcapuevov " vibv Oeov pLOVoyevrj" 

Kal " TTpCOTOTOKOV 7TttCr?7? KTLaeO)<i " ,' X dXXa TO 

Xeyopievov virb 'Icodvvov " UdvTa oY avTov iyeveTO 
Kal %<w/h? avTov eyeveTO ovhe ev" e% ei T ^ *- v Ta ^ 
262 E irpo^TiKals hel^ai (pcovals ; a Be r)p,el<; heiKvvpev, 
ef avTcov eKeivwv ef>}? aKoveTe- " Kvpie, 6 0ebs 
rjpicov, KTrjaai rjp^ds, €Kt6<$ aov ciXXov ovk oXhapuev "• 
ireiroirjTai, he trap avTwv Kal f E£e/aa? 6 fiao-iXevs 

1 KTio-ews ; Neumann, KTtVecoy. MSS. 

1 John 1. 1. 

2 The heretical bishop Phctinus of Sirmium was tried 
under Constantius before the synod at Milan in 351 for 
denying the divinity of Christ; see Julian's letter to 
him, p. 187. 

398 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

also, and I call John to witness, who says : " In the 
beginning was the Word, and the Word was with 
God and the Word was God." x You see that the 
Word is said to be with God ? Now whether this is 
he who was born of Mary or someone else, — that 1 
may answer Photinus 2 at the same time, — this now 
makes no difference ; indeed I leave the dispute to 
you ; but it is enough to bring forward the evidence 
that he says "with God," and "in the beginning." 
How then does this agree with the teachings of 
Moses ? 

"But," say the Galilaeans, "it agrees with the 
teachings of Isaiah. For Isaiah says, ' Behold the 
virgin shall conceive and bear a son.' " 3 Now granted 
that this is said about a god, though it is by no 
means so stated ; for a married woman who before 
her conception had lain with her husband was no 
virgin, — but let us admit that it is said about her, — 
does Isaiah anywhere say that a god will be born of 
the virgin ? But why do you not cease to call Mary 
the mother of God, if Isaiah nowhere says that he 
that is born of the virgin is the "only begotten 
Son of God " 4 and " the firstborn of all creation " ? 5 
But as for the saying of John, " All things were made 
by him ; and without him was not any thing made 
that was made," 6 can anyone point this out among 
the utterances of the prophets ? But now listen to 
the sayings that I point out to you from those same 
prophets, one after another. " O Lord our God, 
make us thine ; we know none other beside thee." 7 
And Hezekiah the king has been represented by 

3 Tsaiah 7. 14. * John 1. 18. 

6 Colossians 1. 15. 6 John 1. 3. 

7 A paraphrase of Isaiah 26. 13. 

399 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

ev^bpLevos' " Kvpie, 6 Oebs 'Ivparfk, 6 Ka6r)i±evo<$ 
eirl t£)V XepovftifJL, av el 6 6eb<$ novo?" p,r) tl 

276 E T(p Sevrepcp KaraXeiTrei X ( * ) P av » **A.V ^ ^ 6 ° 9 * K 

Oeov fcaO* v/JLas 6 \6yos icrrl Kal tt}? overlap ei;i(pv 
rod Trarpos, OeoroKov vpiels av0* orov rrjv irapOevov 
elvai (frare ; 7rco? yap av re/coi Oeov avOpwiros 
oixtcl /cad' v/jLa? ; /cal irpos ye tovtw Xeyovros 
evapyebs Oeov "'Eyco elpui /cal ovk earc irdpe^ Ifiov 

277 A 0-<»Jft>i/," vp,et<; crcoTfjpa rbv ef avrrj^ elirelv 

T6TO\/JL7]/CaT6 ; 

290 B 'Ore Se M.covaP]<; ovopbd^et Oeov? robs dyyeXovs, 
i/c rebv i/celvov \6ycov d/couo-are' "'ISovres Se ol 

290 C viol rod Oeov rds Ovyarepas rcov dvOpdiircdv on 
/caXai elaiv, eXafiov eavrots yvvao/cas dirb iraaoiv 
cov e%e\e%avTO." /cal fu/epbv VTroftds' " Kal fxer 
€K6lvo ct>? av elaeiropevovro ol viol rod Oeov irpbs 
rd? Ovyarepas twv dvOpcoirayv, /cal eyevvwaav 
eavrols' e/ceivoi rjaav ol ylyavres ol air alcovos 
ol 6vofiao~ToL" on tolvvv tov<? dyyeXovs (pijalv, 
evSrfkov eari Kal e^coOev ov Trpoo-Trapa/ceifievov, 1 
dWd Kal BrjXov eK rod cfrdvai, ovk dvOpcbirovs, 
dWd yiyavjas yeyovkvai Trap eKelvcov. SrjXov 
ydp, &)?, elirep dvOpooirovs evbixitev avrcbv elvai 

^»u v T0L , ? irarepas, a\\a pur] KpeiTjovos Kai io~yypo- 
repas rivb<; (frvo-ecos, ovk av dii avrcbv elire 
yevvrjOrjvai rot>? yiyav7a% % Ik yap Ovrjrov Kal 
dOavdrov /ufe&>? diro^^vaaOai puoi Bok€L to twv 
yiydviwv viroarrjvai, yevos. 6 8rj ttoWovs vlov<; 
ovo/xd^wv Oeov Kal tovtovs ovk dvOpcoirovs, dyye- 
\ovs Se, rbv povoyevfj \6yov Oeov r) vlbv Oeov t) 

1 After irpoairapa'cd^vov Klimek adds fiovov. 
400 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

them as praying as follows : " O Lord God of 
Israel, that sittest upon the Cherubim, thou art God, 
even thou alone." 1 Does he leave any place for 
the second god ? But if, as you believe, the Word 
is God born of God and proceeded from the sub- 
stance of the Father, why do you say that the virgin 
is the mother of God? For how could she bear a 
god since she is, according to you, a human being ? 
And moreover, when God declares plainly * I am he, 
and there is none that can deliver beside me," 2 
do you dare to call her son Saviour ? 

And that Moses calls the angels gods you may 
hear from his own words, "The sons of God saw the 
daughters of men that they were fair ; and they took 
them wives of all which they chose." 3 And a little 
further on : " And also after that, when the sons of 
God came in unto the daughters of men, and they 
bare children to them, the same became the giants 
which were of old, the men of renown." 4 Now that 
he means the angels is evident, and this has not 
been foisted on him from without, but it is clear also 
from his saying that not men but giants were born 
from them. For it is clear that if he had thought 
that men and not beings of some higher and more 
powerful nature were their fathers, he would not have 
said that the giants were their offspring. For it seems 
to me that he declared that the race of giants arose 
from the mixture of mortal and immortal. Again, 
when Moses speaks of many sons of God and calls 
them not men but angels, would he not then have 
revealed to mankind, if he had known thereof, God 

1 Isaiah 37. 16. 

2 Apparently a paraphrase of Deuteronomy 32. 39. 

3 Genesis 0. "J. * Genesis 6. 4. 

401 
VOL. III. D D 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

07T6)? av avrov KaXrjre, 1 etirep iyivcocr/cev, ovk av 

290 E el? dvOpooirovs epurjvvaev ; on Be ov pueya tovto 

ivofiL^eVy virep tov 'laparjX (j)7jaLV " vlbs irpcoTO- 
tokos jjlov *lo-parj\ " ; ri ovyl Kal irepl tov 'Irjaov 
tclvt ecprj Mft)ucr^9 ; eva Kal puovov eBLBaaKe Oeov, 
viovs Be avrov iroXXov<; tovs /caravei/jLa/jievovs to, 
eOvrj. TTpcororofcov Be vibv Oeov 2 rj 6ebv Xoyov r\ 
ti roiv v(p' vpiwv varepov tyevBcos avvreOevTWV 
ovre rjBei /car' apxh v ovre eBLBaaKe (pavepa)<;. 
avrov re Mcovaeco^ /ecu tcov aXXwv iirrj/covaare 

291 A irpo(f>r]Ta)V. 6 ovv M.wvo-r)$ iroXXa TOiavra kclL 

iroXXa^ov Xeyer " YLvptov tov Oeov gov cpoffrjOrjarj 

KoX CLVT& fJLOVW XaTpeVO~€l<;" 7TC09 ovv 6 'Ir]o-ov$ 

ev Tot9 evayyeXiois irapaBeBorau irpoaTaTTCov 
" TlopevOevres paOrjrevaare rravra ra eOvrj, ftaiTTi- 
%ovre<; avrovs eh to ovojxa tov Trarpos teal tov 
vlov teal tov aylov irvevpLaros," etirep pur] 3 teal 
avTW Xarpeveiv epueXXov ; aieoXovOa Be tovtoi<; 
teal vp,€L<; Biavoovpevoi ixera tov irarpbs OeoXo- 

y€LT€ TOV VlOV . . . 

'Tirep Be dirorpoTraLcov eirdteovcrov irdXiv 

oaa Xeyer " Kal XrjyjreTai Bvo Tpdyov? ef 

alycov irepl dp,apTia<; Kal tepibv eva eh 0X0- 

299 B teavTco/jia. Kal irpoad^ei 6 ' 'Aapcov tov pboa^ov 

tov irepl ttjs dpuapTias tov irepl eavTOV Kal 

1 KaXrjT* Klimek ; /caAerre Neumann. 

2 Oeov Neumann adds. 

3 Neumann eftrep nal avrtp, referring airy to Moses ; Goll- 
witzer adds fify to improve sense ; avr^ refers to Jesus. 



1 Exodus 4. 22. 2 Deuteronomy 6. 13. 

8 Matthew 28. 19. 



402 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

the "only begotten Word," or a son of God or how- 
ever you call him ? But is it because he did not 
think this of great importance that he says concerning 
Israel, " Israel is my firstborn son ? " 1 Why did not 
Moses say this about Jesus also? He taught that 
there was only one God, but that he had many sons 
who divided the nations among themselves. But 
the Word as firstborn son of God or as a God, or any 
of those fictions which have been invented by you 
later, he neither knew at all nor taught openly 
thereof. You have now heard Moses himself and 
the other prophets. Moses, therefore, utters many 
sayings to the following effect and in many places : 
" Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God and him only 
shalt thou serve." 2 How then has it been handed 
down in the Gospels that Jesus commanded : " Go 
ye therefore and teach all nations, baptising them in 
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
Holy Ghost," 3 if they were not intended to serve 
him also? And your beliefs also are in harmony 
with these commands, when along with the Father 
you pay divine honours to the son. . . . 4 

And now observe again how much Moses says 
about the deities that avert evil : "And he shall take 
two he-goats of the goats for a sin-offering, and one 
ram for a burnt offering. And Aaron shall bring 
also his bullock of the sin-offering, which is for him- 

4 According to Cyril's summary, Julian says that the 
Hellenes, unlike the Christians, observe the same laws and 
customs as the Jews, except that they worship more than 
one god and practise soothsaying. Circumcision is approved 
by the temple priests of Egypt, the Chaldaeans and Saracens. 
All alike offer the various sorts of sacrifice, including those 
for atonement and purification. Moses sacrificed to the 
abominable deities who avert evil, the di aver r unci. 

403 
D 2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

e^iXdaerai irepl avrov Kal rov oIkov avrov. 
Kal Xrjyjrerac toi)? Bvo rpdyovs Kal arrjaet, avrovs 
evavri Kvplov rrapa rrjv Ovpav rrj<; aK7]vr)<; rov 
fiaprvpiov. /ecu eiridiqaei 'Aapcov eirl tov<? Bvo 
rpdyovs /cXrjpov eva ra> Kvpi(p Kal /cXfjpov eva 
Tft) diroiropmal'pr coare eKirep,^rai avrou, $r]aiv, 
diroTro/jLTrrfv, /cal 1 dfyelvai avrov eh rr\v eprjfxov. 
6 /lev ovv tw a7ro7ropL7raL(p Tre/jLTrofievos oi/t&j? 
i/C7T€/n7reraL, rov Be ye erepov rpdyov (prjar " Kal 

299 C acpd^ei rov rpdyov rov irepl tt)$ dfiapria<; rov 
\aov evavri /cvpiov, /cal elaoiati rov a'lfiaros 
avrov eacorepov rov Karairerdafiaro^, Kal pavel 
to alfia eirl rrjv /SdaLv rov dvaiaarrjpiov, Kal 
i^Ckdaerai eirl rcov dyicov diro rcov aKaOapaioov 
rcov vlcov 'Io-par)\ Kal diro rcov dBiKrj/xdrcov avrcov 

305 B irepl iraacov rcov d/iapncov avrcov" &)? fxev ovv 
tou? rcov dvcncov rjiriararo rpoirovs 'M.covafj$t 
evBrfkov earl rrov Bid rcov pijOevrcov. on Be ov% 
oj? v/iet? aKaOapra evopuaev avrd, irdXiv €K rcov 
EKelvov prifidrcov eiraKOvaare' "'H Be tyvxrj, r}n<; 
edv (frdyrj diro rcov Kpecov Trfc Ovalas rod acorrj- 
piov, 6 ean Kvpiov, Kal y aKaOapala avrov eV 
avroo, diroXelrai rj yjrvxv ^fcelprj Ik rov Xaov 
avrfjs." avrbs ovrco? evXa/3t]<; 6 Mcovarjs rrepl 
rrjv rcov lepcov eScoBrfv. 

305 D Hpocn]K€L Brj Xoiirbv dva/JLvrjaOPjvaL rcov epurpo- 
a0 ev, cov eveKev epprjOrj Kal ravra. Bid ri 
yap diroardvre^ rjficov ov)(l rov rcov 'lovSaucov 
dyairare vofiov ovBe e/x/nevere roh vir* eKeivov 
Xeyojxevoi<; ; epel irdvrco<; tj? b%v j3Xeircov ouSe 

1 Kal Neumann adds. 
404 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

self, and make an atonement for himself and for 
his house. And he shall take the two goats and 
present them before the Lord at the door of the 
tabernacle of the covenant. And Aaron shall cast 
lots upon the two goats ; one lot for the Lord and 
the other lot for the scape-goat '' ] so as to send him 
forth, says Moses, as a scape-goat, and let him loose 
into the wilderness. Thus then is sent forth the goat 
that is sent for a scape-goat. And of the second 
goat Moses says : " Then shall he kill the goat of 
the sin-offering that is for the people before the 
Lord, and bring his blood within the vail, and shall 
sprinkle the blood upon the altar-step, 2 and shall 
make an atonement for the holy place, because of 
the uncleanness of the children of Israel and because 
of their transgressions in all their sins." 3 Accord- 
ingly it is evident from what has been said, that 
Moses knew the various methods of sacrifice. And 
to show that he did not think them impure as you 
do, listen again to his own words. " But the soul that 
eateth of the flesh of the sacrifice of peace-offerings 
that pertain unto the Lord, having his uncleanness 
upon him, even that soul shall be cut off from his 
people." 4 So cautious is Moses himself with regard 
to the eating of the flesh of sacrifice. 

But now I had better remind you of what I said 
earlier, 5 since on account of that I have said this 
also. Why is it, I repeat, that after deserting us 
you do not accept the law of the Jews or abide by 
the sayings of Moses ? No doubt some sharp-sighted 

1 A paraphrase of Leviticus 16. 5-8. 

2 " Mercy-seat" is the usual version. 

3 Leviticus 16. 15. « Leviticus 7. 20. 6 Cf. 43a. 

405 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

yap 'lovBaloc Ovovaiv. aX\! eycoye dpbff\vojTTOvra 
Beivws avrov direXey^a), irpcorov fiev, on prjBe 
tcov dXXcov n tcov irapa Tot? 'lovBaioLs vevopi- 
o~/jl€vg)v earl teal vplv ev (pvXatcf}' BevTepov Be, on 
dvovcn fiev ev aBpdtcrois 1 'lovBaiot, teal vvv en 

306 A irdvra eaQiovaiv lepd teal tcarev^ovTac irpb rov 
Ovaai teal rov Begibv m/jlov BiBoaatv dirap^ds to£? 
lepevaiv, diT6aT€p7]fiepoL Be rod vaov, ij, 009 avrols 
€0o$ \eyeiv, rod dyida/jLaros, dirap^a^ tm 6ew 
twv lepeucov etpyovrai trpoacpepeiv. vp,e2s Be 01 
T7)v tcaivrjv Ovalav evpov-res, ouBev Bebpevoi rrjs 
'lepovaaXrjp, dvrl tlvos ov Qveie ; ko-Ltol rovro 

306 B /^ev iyco 7r/)o? vpas etc Trepiovo-las elirov, eirei fioi 
tt)V dpyr)V ippeOi] ftovXopeva) Bel^ai rot? eOveaiv 
opoXoyovvras 'lovBalovs e^co rov vopi^eiv eva Oebv 
/jlovov. etceivo yap avrcov puev iBiov, ?)p,a)V Be 
dWorpiov, enel rd ye aWa tcoivd 7r&)? i)puv ean, 
vaoi, repbiuTj, Ovo-iao-rrjpia, dyvelai, <f>v\dypard 
Tiva, irepl cov rj to irapdirav ovBapws fj piiKpa 
Bia$>ep6p,e6a Trpbs dWr/Xov ? . . . 

314 C 'Av@' orov irepl rrjv Biairav ou%l to?? 'IouoWo*? 
bpioiws eare tcaOapol, irdvra Be eaOleiv &>? \dyava 
yopTOV Beiv <f>are Tierpco iriarevaavre^, on, 
(paalv, elirev itcelvos' " ,V A 6 #eo? e/caddpiae, ait 

pLT) KOLVOv" ' } Xl TOVTOV T€KpL1]plOV, OTL ITuXaL pL€V 

1 Cf. Hesychius s.v. &5paKTov tZiov. Not in L. and S. 
The Latin version Oecolampadius translates in propriis. 

1 Sozomen 5. 22, Socrates 3. 20 and Theodoret 3. 15 relate 
that Julian summoned the leading Jews and exhorted them 
to resume their sacrifices. Their reply that they could law- 
fully sacrifice only in the Temple led him to order its 
restoration. 

406 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

person will answer, " The Jews too do not sacrifice." 
But I will convict him of being terribly dull-sighted, 
for in the first place I reply that neither do you also 
observe any one of the other customs observed by the 
Jews; and, secondly, that the Jews do sacrifice in 
their own houses, and even to this day everything 
that they eat is consecrated; and they pray before 
sacrificing, and give the right shoulder to the priests 
as the firstfruits ; but since they have been deprived 
of their temple, or, as they are accustomed to call it, 
their holy place, they are prevented from offering 
the firstfruits of the sacrifice to God. 1 But why do 
you not sacrifice, since you have invented your new 
kind of sacrifice and do not need Jerusalem at all ? 
And yet it was superfluous to ask you this question, 
since I said the same thing at the beginning, when 
I wished to show that the Jews agree with the 
Gentiles, except that they believe in only one God. 
That is indeed peculiar to them and strange to us ; 
since all the rest we have in a manner in common 
with them — temples, sanctuaries, altars, purifications, 
and certain precepts. For as to these we differ 
from one another either not at all or in trivial 
matters. . . . 2 

Why in your diet are you not as pure as the Jews, 
and why do you say that we ought to eat everything 
"even as the green herb," 3 putting your faith in 
Peter, because, as the Galilaeans say, he declared, 
" What God hath cleansed, that make not thou com- 
mon " ? 4 What proof is there of this, that of old 

2 According to Cyril, Julian then says that the Christians 
in worshipping not one or many gods, but three, have strayed 
from both Jewish and Hellenic teaching. 

3 Cf. 238d, note. * Acts 10. 15. 

4°7 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

314 D drra 1 ivofii^ev 6 #eo? fiiapd, vvvl Be KaOapd 
neiroi^Kev avrd ; Mower?}? /xev yap irrl rcov 
rerpairoBcov einarjiJiaivofievo^ rrav to hiyrfkovv > 
(frrjaiv, ottXtjv Kai ava/uapv/ci^ov /uLapv/cicrfibv /ca- 
Oapbv elvai, to Be jurj roiovrov a/caOaprov elvai. 
el /xev ovv 6 %olpo<$ dirb ri]<; fyavraaias Tierpov 
vvv TrpoaeXa/Be to /xapv/cacrOai, ireio-6o)fiev avrq>' 
repdanov yap oj? tt\?7#co?, el puera rrjv (pavraaiav 
Uerpov Trpoo-ekafSev avrb. el Be eicelvos e^evaaro 
ravrrjv ecopaKevai, Xv elrray kclO* v/jLas, rrjv diroKa- 

314 E Xvyjrtv eirl rov fivpcroBeyfrlov, ri errl rt]\iKOvrcov 
ovrca Ta%eo>9 rnarevaopLev ; rl yap 6 "Meovafj? 
v/jliv errera^e rcov ^aXeTrcov, el dirr^yopevaev 
ecrOieiv irpbs toZ? veiois ra re irrr]va /cal ra 
OaXdrria, diro(p7]vdfievo(; virb rov Oeov Kai 
ravra irpbs eiceivois eKfteftXrjaOai Kai aKaOapra 
irecpip'evai ; 

319 D 'AUa ri ravra eycb piaKpoXoyco Xeyojueva irap 
avrtov, i£bv IBeiv, et riva la^vv eyei ; Xeyovai 
yap rbv Oeov eirl rco irporepco vofico Oeivai rbv 
Bevrepov. eKeivov fiev yap yeveaOai irpbs Kaipbv 
rrepiyeypapLfjievov xpovois chpiajnevois, varepov Be 
rovrov dvafyavrjvai Bid rb rbv McovcTecos y^pbvto 
re Kai romp irepcyeypdcpOai. rovro on yjrevBco? 
Xeyovaiv, diroBei^co aa(pco<;, €K fxev rcov M.covaeco<; 
ov BeKa ptovas, dXXa jxvpia^ rrape^ofievo^ fxap- 

319 E rvplas, ottov rbv vojulov alcovibv cprjaiv. ciKovere 
Be vvv dirb t?}? e^oBov. " Kai earai rj rjfiepa 
avrt] vpLtv fivrj/jioo-vvov, Kai eoprdaare avrr^v 

1 &TTa Klimek ; avra Neumann. 
408 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

God held certain things abominable, but now has 
made them pure ? For Moses, when he is laying 
down the law concerning four-footed things, says 
that whatsoever parteth the hoof and is cloven-footed 
and cheweth the cud l is pure, but that which is not 
of this sort is impure. Now if, after the vision of 
Peter, the pig has now taken to chewing the cud, 
then let us obey Peter ; for it is in very truth a 
miracle if, after the vision of Peter, it has taken to 
that habit. But if he spoke falsely when he said 
that he saw this revelation, — to use your own way of 
speaking, — in the house of the tanner, why are we 
so ready to believe him in such important matters ? 
Was it so hard a thing that Moses enjoined on 
you when, besides the flesh of swine, he forbade 
you to eat winged things and things that dwell in 
the sea, and declared to you that besides the flesh 
of swine these also had been cast out by God and 
shown to be impure ? 

But why do I discuss at length these teachings of 
theirs, 2 when we may easily see whether they have 
any force ? For they assert that God, after the 
earlier law, appointed the second. For, say they, 
the former arose with a view to a certain occasion 
and was circumscribed by definite periods of time, 
but this later law was revealed because the law of 
Moses was circumscribed by time and place. That 
they say this falsely I will clearly show by quoting 
from the books of Moses not merely ten but ten 
thousand passages as evidence, where he says that 
the law is for all time. Now listen to a passage 
from Exodus : " And this day shall be unto you for a 
memorial ; and ye shall keep it a feast to the Lord 

1 Leviticus 11. 3. 2 L e. of the Galilaeans. 

409 






THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

eoprrjv Kvplco et? Ta? yeveds vpbcbv. vo/m/jlov 
alcovtov eoprdaare avrtjv. airo Be t% 97/zeyoa? 

T^9 ITpCOTT)? a(f)aVl€LT€ ^VpLlJV €/C TCOV OIKLCOV 

v/jlcov? . . .* iroXXcov en tolovtcov irapaXeXeip,- 
fievcov, acf) i cov rov vofxov rov M.covcreco<; alcoviov 
jerfco puev elirelv Bid rb irXrjOos iraprjr^crd/jirjv' 
vjieis Be eTriBei^are, irov to irapa rov UavXov 
/j.era rovro roXfirjOev eiprjTai, on Brj " reXos 

VOjXOV XyOJCTTO?." 1TOV TO?? 'E/fyatOt? O #60? 

320 B eTrrjyyeiXaro vo/iov erepov irapa rov Kei/mevov ; 
ovk ecrnv ovBapiov, ovBe rov Ket/xevov Bio pd cog is. 2 
cifcove ydp rov Mcovaecos irdXiv " Ov it poaO qcrere 
eirl to pf)p,a, o iyco evieXXofiai vjjliv, /cat ovk. 
dcpeXeire air aviov. cpvXd^acrOe Ta? eWoXa? 
/cvpiov rod 6eov v/jllov, oo~a iyco ivieXXopiai vp.lv 
o~rjp,epov" /cal "'RirtKaTaparos 7ra? o? ovk ipipievei 
iracriv" v/xeis Be to fiev dcpeXeiv Kal irpoaOeivai 
to?? yey pa pLfievo is iv rco vo/jlco fiixpbv ivo/jblcraTe, 
to Be irapajSfjvai reXeicos avibv dvBpeiorepov tco 

320 C jravrl Kal ixeyaXo^rv^orepoVy ov irpbs dXtjOeiav, 
dXX* eh rb irdai iriOavbv ftXeirovTe? . . . 

1 Lacuna. Before iro\ha>v Neumann would insert, in order 
to connect, iKavas 5e 8ok£> /xoi xP"h aeis ^V '"'apaTede'icrdai, "But 
I think I have now cited enough passages." 

* SiSpOwais Klimek ; SiSpdaatv MSS., Neumann, with a verb, 
e.g. " promises," understood. 

1 Exodus 12. 14-15 ; Julian went on to quote several 
similar passages from the Old Testament, but these are 
missing. 2 Jiomans 10. 4. 

3 ' ' The gods, not being ignorant of their future intentions, 
do not have to correct their errors," says Julian, Oral ion 
5. 170a. * Deuteronomy 4. 2. 

419 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

throughout your generations; ye shall keep it a 
feast by an ordinance forever ; the first day shall ye 
put away leaven out of your houses." . . . l Many 
passages to the same effect are still left, but on 
account of their number I refrain from citing them 
to prove that the law of Moses was to last for all 
time. But do you point out to me where there is 
any statement by Moses of what was later on rashly 
uttered by Paul, I mean that w Christ is the end 
of the law." 2 Where does God announce to the 
Hebrews a second law besides that which was 
established ? Nowhere does it occur, not even a 
revision of the established law. 3 For listen again 
to the words of Moses : " Ye shall not add unto the 
word which I command you, neither shall ye dim- 
inish aught from it. Keep the commandments of 
the Lord your God which I command you this day." 4 
And "Cursed be every man who does not abide 
by them all." 5 But you have thought it a slight 
thing to diminish and to add to the things which 
were written in the law ; and to transgress it com- 
pletely you have thought to be in every way more 
manly and more high-spirited, because you do not 
look to the truth but to that which will persuade all 



5 Deuteronomy 27 ', 26, "Cursed be he that confirnieth not 
all the words of this law to do them." Cf. Galaticms 3. 10. 

6 According to Cyril, Julian next discussed the letter of 
the Apostles to the Christian converts, and, quoting Acts 15. 
28, 29, which forbid the eating of meats offered to idols and 
things strangled, says that this does not mean that the Holy 
Ghost willed that the Mosaic law should be disregarded. 
He ridicules Peter and calls him a hypocrite, convicted 
by Paul of living now according to Greek, now Hebrew, 
customs. 

411 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

327 A Oi/TO) Be eare Bvarv^ec^, coarre ovBe to?? vtto 
Twv diroaroXcov vfiiv 7rapaBeBopevoi<; eppevevrj- 
kclt€' fcal ravra Be eirl to yelpov koX Bvaae^e- 
arepov virb twv eiriyivopievwv e^eipydaOrj. rbv 
yovv 'Irjcrovv ovre IlauXo? eroXprfaev elirelv Oebv 
ovre MarOalo? ovre Aov/cas ovre Map/cos. a\V 

327 B o 'xpjjarb^ y I(odvvr]<;, alaOopevos rjBr) ttoXv ttXtjOos 
eaXco/cbs iv TroXXals tcov 'EXXtjvlBcdv /ecu 'IraXia)- 

TiBcOV TToXeWV VTTO TCLVTr)? T?}? voaov, d/covcov Be, 

olfjuai, fcal ra puvrfpara Yierpov kcli TlavXov XdOpa, 
pev, d/covcov Be opw? avid Oepairevopeva irpodTos 
iroXprjaev elirelv. piiKpa Be elircbv rrrepl 'Icodvvov 
rov (3aiTTLGTOv, TrdXcv iiravdycov iirl rbv vir' 
avrov K7]pvTTop,(zVov Xoyov " Kal o Xoyos " <J>1](tI 
" adp% iyevero /cal iaKrjvtoaev iv r\pZv" to Be 
07ra>? ov Xeyei, ala^vvbpevo<;. ovBapiov Be avrbv 

327 C ovre 'Irjcrovv out6 Xptarov, cLxP L< s ov Oebv koX 
Xoyov diroKoXel, KXeirrcov Be coairep r)pepa zeal 
XdOpa Ta? dfcod? rjpcov, 'Icodvvrjv cprjcrl rbv /3cl7TTL- 
o~tt)v virep Xpiarov 'Irjaov ravrriv i/cOicrOai rr)v 
paprvplav, on dp' outo? eariv, ov XPV TreTriaTev- 

333 B Kevai Oebv elvai Xoyov. aU' otj pev tovto irepl 
'Itjctov Xpiarov <pr)o~iv 'Icodvvrjs, ovBe avrbs dvn- 
Xeyco. icaiToi Bo/cet rial tcov BvcTo~e(3cov aXXov 

333 C fj,ep 'Irjaovv elvat Xpiarov, aXXov Be rbv virb 
'Icodvvov Krjpvrropevov Xoyov. ov prjv ovtcq? 
e%e*. bv yap auTO? elvai (j>r)ai Oebv Xoyov, 
tovtov virb 'Icodvvov cpijalv iinyvcoaOrjvai rod 
/3a7TTio~TOV Xpiarbv 'Irjaovv ovra. crKoirelre ovv, 
oVft)? evXaflm, rjpepa kcu XeXrjOorcos iireicrdyei 



412 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

But you are so misguided that you have not even 
remained faithful to the teachings that were handed 
down to you by the apostles. And these also have 
been altered, so as to be worse and more impious, by 
those who came after. At any rate neither Paul nor 
Matthew nor Luke nor Mark ventured to call Jesus 
God. But the worthy John, since he perceived that 
a great number of people in many of the towns of 
Greece and Italy had already been infected by this 
disease, 1 and because he heard, I suppose, that even 
the tombs of Peter and Paul were being worshipped 
— secretly, it is true, but still he did hear this, — he, 

I Say, Was t.lm flint tn unntnrp tf> fl flll .Tpqiiq God. 

And after he had spoken briefly about John the 
Baptist he referred again to the Word which he was 
proclaiming, and said, "And the Word was made 
Mesh, and dwelt among us." 2 But how, he does not 
say, because he was ashamed. Nowhere, however, 
does he call him either Jesus or Christ, so long as he 
calls him God and the Word, but as it were insen- 
sibly and secretly he steals away our ears, and says 
that John the Baptist bore this witness on behalf of 
Jesus Christ, that in very truth he it is whom we 
must believe to be God the Word. But that John 
says this concerning Jesus Christ I for my part do 
not deny. And yet certain of the impious think 
that Jesus Christ is quite distinct from the Word 
that was proclaimed by John. That however is not 
the case. For lie whom John himself calls God the 
Word, this is he who, says he, was recognised by 
John the Baptist to be Jesus Christ. Observe 
accordingly how cautiously, how quietly and in- 

1 For Christianity a disease cf. Oration 7. 229d, and Letter 58 
To Libanius 401c. 2 John 1. 14. 

413 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

to) hpdfiari tov fcoXocfytova tjJ? do~e/3e[a$ ovtco re 
ecrri, Travovpyos teal airarecov, cocttc avOis dva- 
BveTai TrpoariOeis' " @ew ovBels eoopa/ce ircoiroie' 
6 fJLovoyevr)? vios, 6 cbv ev rols koXttols tov 7rarp6<;, 

333 D i/ceivos egrjyjjaaTO." irorepovovv ovtos icrriv 6 
#eo? Xoyos o-dp% yevopuevos, 6 fiovoyevrjs vios, 6 
cov ev rot? koXttois tov 7t<zt/)o? ; zeal el p,ev civtos, 
ovirep oljJLdi, eOedaaaOe BrjirovOev real {specs Oeov. 
"ea/ctfvcoae" yap "ev vpiv fcal eOedaaaOe t?]v B6%av 
auTOv." tl ovv eiriXeyeis, otl Oebv ovBels ecopa/ce 
TTtoTTOTe ; eOedaaaOe yap vpecs el /cal prj tov 
iraTepa Oeov, aXXa tov Oebv Xoyov. el Be aXXos 
eaTiv 6 /lovoyevrjs vlbs, eTepos he 6 Oebs Xoyos, cos 
eyco Ttvcov dicr)Koa t?]S vpueTepas aipeaecos, eoitcev 
ovBe o^lcodvvrjs avTO toX/iciv m, 

335 B 'AXXd tovto puev to icafchv eXa/3e irapd 'lcodvvov 
TTjv dp%rjv' oaa Be vpels e^rjs irpoaevpijicaTe, ttoX- 
Xovs eireiadyovTes tw irdXai ve/epco tovs irpoacpd- 
tov ? vefepovs, tls dv 7rpb<; d^iav ftBeXv^aiTo; irdvTa 

335 C eirXrjpcoaaTe Ta<f)cov /cal pivqpdTcov, Kali 01 ovk 
eipr)Tai irap v/jllv ovBap,ov tols Tacpois irpoaica- 
XivBeiaOai teal Trepieireiv avTovs. els tovto Be 
TrpoeXrjXvOaTe pbo^OrjpLas, coaTe oleaOai Belv virep 
tovtov prjBe tcov ye 'hjaov tov Na^copaiov prjfid- 



1 John 1. 18. 2 John 1. 19. 

3 Yet in Letter 47. 434c, Julian reproaches the Alexan- 
drians with worshipping as God the Word "one whom 
neither you nor your fathers have ever seen, even Jesus." 

4 i.e. that Jesus was God. 

6 For the collection of the "bones and skulls of criminals," 
and the apotheosis of the martyrs as it struck a contemporary 
pagan, see Eunapius, Lives p. 424 (Loeb edition). Julian, in 

414 



AGAINST THE GAL1LAEANS 

sensibly he introduces into the drama the crowning 
word of his impiety ; and he is so rascally and 
deceitful that he rears his head once more to add, 
" No man hath seen God at any time ; the only 
begotten Son which is in the bosom of the Father, 
he hath declared him." x Then is this only begotten 
Son which is in the bosom of the Father the God 
who is the Word and became flesh ? And if, as I 
think, it is indeed he, you also have certainly beheld 
God. For "He dwelt among you, and ye beheld 
his glory." 2 Why then do you add to this that 
" No man hath seen God at any time " ? For ye 
have indeed seen, if not God the Father, still God 
who is the Word. 3 But if the only begotten Son is 
one person and the God who is the Word another, 
as 1 have heard from certain of your sect, then 
it appears that not even John made that rasli 
statement. 4 

However this evil doctrine did originate with 
John ; but who could detest as they deserve all 
those doctrines that you have invented as a sequel, 
while you keep adding many corpses newly dead to 
the corpse of long ago ? 5 You have filled the whole 
world with tombs and sepulchres, and yet in your 
scriptures it is nowhere said that you must grovel 
among tombs 6 and pay them honour. But you have 
gone so far in iniquity that you think you need not 
listen even to the words of Jesus of Nazareth on this 

Letter 22. 429d, commends the Christian care of graves ; here 
he ridicules the veneration of the relics of the martyrs, 
which was peculiarly Christian and offensive to pagans. 

6 For this phrase, derived from Plato, Phaedo 8 Id, cf. 
Misopogon 344a. Eunapius, Lives p. 424 -trpoaeKaXivhovvro 
rolt fxvhfiaffi, of the Christian worship at the graves of the 
martyrs. 

415 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

tcov ciKoveiv. afcovere ovv, a cfrrjaiv eKeZvos nrepl 
TOiv /ivrj/jbdrcov' " Oval vpuZv, ypa/AfiareLS Kal Qapc- 
craZoi vTTOKpiraL, oti Trapofioid^ere Td(j>oi$ kckovi- 
apikvois' e^wOev 6 rd<po<; (palverai wpaZos, eacoOev 
Be yepei oaricov ve/epwv /cal irdarj^ afcaOapalas" 
335 D el tolvvv duaQapaias 'I?;o-o0? ecf>r) irXrfpeis elvai 
toi'9 rd(f)ov<;, 7ro)? vfieZs eV avTcov eiriKaXeZaOe 
top Oeov ; . . . 

339 E Ilovtwv ovv ovtcos eyovTwv, v/ieZs virep twos 

Trpoo~fca\(vhelo-9eTol<; nvijjJLaai ; dtcovcrai {3ov\eo~0e 
rr\v aWiav ; ovk iyo) (frairjv av, dX)C 'Hc-aia? o 
7rpo(pi]Tr)<;. " 'Ei> toZs pLvr'ipLao-t, Kal ev to?? cnrrjXai- 

340 A oj? fcoi/JLcovrai Be evvirvia" GKOireiTe ovv, oVm? 

iraXaibv r)v tovto to?? 'IouoWot? t/)? p^ayyaveias 
to epyov, iyrcaOevSeiv to?? fivijfiaaiv evvirviwv 
ydpiv* o Br) Kal tou? diroaToXovs v/ieov etVo? 
eari jxera tt)v tov BcBaaKaXov TeXevrrjv iimrjBev- 
o-avras vpuZv re ef «/3%^9 irapaBovvai to?? Trpco- 
toj? ireinarevKoai, Kal re^vLKcorepov vjjlcov avrovs 
p,ayyavevaai, to?? Be fieO' iavrovs diroBeZ^au 
Brjixoaia t?}? p.ayyaveias t<xut?;? Kal ftBeXvpias 
tol epyao-rrjpia. 

343 C 'Tyite?? Be, a fxev 6 #eo? cf dpxfc eftBeXvgaro 
Kal Blcl Mwuceco? Kal twi' irpo^rjrcov, eiriT^Bevere, 
Trpoadyeiv Be lepeZa j3cop,S) Kal dveiv TrapyrtfcraaOe. 
irvp ydp, (paalv, ov Kajeioiv, coairep eirl McoucreG)? 

343 D ra? dvalas dvaXiaKov. dira^ tovto eirl Mcovaea)^ 



1 Matthew 23. 27. 

1 According to Cyril, Julian quoted Matthew 8. 21, 22: 
' Let the dead bury their dead," to prove that Christ had no 
respect for graves. 

41.6 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

matter. Listen then to what he says about sepul- 
chres : " Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, 
hypocrites ! for ye are like unto whited sepulchres ; 
outward the tomb appears beautiful, but within it is 
full of dead men's bones, and of all uncleanness." x 
If, then, Jesus said that sepulchres are full of unclean- 
ness, how can you invoke God at them? . . . 2 

Therefore, since this is so, why do you grovel 
among tombs ? Do you wish to hear the reason ? 
It is not I who will tell you, but the prophet Isaiah : 
" They lodge among tombs and in caves for the sake 
of dream visions." 3 You observe, then, how ancient 
among the Jews was this work of witchcraft, namely, 
sleeping among tombs Tor the sake of dream visions. 
And indeed it is likely that your apostles, after their 
teacher's death, practised this and handed it down 
to you from the beginning, I mean to those who first 
adopted your faith, and that they themselves per- 
formed their spells more skilfully than you do, and 
displayed openly to those who came after them the 
places in which they performed this witchcraft and 
abomination. 

But you, though you practise that which God 
from the first abhorred, as he showed through Moses 
and the prophets, have refused nevertheless to offer 
victims at the altar, and to sacrifice. "Yes," say 
the Galilaeans, "because fire will not descend to 
consume the sacrifices as in the case of Moses." 
Only once, I answer, did this happen in the case of 

3 In part from Isaiah 65. 4 ; the literal meaning of the 
Hebrew is "that sit in graves and pass the night in secret 
places," a reference to incubation for the sake of dream 
oracles, a Hellenic custom. Julian professes to believe that 
this practice, which Isaiah abhorred, was kept up by the 
Christians. 

4T7 

VOL. III. E E 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

iyivero Kal eirl 'HXlov tov SeaftiTOV irakiv 
fiera ttoWovs %p6vov<;. hrei, on ye irvp eireia- 
cl/ctov avTos 6 Mcovarj^ elafyepeiv oterai yjpr)vai /ecu 
'Affpadp, 6 TTarpidp')(r)<; en irpb tovtov, BrjXcoaco 
Bia ftpayetov . . . 

346 E Kal ov tovto /jlovov, dWd Kal twv vicop 'ABdp, 

a7rap%a<; tw #eo> BiBovtcov, " 'EireiBev 6 0eb<; " 

347 A (prjalv " eirl "AfieX Kal eirl Tot? Boopois avrov. eirl 

Be Kdiv Kal eirl rat? OvaLais avrov ov TTpoo~kaye. 
Kal iXvirrjae tov Kdiv Xlav, Kal o-vveireo-e to irpo- 
awrrov avrov. Kal elire Kvpios 6 $ebs tw Kdiv 
r '\va tl irepiXviro? eyevov, Kal wa ti avveireae 

TO TTpoaWTTOV GOV ; OVK 6CLV 6p0W$ 7rp00~€V€yKT]S, 

6p@o)<; Be fir} BieXys, tffiapTes ; " aKOvaai ovv eiri- 
7ro0€LT6, Tives r/aav avTcov at irpoo-fyopai ; " Kal 
eyevero peO* rjpepas, dvrjveyKe Kdiv dirb t&v 
KapiTbiv t^9 yrjs Ovaiav t& Kvpiu*. Kal "A/3e\ 
347 B ijveyKe Kal avTos dirb tcov irpwTOTOKwv t<ov irpo- 
ftaTOov Kal dirb tmv aTeaTcov avT(ov.^ vai, (paaiv, 
ov ttjv Ovaiav, aXka tt)v Biaipeaiv epiepyjraTO 
7T/30? Kdiv elirddV " Ovk edv 6pd(b<; TrpoaeveyKys, 
bpOw? Be purj BieXrjs, r)p,apTe<; ; " tovto e<j>r) tis 
7Tyoo? epe tcov irdvv o-o<pa>v eiriaKoirwv' 6 Be yiraTa 
puev eavTov irpcoTov, elra Kal toi>? aWovs. r) yap 
Biaipeais pepiTTr) Kara Tiva Tponrov r)v, diraiTov- 
pievos, ovk el%ev oVa)? Bie%e\6rj, ovBe 07Tg>? irpbs 
epue sjrv^poXoyrjo-r). 1 fiXeircov Be avrov egairopov- 

1 \\/vxpo\oyr)<rr) Klimek ; \pvxpo\oyr)<Teie Neumann. 

1 Leviticus 9. 24. 2 1 Kings 18. 38. 

3 Cyril says that Julian told the story of the interrupted 
sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham from Genesis 22. 

418 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

Moses ; * and again after many years in the case of 
Elijah the Tishbite. 2 For I will prove in a few words 
that Moses himself thought that it was necessary to 
bring fire from outside for the sacrifice, and even 
before him, Abraham the patriarch as well. . . 3 

And this is not the only instance, but when the 
sons of Adam also offered firstfruits to God, the 
Scripture says, "And the Lord had respect unto 
Abel and to his offerings; but unto Cain and to his 
offerings he had not respect. And Cain was very 
wroth, and his countenance fell. And the Lord 
God said unto Cain, Why art thou wroth ? and 
why is thy countenance fallen? Is it not so — if 
thou offerest rightly, but dost not cut in pieces 
rightly, thou hast sinned?" 4 Do you then desire 
to hear also what were their offerings? "And at 
the end of days it came to pass that Cain brought 
of the fruits of the ground an offering unto the Lord. 
And Abel, he also brought of the firstlings of his 
flock and of the fat thereof." 5 You see, say the 
Galilaeans, it was not the sacrifice but the division 
thereof that God disapproved when he said to Cain, 
({ If thou offerest rightly, but dost not cut in pieces 
rightly, hast thou not sinned ? " This is what one 
of your most learned bishops 6 told me. But in the 
first place he was deceiving himself and then other 
men also. For when I asked him in what way the 
division was blameworthy he did not know how to 
get out of it, or how to make me even a frigid 
explanation. And when I saw that he was greatly 

4 Genesis 4. 4-7. The Hebrew text of the last sentence is 
corrupt, and its meaning is disputed. Skinner, Genesis, p. 106, 
calls the Septuagint version, followed by Julian, fantastic. 
6 Genesis 4. 3-4. 
6 This was, perhaps, Aetius, for whom see p. 289. 

419 
E E 2 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

347 C fjievov, " Avrb tovto," elirov "b gv Xeyeis, 6 #eo? 
dpOcbs efie/jL-^raro. to p,ev yap rf)<; TTpoOvfAias Xgov 
t]v dir a/ii(f)OT€p(ov, on hwpa u7re\a/3ov y^p))vai Kal 
OvGias dvafyepeiv dpLcfrorepoc rq> 6eu>. ire pi he rrjv 
hiatpeGiv 6 pev ervftev, 6 Be tfpLapre rov gkottov. 
7rw? Kal riva Tpoirov ; eirechr) yap rcov eirl yrjs 
ovtcov ra puev Igtlv epL^vya, ra he dyjrv^a, Tipad>- 
repa he rcov dtyvywv earl ra epu^vya tw %<ovti 
koI £g>?}? alricp dew, icaOb zeal ^oorjs pLereLXrjcfre Kal 
tyvyn)*; otKeiorepas 1 — hid rovro ray reXeiav ivpoa- 
ayovTi QvGiav 6 #eo? e7rr)v($)pdv6r)" 

351 A Nfz4 he eTravaXriiTTeov Igti puoi 777)09 avrovs' 
hid tl yap ov)(l irepirepuveGde ; " ITaOXo?," $aaiv, 
" elrre irepnopi^v Kaphias, aK)C ov^l rrjs aapKos 
hehoaOai iriGrevGavri 2 ra> * Aft pa dpi. ov pJr)v en 
ra Kara adpKa ecprj, Kal hel iriGTevGai rots 
vii avrov Kal Herpov Kr]pvrTopevoi<; Aoyot? ovk 
aaefteaiv." aKOve he irdXiv, on ttjv Kara adpKa 
7T€piTop,r)v 6t<? hia6rjK7]v 6 #eo? Xeyerai hovvai Kal 

351 B et '9 (j7)pbelov rw 'Aftpadpi' " Kal avrr) rj hiad^Ky, 
t)v hiaTrjpr)<rei<; dvd pueaov epiov Kal gov 3 Kal dvd 
pLeaov rov GTreppuaros gov eh Ta? yeveas vpuaiv. 
Kal irepLTpii-}6r}GeG6e rrjv GapKa tt)? aKpofivGrias 
vpiSyv, Kal eGiai ev G^p,ei(p hiaOrjKrj^ dvd pieGov 
epiov Kal gov Kal dvd pieGov epiov Kal rov Girep- 
piaTo? gov." . . . ore toivvv, on mpoGiJKei Trjpeiv 

1 oliceioTepas Asmus ; olnetSTepa Neumann. 

2 TriaTevaavTt Neumann suggests; Kal tovto tlvai MSS. 
5 aov Wright ; vfxuv Neumann. 

1 An allusion to L'omans 4. 11-12 and 2. 29. 
420 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

embarrassed, I said, "God rightly disapproved the 
thing you speak of. For the zeal of the two men 
was equal, in that they both thought that they 
ought to offer up gifts and sacrifices to God. But 
in the matter of their division one of them hit the 
mark and the other fell short of it. How, and in 
what manner ? Why, since of things on the earth 
some have life and others are lifeless, and those that 
have life are more precious than those that are life- 
less to the living God who is also the cause of life, 
inasmuch as they also have a share of life and have 
a soul more akin to his— for this reason God was 
more graciously inclined to him who offered a perfect 
sacrifice." 

Now I must take up this other point and ask 
them, Why, pray, do you not practise circumcision ? 
"Paul," they answer, "said that circumcision of the 
heart but not of the flesh was granted unto Abraham 
because he believed. 1 Nay it was not now of the flesh 
that he spoke, and we ought to believe the pious 
words that were proclaimed by him and by Peter." 
On the other hand hear again that God is said to 
have given circumcision of the flesh to Abraham 
for a covenant and a sign : " This is my covenant 
which ye shall keep, between me and thee and 
thy seed after thee in their generations. Ye shall 
circumcise the flesh of your foreskin, and it shall 
be in token of a covenant betwixt me and thee 
and betwixt me and thy seed." . . . 2 Therefore 
when He 3 has undoubtedly taught that it is proper 

2 A paraphrase of Genesis 17. 10-11 ; according to Cyril, 
Julian quoted Matthew 5. 17, 19, to prove that Christ did not 
come to destroy the law. 

3 i. c. Christ. 

421 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

tov vopov, ava/jL<j)i(T/3r}TrJTa)<; Trpoarerax^ *at rols 
fiiav TTCLpafialvovaiv evToXrjv eir^pTrjae £t/ea?, 
vfiels, oi crvX\i]{38r]V dirdaas 7rapa/3e/3rjfc6T€<>, 
ottoiov evprjo-ere rrjs diroXoyias tov Tpbirov ; rj 
yap ^evBoeirrjaet 6 'Irjaovs, rjyovv vp,e2<$ irdvTr) 
351 D Kal 7rdvT(o<; ov vop,o(j)vXaK€<;. "H irepiTop^eaTai 
354 A irepl ttjv adp/ca crov," 6 Mcovarjs (frqai,. irapa- 
KOvaavTes tovtov " Ta<? /capBias " (f>aal " irepi- 
T€/uv6/jL€0a." ixdvv ye' ovSels yap Trap' vjniv 
tcatcovpyos, ovBels pio^Orjpo'i' ovtco irepiTepivea6e 
Ta? /capSias. " Typelv d£vpa teal iroielv to irdo-ya 
ov hvvdfxeOa " (f>ao~LV " virep rjpucov yap aira^ 
ctvOt] X^t<jT09." KaXcbs' elra eKooXvaev eaOleiv 
d^vfia ; Kalioiy pud tovs deovs, eh elfii twv 
354 B itcTpeiro/jLevtov o-vveopTd&iv'lovSaLoiSydel Be Trpoa- 
kvv<ov tov Oeov ' A/3paa/ji Kal '\aaaK ical 'Iatf&)/3, 
o'i ovtcs avTol XaXBaloi, yevov<; lepov ical deovp- 
yi/cov, Trjv pev TTepiTopsqv epuaSov AlyvirTiois 
eiTi^evwOevTes, eae^dadrjaav Be Oeov, o? epol teal 
Tot? avTov, (ociTrep 'Aftpadp, eo-e/3e, o-e/3op,evoi<; 
evpevrjs rjv, p,eya$ Te wv irdvv Kal BvvaTos, vpuv 
Be ovBev nrpoG7]Kwv. ovBe yap tov ' Afipadp, 
pipbeiaOe, /3a>/xou9 tg eyeipovTes avTco Kal olkoBo- 
354 C piovvTes Ovaiao-Tijpia Kal OepairevovTes too-irep 
356 C eKeivos tcu9 lepovpyiai^. e6ve p,ev yap ' Aftpadfi, 
wo-Trep Kal rjpLels, del Kal avve^o)^. £xP*i T0 ^ 

pLaVTIKTJ TJJ TWV BiaTTOVTOtiV OLGTpWV' ' VSKXr) VI KOV 

icra)<; Kal tovto. olcovi^eTO Be p,ei£6va><;. dWa 

1 Cf. Genesis 17. 13. 

2 This is a sneer rather than an argument. 

8 Cf. Letter 20, To Theodoras, 454A, where Julian says that 
the Jewish god " is worshipped by us under other names." 

422 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

to observe the law, and threatened with punish- 
ment those who transgress one commandment, what 
manner of defending yourselves will you devise, 
you who have transgressed them all without ex- 
ception ? For either Jesus will be found to speak 
falsely, or rather you will be found in all respects 
and in every way to have failed to preserve the law. 
" The circumcision shall be of thy flesh," says Moses. 1 
But the Galilaeans do not heed him, and they say : 
"We circumcise our hearts." By all means. For there 
is among you no evildoer, no sinner; so thoroughly 
do you circumcise your hearts. 2 They say: "We 
cannot observe the rule of unleavened bread or keep 
the Passover ; for on our behalf Christ was sacrificed 
once and for all." Very well! Then did he forbid 
you to eat unleavened bread ? And yet, I call 
the gods to witness, I am one of those who avoid 
keeping their festivals with the Jews ; but neverthe- 
less I revere always the God of A braham, Isaac and 
Jacob; 3 who being themselves dialriae ans , of a 
sacred race, skilled in theurgy, h ad learned the 
practice of circumcision while they sojourned as 
strangers with the Egyptians. And they revered a 
God who was ever gracious to me and to those who 
worshipped him as Abraham did, for he is a very 
great and powerful God, but he has nothing to do 
with you. For you do not imitate Abraham by 
erecting altars to him, or building altars of sacrifice 
and worshipping him as Abraham did, with sacrificial 
offerings. For Abraham used to sacrifice even as we 
Hellenes do, always and continually. And he used 
the method of divination from shooting stars. 
Probably this also is an Hellenic custom. But for 
higher things he augured from the flight of birds. 

423 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

/cal tov eir It poirov t?)? oltcias el%€ avpfioXiicov. 
356 D el Be airiarel Ti? v/ucjv, avrd Settee 1 o-ac/xw? tct 
i/7re/9 tovtcov elprjpeva Mcovafj' " pera Be ra />?;- 
fiara ravra eyevyOrj Kvpiov \0y09 irpbs ' Aftpadp 
Xeywv ev 6pd/jLCLTi Ttf$ vv/cros' pr) (fioftov, 'Aftpadp,, 
eya) vTrepacTTrL^o) gov. 6 picrOos gov 7ro\u9 co-rat 
G(f)6Bpa. Xeyet Be c A/3padp' BeGTrora, ri pot 
$(i)o~ei<; ; eyco Be diroXvopiai are/cvos, 6 Be vlbs 
Matre/c tt}? ol/coyevovs pov 2 /cXrjpovop,i)Get pe. teal 
ev6vs (froovr) rod 6eov eyevero irpbs avrbv Xeyovros' 
ov K\i]povop,7]cr€t, ere ovtos, aXX' 09 e^eXevaerai 

356 E e/c gov, ovros fcXrjpovopijcreL o~e. e^yyaye Be 

avrbv /calelirev avrw' dvd/SXeyjrov eh rbv ovpavbv 
real dpWpr\GOv robs daTepas, el Bvvrjar) e^aptO- 
pufjGat avrovs. /cal elirev ovrcos earat rb Gireppa 
oov. /cal eTTiarevaev ' Aft pad p, tw Qe&> /cal e\o- 
ylaOii avTtp eh BL/caiocrvvrjv" 

Ei7rare evravOa piot tov ydptv ig-tjyayev avrbv 
/cal tou? do-repa? eBet/cvvev 6 ^prjparL^ayv dyyeXos 
rj 0e6s ; ov yap eylvwG/cev evBov tov, ogov tl rb 

357 A irXrjOos eari rcov vv/crcop del (patvopevcov /cal 

puappapvGGovrcov darepcov ; dXX\ dlpai, Bet^at 
robs Btdrrovra^ avrto fiovXopevos, 'iva rcov pi]- 
pdrcov ivapyrj ttigtiv irapaG^rat rr\v nrdvra 
Kpaivovaav ical eiri/cvpovGav ovpavov yjrrjcpov. 
358 G 07TW9 Be p,rj t*9 viroXdpr) ftlaiov elvai rrjv roiav- 

1 5J£ei Klimek ; 8e/£w Neumann. 

2 ovtos Aa/naaKhs 'E\U(cp which follow now in the Septua- 
gint are omitted by Julian, who seems to have quoted this 
passage from memory. 

424 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

And he possessed also a steward of his house who set 
signs for himself. 1 And if one of you doubts this, the 
very words which were uttered by Moses concerning 
it will show him clearly : " After these sayings the 
word of the Lord came unto Abraham in a vision of 
the night, saying, Fear not, Abraham : I am thy 
shield. Thy reward shall be exceeding great. And 
Abraham said, Lord God what wilt thou give me ? 
For I go childless, and the son of Masek the slave 
woman will be my heir. And straightway the word 
of the Lord came unto him saying, This man shall 
not be thine heir : but he that shall come forth 
from thee shall be thine heir. And he brought him 
forth and said unto him, Look now toward heaven, 
and tell the stars, if thou be able to number them : 
and he said unto him, So shall thy seed be. And 
Abraham believed in the Lord : and it was counted 
to him for righteousness." 2 

Tell me now why he who dealt with him, whether 
angel or God, brought him forth and showed him 
the stars ? For while still within the house did he 
not know how great is the multitude of the stars 
that at night are always visible and shining ? But 
I think it was because he wished to show him the 
shooting stars, so that as a visible pledge of his 
words he might offer to Abraham the decision of the 
heavens that fulfills and sanctions all things. And 
lest any man should think that such an interpre- 

1 Genesis 24. 2, 10, 43, foil. This was Eleazar. Mlimonidea 
the Jewish jurist, writing in the twelfth century, says, "One 
who sets signs for himself . . . like Eleazar the servant of 
Abraham," with reference to Genesis 24. 14. The epithet 
avix&ohiKhs is probably a translation of the Hebrew. 1 am 
indebted for this note to Professor Margoliontli. 

2 Partly paraphrased from Genesis 15. 1-6. 

425 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 

rrjv e^rjyqcriv, e^efr}? oaa irpocrKenai irapaOels 
clvtg) iri<TT(O(T0/jLai. yeypairrai yap ef%* " Erne 
he 7r/)09 avrov' iyco elpui 6 #eo? 6 i^ayayoov ae etc 
%ft)/oa9 XaXhaicov, ware hovvat goi rt]v yr)v ravrrjv 

K\7)p0V0p,r)<TCLL aVTTjV . €17T€ he" heairora /cvpie, 

358 D Kara ti yvcoaopuai, on /cXrfpovop,rja(o avrijv ; elire 
he avr(p' \df3e pcot hdp,aXiv rpieru^ovaav /cal 
alya rpierl^ovaav ical tcpibv rpieTi^ovra /cal 
rpvyova /cal Trepiarepdv. eXajBe he avrQ> irdvra 
ravra /cal hielXev avrd peaa' /cal eOrj/cev avrd 
dvTLTTpoawrra aXXrjXot^' rd he opvea ov hielXe. 
Karej3r] he opvea eirl rd hi^oro put] para /cal orvve- 
/cdOcaev avrois r A/3padp,. 

Trjv rod (fravevros dyyeXov Trpopprjaiv r)TOi 
Oeov hid rf}<; olwvio-TiKrjs Spare /cparvvopevrjv, 
ou^, axnrep Trap* vpuv, i/c irapepyov, perd Ovtriwv 

358 E he rrjs pbavreias eTrireXovpLevrj^ ; cfirjal he, on 
rfj row olwvwv eiriinrjaei f3e/3alav eheige rrjv 
eirayyeXiav. dirohe^erai he rrjv ttigtiv * Aftpadp, 
TTpoaeTrdywv, on dXrjOeias dvev ttigti^ rjXidiorrjs 
eoi/ce rt? elvai /cal epb^povrrjata. rrjv he dXrjQeiav 
ovtc eveariv Ihelv etc yfriXov pypaTOS, dXXd \prj tl 
/cal Trapa/coXovOfjaac Tot? Xoyoi? evapyes o-rjpeiov, 
o iriGTtoaeTai yevbpevov rrjv et? to pueXXov ire- 
iroirjpevYjv TTpoayopevaiv. . . . 

351 D . Wpofyaais vplv t?)? ev ye tovtq) paarayvr}? irepiXe- 
Xenrrai pla, to prj e^elvat Oveiv e%w yeyovbai 
324 twv c \epoo~oXvpwv, /cairoi 'HXiov reOv/coTos ev rq> 
C, D K.appL7}Xt(t), /cal ov/c ev ye rfj ayia, iroXei. 

1 Cyril says that Julian then asserted that he himself had 
been instructed by omens from birds that he would sit on the 
throne. 
426 



AGAINST THE GALILAEANS 

tation is forced, I will convince him by adding what 
comes next to the above passage. For it is written 
next : * And he said unto him, I am the Lord that 
brought thee out of the land of the Chaldees, to give 
thee this land to inherit it. And he said, Lord God, 
whereby shall I know that I shall inherit it? And 
he said unto him, Take me an heifer of three years 
old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram of 
three years old, and a turtle-dove and a pigeon. 
And he took unto him all these, and divided them 
in the midst, and laid each piece one against another ; 
but the birds divided he not. And the fowls came 
down upon the divided carcases, and Abraham sat 
down among them." 

You see how the announcement of the angel or 
god who had appeared was strengthened by means 
of the augury from birds, and how the prophecy was 
completed, not at haphazard as happens with you, 
but with the accompaniment of sacrifices ? More- 
over he says that by the Hocking together of the 
birds he showed that his message was true. And 
Abraham accepted the pledge, and moreover declared 
that a pledge that lacked truth seemed to be mere 
folly and imbecility. But it is not possible to behold 
the truth from speech alone, but some clear sign 
must follow on what has been said, a sign that by 
its appearance shall guarantee the prophecy that 
has been made concerning the future. . . . l 

However, for your indolence in this matter there 
remains for you one single excuse, namely, that you 
are not permitted to sacrifice if you are outside 
Jerusalem, though for that matter Elijah sacrificed 
on Mount Carmel, and not in the holy city. 2 

2 1 Kings 18. 19. 

427 



FRAGMENTA 1 



roiavra TroWa/cis iyivero /ecu yivercu, /cal 7TW9 
ravra crvvreXdas atjfiela ; 2 



Mwvafjs rj/mepas reaaapuKOvra V7]arevaa<; e\a[3e 
top vofjiov, r HAxa<? Be Tocravras vrjaTevaas 6ei(ov 
avTOijriwv eTV%ev. 'I^o-oO? he ri fieja roaatiTrjv 
vrjareiav eXaftev ; 3 



teal 7T&)? €t9 to irrepvyiov rov lepov rbv 'lrjaovv 
dvrjyayev ovra ev rfj epij/Arp ; 4 

1 Only the fragments which preserve the actual words of 
Julian are here given ; several of Neumann's are therefore 
omitted. 

2 Neumann frag. 3 ; from Julian, Book 2, derived from 
Cyril, Book 12. Quoted by Theodorus, bishop of Alopsuestia, 
in his Commentary on the New Testament. Neumann 
thinks that Theodorus probably wrote a refutation of Julian 
at Antioch about 378 a.d. 

428 



FRAGMENTS 



1 



Such things 1 have often happened and still 
happen, and how can these be signs of the end of 
the world ? 2 



Moses after fasting forty days received the law, 3 
and Elijah, after fasting for the same period, was 
granted to see God face to face. 4 But what did 
Jesus receive, after a fast of the same length ? 5 



-3 

And how could he lead Jesus to the pinnacle of 
the Temple when Jesus was in the wilderness ? 6 

1 i.e. wars, famines, etc. 

» Cf. Matthew 24. 3-14. 
3 Exodus 31. 18. M Kings 19. 9. 

6 Matthew 4. 2, foil. • Matthew 4. 5. 



3 Neumann frag. 4 ; from the same source as 1. 

4 Neumann frag. 6. From the same source as 1 and 2. 



429 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 



'AXXd /ecu roiavra irpoaevyeTai 6 'I^croi)?, ola 
av0pct)7ro<; a0\io<; o-v/j,(f)Opdv (pepeiv cvkoXcos ov 
&vvd/jL€vo<; , Kal vir dyyeXov #eo? cbv ivLa^verai. Tt9 
&€ Kal dvr^yyeCXe aoi, Aov/ca, irepl rod dyyeXov, 
el /ecu yiyove tovto ; ovBe oi Tore 7rapovT€<} evx°~ 
[leva* KctT&elv oloi re rjaav €/coi/jl(ovto ydp. hib 
Kal dirb t^9 7rpO(T6V)^rj^ eXOcav evpev avTOV? koi- 
/j,a)/j,€POvs citto rrj<i Xvirr)? /cal elire' " Ti /caOevhere ; 
avaaravTes Trpoaev-^eaOe n Kal ra ef 7)9' elra' " Kal 
en ai/Tov tovto XaXovvTOS, ISov 0^X09 ttoXvs fcal 
'Iou8a9." Bib 01/Be eypayjrev ^lcadvv^, ovBe yap 
elBe. 1 



'A/covaaTe KaXov Kal ttoXltlkov irapayyeXfiaTO^. 
" Uo)XyoaT€ to, virdpyovTa Kal B6t€ irT(ii\ol<;' 
7roii]aaT€ eavTois ftaXdvTia firj nraXaiovp,6va" 
TavTT}? Tt9 elirelv €%ei TroXiTiKWTepav tt}? eWo- 
XrJ9 ; el yap irdvTes goi ireiaOelev, tls 6 oavyaofie- 
i>09 ; iiraivei Tt9 TavTrjv ttjv BiBaaKaXiav, 179 
KpaTvvdeicrY)<$ ov ttoXls, ovk eOvo^, ovk OLKia fita 
avaT7]G6Tai ; 7TO)9 yap nrpaOevTWV diravTcov oIkos 
evTifios elvai BvvaTai t*9 y ol/cla ; to Be, oti 
irdvTWV ofiov T(ov ev ttj moXei Twrpao-KOfievGdv, 
ovk av evpeOetev oi dyopdfrvTes, (pavepop io~Ti 
Kal cricoircofjievov. 2 

1 Neumann frag. 7. From the same source as 3. 

2 Neumann, frag. 12. From Cyril, Book 18, quoted by 
Photius. 

43° 



FRAGMENTS 



Furthermore, Jesus prays in such language as 
would be used by a pitiful wretch who cannot bear 
misfortune with serenity, and though he is a god 
is reassured by an angel. And who told you, Luke, 
the story of the angel, if indeed this ever happened? 
For those who were there when he prayed could 
not see the angel ; for they were asleep. Therefore 
when Jesus came from his prayer he found them 
fallen asleep from their grief and he said : " Why 
do ye sleep? Arise and pray," and so forth. And 
then, "And while he was yet speaking, behold a 
multitude and Judas." x That is why John did not 
write about the angel, for neither did he see it. 



Listen to a fine statesmanlike piece of advice : 
" Sell that ye have and give to the poor ; provide 
yourselves with bags which wax not old." 2 Can 
anyone quote a more statesmanlike ordinance 
than this? For if all men were to obey you who 
would there be to buy? Can anyone praise this 
teaching when, if it be carried out, no city, no 
nation, not a single family will hold together ? For, 
if everything has been sold, how can any house or 
family be of any value? Moreover the fact that 
if everything in the city were being sold at once 
there would be no one to trade is obvious, without 
being mentioned. 



1 Luke 22. 42-47. 
8 Luke 12. 33. 



431 



THE EMPEROR JULIAN 



Il<w9 fjpe 77)v ajxapTiav 6 tov 6eov X0709 aiTios 
7ToA,\ot? /lev TraTpOKTovLas, 7ro\\o£? ^€ 7rai8o- 
K70via<$ yevopevos, avayKa^ofxevcov rwv av0p(*>Trwv 
rj Tot9 TrarpLois f3orj0€LV real -n)? ef alwvos avrois 
€va€{3eia<; irapaBeBo puevr)^ avrkyea-Qai r) rrjv kcll- 

VOTOfJLtaV TCLVTTJV TTpOaUoQdl ," hlCL TV jap OV^ 

zeal Mcovays, o? avcuperr)? iXOcov t/}<? afiapTias 
ifXeicmipiaaas ravrrjv KareiXTjirraL ; * 



Quod de Israel scriptum est, Matthaeus evange- 
lista ad Christum transtulit, ut simplicitati eorum 
qui de gentibus crediderant illuderet. 2 

1 Not in Neumann; reconstructed by him from tke polemical 
writings of Archbishop Arethas of Caesarea who wrote in 
refutation of Julian in the tenth century. First published by 
Cumont, Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite de Vempcreur 
Julien, Brussels, 1898. Neumann's reconstruction is in 
Theologische Litteraturzeitung, 10. 1899. 

2 Neumann frag. 15. Preserved by the fifth century 
writer Hieronymus in his Latin Commentary on Hosca 3. 11. 

1 Julian is criticising St. John's Gospel, as he criticised 
its prologue in Against the Galilaeans, Book 1. He attacks 
John 1. 29; cf. John 1. 3. 5. 



432 



FRAGMENTS 



How did the Word of God take away sin, 1 when i 
it caused many to commit the sin of killing their I 
fathers, and many their children ? 2 And mankind / 
are compelled either to uphold their ancestral/ 
customs and to cling to the pious tradition that/ 
they have inherited from the ages 3 or to accept/ 
this innovation. Is not this true of Moses also, who/ 
came to take away sin, but has been detected] 
increasing the number of sins? 4 



The words that were written concerning Israel 5 
Matthew the Evangelist transferred to Christ, 6 that 
he might mock the simplicity of those of the 
Gentiles who believed. 

2 Matthew 10. 21. "And the brother shall deliver up the 
brother to death, and the father the child ; and the children 
rise np against their parents, and cause them to be put to 
death." 

3 He means that in this case too their sins have not been 
taken away by the Word, since they remain heathens. 

4 In Leviticus 16. Aaron is to make atonement for the sins of 
Israel, but the severe Mosaic law increased the opportunities 
for transgression. 

6 Hosca 11. 1. "When Israel was a child, then I loved 
him and called my son out of Egypt." 

6 Matthew 2. 15. "That it might be fulfilled which was 
spoken of the Lord by the prophet, saying, ' Out of Egypt 
have I called my son.'" 



433 
VOL, III. F F 



TABLE OF NUMBERS 



Hertlein. 


Wright 


Bidez- 
Cumont. 


Lkttkrs l. 1 








2. 


To Prohaeresius 


14 


31 


3. 


To Libanius . 




52 


96 


4. 


To Aristoxenus 




35 


78 


r>. 


To Theodora. 




3a 


85 


6. 


To Ecdicius . 




46 


112 


7. 


To Atarbius 2 




37 


83 


s. 


T<i George 




67 


1SS 


9. 


To Bodiciua . 




23 


107 


10. 


To the Alexandrians 


21 


Oil 


II. 


To tlic Byzaetans 1 


3(1 


54 


12. 


To l'>asil 


26 


32 


i::. 


To ( lonnt Julian 




!) 


28 


it. 


To Libanius . 




53 


97 


L5. 


To Maxiinus . 




12 


190 


1(1. 


To Maxitnus . 




59 


191 


17. 


To ( hribasiuB . 




4 


14 


IS. 


To Bugenius . 




(id 


193 


11). 


To 1 [eceboliue 




<;:; 


194 


20. 


To Kustoehius 




:.i 


41 


21. 


To ( iallizeine 




j-j 


SI 


22 


To Leonl ius . 




11 


152 


23. 


r r<» Elermogenes 




13 


33 


21. 


To Sarapion . 




SI) 


ISO 


25. 


To the .lews . 




51 


204 


25 b 


. ' loncerning Physicians . 


:n 


75 b 


26. 


To the Alexandria 


US 


24 


110 



1 Hertkin 1 is by the sophist Pmcopius of Gaza ami is not reprinted 
here. 
 Bertlein, To Artabiiu.  Bertlein, T* the Byzantines. 



435 



F F 2 



TABLE OF NUMBERS 



Hertlein. 


Wright. 


Bidez- 
Cumont. 


Letters 27. 


To Libanius . 


58 


98 


28. 


To Gregory . 


71 


196 


29. 


To Alypius . 


6 


9 


30. 


To Alypius . 


7 


10 


31. 


To Aetius 


15 


46 


32. 


To Lucian 


64 


197 


33. 


To Dositheus 


68 


200 


34. 


To Iamblichus 


79 


187 


35. 


For the Argives 


28 


198 


36 


To Porphyrins 


38 


106 


37. 


To Himerius x 


69 


201 


38. 


To Maxim us . 


8 


26 


39. 


To Eustathius 


44 


35 


40. 


To Iamblichus 


78 


184 


41. 


To Iamblichus 


74 


186 


42. 


On Christian Teachers 2 


36 


61c 


43. 


To Hecebolius 


40 


115 


44. 


To Priscus 


5 


11 


45. 


ToZeno 


17 


58 


4G. 


To Evagrius . 


25 


4 


47. 


To the Thracians . 


27 


73 


48. 


To Plutarch 3 


72 


153 


49. 


To Arsacius . 


22 


84 a 


50. 


To Ecdicius . 


45 


108 


51. 


To the Alexandrians 


47 


111 


52. 


To the Bostrenians 


41 


114 


53. 


To Iamblichus 


75 


185 


54. 


To George 


60 


189 


55. 


To Eumenius and Phari- 
anus 


3 


S 


56. 


To Ecdicius . 


49 


109 


57 


To Elpidius . . 


05 


195 


58. 


To the Alexandrians 


48 


59 


59. 


To Nilus-Dionysius 4 


50 


82 


60. 


To Iamblichus 


77 


183 



1 Hertlein, To Amerlus. 
• Hertlein, To Zeno. 



2 Hertlein no title. 

4 Hertlein, To Dionysius. 



436 



TABLE OF NUMBERS 



Hertlein. 


Wright. 


Bidez- 
Cumont. 


Letters 61. 


To Ianiblichus 


76 


181 


62. 


To an Official x 


18 


88 


sa 


To Theodoras 


20 


89 a 


64. 


To the People 


fr. 12 


170 


66. 


To a Painter . 


fr. 13 


177 


66. 


To Arsaces . 


57 


202 


67. 


To Sopater 1 . 


61 


182 


68. 


To Philip . 


30 


40 


69. 


To Entherius 


10 


29 


70. 


To Diogenes . 


70 


199 


71. 


To Priscus 


1 


13 


72. 


[To Julian] 3 . 


S3 


36 


7:J. 


To Eucleichs 


62 


192 


74. 


To Libanius . 


53 


97 


7r,. 


To Basil 


81 


205 


76. 


To Eustathius 


43 


34 


77. 


Concerning Funerals 4 . 


56 


1361) 


78. 


To a Priest 6 . 


19 


79 


70. 


To Photinus 6 


55 


90 



Papadopoulos-Kcrameus. 


Wright. 


r.i.i.v- 
Camotit 


Letters 1.* To Count Julian , 
2.* To Theodora 
3.* To Theodoras 

4.* To Priscus 
o. * To Maximums 
6.* To Theodora? 


29 

32 

16 

2 

73 
34 


80 
86 
30 
12 
19 
S7 



1 Hertlein no title. 

* By Eustathius. Hertlein, To Libaniut. 

6 Hertlein no title. 



* Hertlein, To 8on p at er . 

* Hertlein no title. 

* Hertlein no title. 



437 



TABLE OF NUMBERS 





Hertlein. 


Wright. 


Bidez-Cuinont. 




Fragments 


1 


p. 38 


30 






2 


1 


155 






3 


p. 36 


30 






4 


2 


25 b 






5 


3 


20 






6 


4 


161 






7 


5 


25 a 






8 


6 


61 d 






9 


7 


61 d 






10 


8 


165 a 






— 


9 


94 






— 


10 


178 






— 


11 


134 




Letter 


64 


12 


176 




Letter 


65 


13 


177 






— 


14 


157 



Hertlein. 


Wright. 


Bid 


ez-Cumont. 


Epigrams 1 


1 




168 


o 


2 




166 


3 


3 




172 


4 


4 




169 


5 


5 




17-1 


— 


6 




170 



438 



INDEX 



•"., 433 
Abel, tl'.i 

Ablabius, the prefect, trxvi 
Abraham, 61, 879, U8, U9, 131, L28, 

426, 487 
Achaea, the proconsul of, wiii, xxxr, 

87, 84, 87, 9S.SU 
Achilles, shrine of, 51, 68 
Acts «i the Apostles, cited, 894, 111 
Adam, 826, 827, U9 
Adrasteia Invoked, 17. 87, 109 
Aeacus, 869 
Aedesius, the philosopher, ix, xl, xlv, 

liv, lix 

I olepina at, 99, ; i7~> 
Aelian, the historian, 868 
Aeneas, 870 
Aeschylus, cited; 241, 899 

Fables, 22 7 
Aetius, the heretic, Letter 15 to, 35; 

biography of, x, wiii ox, 388, 419 
Africa, 125,331 
Agamemnon, n>7 
Agesilaus, 869 
Alaric In Greece, hiii 
Alcinous, garden of, 306, 878 

A 1am Mini, t he, xii, I 99 

Aleppo ( Beroea), 301 

Alexander of ttacedon, Ivi, 81, CI, 87, 

1 16, I 17. L69, L70, L73, 384, 881 
Alexander Severus, decree of, kxs 
Alexandria, viii, \\\\ ii, rxxix, 76, 1 13; 

ascetics at, 164; Athanasina at, 76; 

Bishop George at, 13; music at, 

155; Zeno t in- physician at, 43 
Alexandrians, the, Letter 81 to, 61; 

Letter 24 to, 78, cited, L51; Letter 17 

to, 143, >-itc. 1,121; Letter -18 to, 153 ; 

turbulence of, 68, 64, xl. in, in 
Alexandria Thkk. Julian at, 51 
Aloadae, the, 351 
Alps, the, 105 



Alvpius, Governor of Britain, Letters 
• i and 7 to, 16-21; biography of, 
xxxii, 67 

Alypius, the dwarf, of Alexandria, 
xxxiii 

Ameriufl (Himerius), xlix, 227 

Ammianus ICaroelllnns, cited, Intro- 
duction, passim, 11, 21, 23, 88, 81, 
88, 85, 1 1 . 68, 98, 101, 135, 129, 137, 
111, 156, 164,172,188,197,199,200, 
308, 805, 207, 809, 296, 300, 301 

Amphion of Thebes, 39 

Anacharsis, the Scythian, 347 

Auacreon, cited, 212 

Ancyra, xxxviii, 133 

Angels, the, 401 

Antlmlo.ni Greek, the, 153, 304, 305. 31 19 

Antioch, Alypius at, rxxil, St. Babylas 
at, 191 ; fjonstantina at, x\i; Gallus 
at, ix, 289: Julian at, vii, xxiii.xxv, 
xliv, 73, 98, 107, 117, 125, 135, 181, 
:; 1 1 ; Senate of, xxv, 201 ; temple of 
Fortune at, 801 ; winter camp of, at 
Litarbae, 801, 209, 428 

Antiochus, 815 

Apamea, Julian of, 366; Sopater of, 

lxi 

Aphobius, consuktris of Palestine, 55 
Aphrodite, 169; sandal of, 169 

Apis the sacred bull, xliii 
Apollinaria (Apollinarins), the Syrian, 

xx, 303 
Apollo, •- , :;7, 889, 866, 387; in 

Bmonides, 881; Dfdymus, 17; 

temple of, at Daphne, xxiv, li, 55, 

98,208 
Apollodorus in Plato, Symposium, 5 
Apostles, the, 111 

Arabia, LS9 
Archidamus, 369 

Archilochus, 103 

Areius, the Stoic, 146, 147 

439 



INDEX 



Ares, 199, 302, 345, 373, 387 
Arethas of Cacsarea, 432 
Argentoratum (Strasbourg), battle of, 

xii 
Argives, the, concerning, Letter 28, 85 ; 

discussion of, Letter 28, xxii 
Argos, xxiii, 84, 85 
Argus, Io's guardian, 263 
Arians, the, xxx, xxxix, 37, 126, 127, 

187 ; persecution of orthodox Chris- 
tians by, 129 ; Callus, an Arian, 290 
Aristaeus, 237 
Aristeides the Just, 369 
Aristophanes, Acharnians, 34; Birds, 

299; Plutus, 81, 101 ; on figs, 269 
Aristophanes of Corinth, xxvii, xliv, 

lv, 181, 183, 296; biography of, 

xxxiii 
Aristotle, xxxi, 5, 7, 12, 119, 270, 271 
Aristoxenus, Letter 35 to, 115, xxiv, 

xliii 
Aries, Constantius at, ix 
Armenia, xxx, 199, auxiliaries from, 

xxv, Letter 57 to King of, 197 
Arrian, the historian, 169, 171 
Arsaces (Arsacius) King of Armenia, 

Letter 57 to, 197 ; biography of, xxxv 
Arsacius, high priest of Galatia, 67 
Artemius of the Crossroads, 139 
Artemius, dux Aegypti, biography of, 

xxxvii, 62, 63 
Asclepius, 99, 141, 163, 247, 261, 265, 

315, 375, 387, 389 
Asia, temples in, 57 
Assyrians, the, 367, 379 
Astydamas hi Philemon, 83, 159 
Atarbius, Letter 37 to, 123; biography 

of, xxxviii 
Athanasius, St., biography of, xxxix, 

61, 75, 142, 144, 151 ; return of, to 

Alexandria, xviii 
Athenaeus, cited, 268 
Athene, 51, 241, 279, 345, 387 
Athenians, the, xv, 87 
Athens, xxxiii xliii, 1, 153, 225, 316; 

Diodorus of Tarsus at, 189; Julian 

at, xi, xxii, lix, 6, 85 ; Prohaeivsius 

at, xix, 34 ; St. Basil at, xi 
Attuarii, the, xv 
Augustus, Emperor, 87, 147 
Aulus Gellius, 163 
Aurelius Victor, 239 

Baal, 367 
Baal-pcor, 363 

44© 



Babel, tower of, 349 

Babrius, Fable 33, 161; Fable 107, 

227 
Babylas, St., church of, at Antioch, 

99; translation of bones of, lii, 191 
Babylon, 369 
Babylonia, History of, 366 
Basil, St., Letter 26 to, 81, cited, 139, 

159; Letter 81 to, 285, cited 302, 

303; Letters of, 284; Julian's 

relations with, xi, xvi, xx, xxxii, 

xlvii, 80, 285; biography of, xli 
Basilina, mother of Julian, vii, \iii, 

li 
Batnae (Tell-Batnan), 201, 202, 203, 

205 
Batnae in Osroene, 202 
Beer Epigram 1 on, 305 
Belos (Baal), 367 

Beroea (Aleppo), 201 , 

Berosus, the historian, 366 
Bcsontio (Besancon), 23 
Bethany, 377 
Bethsaida, 377 

Bisanthe (Rodosto) in Thrace, 124 
Bithynia, viii, xlvi, 77, 129 
Bosporus, the, 238 
Bostra, Letter 41 to, 129, cited, xxiv, 

123, 133, 376 
Briareus, 281 
Britain, Alypius in, xxxii 
Bromius, epithet of Dionysus, 305 
Bupalus in Calliniarhus, 19 
Byron, 299 
Byzacians, the, Letter 39 to, 125, cited, 

xviii 
Byzantium, 121 

Caesar, Julius, Gallic liar, 23 
Caesarea (Mazaca), xlii, 75, 2,s7, 438; 
Constantius at, xv, xxxvi; birth place 

of Julian, the Sophist, 1, lix, lxiv 
Caesarins, brother of Alypius, xxxiii, 

Cam, 419 

Callimachus, 19; the Hecale of, 23'.) 
Callippus, the Athenian, 162, 168 
Callistlienes, the historian, 169, 171 
Callixeine, the priestess, Letter 42 to, 

135 
Capitol, the, at Rome, 63 ; the Capito- 

line, 371 
Cappadocia, xl, xliii, xlv, 75, 107, 140; 

Bustocliius of, 185; Macellum in, 

viii, 315 



INDEX 



Cappadocians, the, Christians, 117 

Oarmel, If*.. J J 7 

Oarrhae, Julian at, xxv, 208 

Cedrenus, the historian, lvii 

Gelsus, the pagan apologist, 814, 315 

Cells, the, 111, 305, MA, 147 

Oenchreae near < 'orinth, 235 

Ghalce (.iraikij, the Island, xxtx, bdi 

Qhalcedon, the commission at, xvii, 
33, 183; Maris, bishop of, 301; 
straits «>f. 1 1"'. In 

Chalets in Syria, xlix 

Ohaldaeans, the, xlv, 300, 307, 3oy, 
401,418,417 

Chamavi, the, xii 

Cherubim, the, 401 

( fhiron, the Centaur, 307 

Chnodomar, King of the Alemanni, 
xii 

Christ the Word,l48, 189, 313,315. Ill 

Christianity called atheism, 88; a 
disease, 135, 207, 413; Julian's 
apostasy from, ix, x 

Christians (Galilaeans), xxiv: com- 
pared x\ it li Cynics, 1 I ( ,i : destroy 
temples, 89, 887; compared with 
pagans, II ; i rcatment of, by 
Julian, xviii, xix, li. lix, 190, 199, 
862, 372, 388, 391. 898; by \ alms. 
127; at Bostra, 182, 133; called 
(ialilacans, 313; Christian teachers 
prohibited from teaching the d 
lix, 117, 303 

Chrysanthius, ix, xv 

Oimon, 869 

Omyras, wealth of. L68 

Circumcision, 421, 428 

Claudia, legend of, ."71 

( liaudian, the poet. 210, u.y.t 

Claudius, Bmperor, 377 

Cleitos and Alexander, 1 71 

Codex Justiniamis, xx xviii; Tbaxlosi- 
anus, xviii, xix, xxiv, xliii 

Oonstans, Bmperor, xxxiii, xxxvi, lvi, 
lis. 88, 157, 169, 166, 178 

Constant ia, wife of Ghulas, i\ 

ntiue. Bmperor, vii, xix, xliv, 
xlix, lx, 79, 120, 125, 199, 206, 213, 
238, 244, 25 I. 187, 297 

Constantinople, Callus at, ix. xi, 289; 
Julian at, viii. xvi. 16, 29, 31, 35, 43, 
61, 79, 232, 300, 807: Julian leaves, 
xxiii.;»S. 107; monolith at, 152. L68; 
temple of Fortune at, 301 ; view of, 
79. 180, 214 



Constant iu-. Bmperor, lx, xlvi. 8, 18, 
88, 88, 51, 03, 74, 99, 120, 153, 158, 
199, 2(17, 238, 299, 300, 398; Arian- 
ism of, xxxix, 70, 126, 129; cruelty 
of, 183; marries Qatta, \ii; m 

Kusebia, xi; marries Faustina, \\i; 

death of, xvi, 21; Julian's march 

against, 17, 235; panegyrics on, x; 

war with Sapor, xiv; murders 

Callus, 289 ; recalls Ballast, xiii, 12 ; 

treatment of Jews by, xxi, 179 
Constantius, Julius, father of Julian, 

vii, viii 
Corinth, Aristophanes of, xxxiii, 183; 

canal, 39; Colony of Home, 87; 

Isthmus of, 235 ; Museum at, 39 ; 

pro-consular residence, 87, 235; 

relations with Argos, xxiii, 81, 91; 

wild beast shows at, 85 
Corinthians, To the, frag. 3, 297, xv, 

xvi, xxxiv, 89 
Corinthiiius, h'pistlc to the, 385 
Cornelius, the centurion, 377 
Cos, 375 
Cotti, the, 186 

Crassus, the Roman general, xxv 
Crete, 283, 309 

i 'rispus, bos of I kmstantine, be 
( Ironos, 191, 326 
Otesiphon (Tak-i-Kesra), rxv; Julian 

at, xxxvi. 108, 209 
Cybele at Pessinus, xxiv, 137, 310, 371, 

372 
C.vclades, the, 39 
Cydnus, the river, xxiv 
Cynics, the, 119, 108 
i vienc, 19 
• vrenius, the Governor, 379 

Cyril of Alexandria, 814, 315, 823, 
864, 307, 37U, 387, 403, 407, 416, 
121, 426, 430 
Cystous, 129 

Daedalus, 211 

Damascus, praise of, 278 

Danube (Ister), xii, xv, xlii. 28* 

Daphne, suburb of Antiooh, xxiv, li, 
55, 98, 203 

Dardanelles, the, 1, 211 

Dardanus, 370 

Darius, 17, 230, 285 

David. Kim.', 867, 882, 896, 397 

D e ce nti us, the tribune, xiv 

Delphi, last oracle at, lvii, 89; in- 
scription at, 237, 373 

441 



INDEX 



Demeter, 137, 305 

Democritus of Abdera, 230, 231, 263 
Demonax, the Cynic, 230 
Demosthenes, cited, 30, 211, 213, 275; 

praise of, 119 
Deuteronomy, Book of, 311, 39-1, 397, 

401, 402, 410, 411 
Didymus (Apollo), 47 
Dio of Syracuse, 162 
Diodorus of Tarsus, 187, 189 
Diogenes, Letter 70 to, 233 
Diogenes of Argos, 92 
Diogenes Laertius, 16 
Diomede, 219 
Dionysius (Nilus), Letter 50 to, 157, 27 ; 

biography of, lv 
Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, 162, 

163 
Dionysus, 5, 79, 239, 305, 315, 325 
Doubis (Doubs), the river, 23 
Dositheus, Letter 68 to, 227 

Ecdicius (Olympus), prefect of Egypt, 

xl ; biography of, xliii ; Letter 23 to, 

73, cited, 123; Letter 45 to, 141; 

Letter 46 to, 141 ; Letter 49 to, 155 
Echo, a goddess, 221 
Edessa, xxv, xlviii 126 ; Valens at, 

127 
Egypt, xxxiii, xxxvii, xliii; prefects of, 

xlix, 67, 141, 143; Proteus of, 265, 

361, 367, 369, 403, 433 
Egyptians, bad character of, xxxiv, 

145, 347, 367, 369, 373, 423 
Eleazar, 365, 425 
Electra in Euripides, 167 
Eleusis, mysteries of, xi; procession 

to, 101 
Elijah, the Prophet, 419, 127, 429 
Ells, games at, 89 
Elpidius, the philosopher, biography 

of, xliv, 220; Letter 65 to, 221 
Blpidios, prefect of the East, xliv 
Empedotimus of S3 r racuse, xvi, 297 
Bnyo, 387 
Bphesus, Council of, 316; Julias at, 

ix, xxx, ; .Miximus at, 21, 26 
Bpictetus, 313 
Bpidaurus, 375 

Ethiopians, the, 275, 291, 295, :;:>7 
Eucleides, the philosopher, Letter 62 

to, 215 
Eusenius, the philosopher, Letter 60 

to, 211 
Eugcnius, father of Themistius, 211 

442 



Eumenius, fellow student of Julian, 
Letter 3 to, 7 ; at Athens, 6 

Eunapius, the sophist, evidence of, 
xii ; History of, cited, xxvii, liii, lvii, 
300 ; Lives of, cited, ix, xi, xvi, xix, 
xxxiii, xxxvi, xlv, xlvii, xlix, lii, lix, 
lxiii, 8, 21, 26, 27, 34, 137, 191, 114, 
415 

Euphrates, the district, xxxviii, 123; 
the river; Julian's march to, xxv, 
171,202, 205 

Eupolis, echo of, 43 

Euripides, Amphion, 41, frag. 137; 
Orestes, 166 

Eusebia, Empress, xi, xii, xiii 

Eusebius, the chamberlain, xvii, 10 

Eusebius, Bishop, viii 

Eusebius Praep. Evang., cited, 388, 
383 

Eustathius, the philosopher, bio- 
graphy of, xlv; Letter 43 to, 137; 
Letter 14 to, 139; Letter 63 to 
Julian, 291 

Eustathius, son of Oribasius, lviii 

Eustochius, of Cappadocia, Letter 54 
to, 185 

Eutherius, the eunuch, biography of, 
xlvi ; Letter 10 to, 29, xv, xvi 

Euthvmeles, the tribune, frag. 10 to, 
301 

Eutropius, the historian, xxv 

Evagrius, the rhetorician, biography 
of, xlvi; at Nish, 25; Letter 25 to, 
77 

Eve, 825, 327 

Exodus, cited, 311, 313, 344, 360, 378, 
102, 109, 410 

EteMel, cited, 380 

Facundus Hermianensis, 186, 189 

Elorentius, the prefect and consul, 

xiii, xi\ , x\, xvii, 10. 11 
Fortune, temple of, 301 
Pranks, the, xii, 199 
Pronto, tlic sophist, 186 
Funerals, Edict concerning, xviii, 191 

Calaiia, 69, 129 

dotation*, Epistle to the "- 13, 1 1 1 

Galen, the physician, lvii, 211 

Galilaeans, Against the, xxii, xxv, 295, 

299, :>l(i,319; Introduction to, 313 

Galilaeans, the (Christians), 37. 47, 19, 

58, 61, 71, 75, 121, 12;;. 125, 129, 

135, 143, 117, 381, 391, 397, 309, 



INDEX 



417, I 111, 123; Julian's 086 of the 

word. 818, 819, •"••-'l 
Galilee, 813 

< laila, wife of Oonstantius, vii 
Gallus Caesar, half-brother of Julian, 

vii, i\. x, \iii. wi, xw, xxxvii. 1\; 

letter & from, 288, 51, '.''.', 20< 
290 
<:.»ul, 7, .v., 199, 209; Julian iroes to, 
\i. \ii; condition of, zii; Julian in, 
\, w. \wii, xlvii, It, 6, 23, •">•"», 105, 
•-'us, 304; Letters 17 from, 2 21; 

PrfaCUa in\ ite.l to, 15 
(iauls, tiie warlike disposition of, 349 

Genesis, the /io<>k of, cited, 825, 326, 

331, 334, 368, 366, 394, 101. U8, 

119, 121. 122,425,427 
Gentiles, the, 61, 343, 389, io7, I:;:; 

, bishop, the • lappadodan, viii, 

\\\\ ii, x wi\. \iiii, lxiii, 42, I 

library of, 75, 123; murdered, 13, 

61, 66 
George, the financier, Letter 66 to, 221; 

Letter 67 to, 223, •-':- , '; 
Germans, the, xii, 349, 353, 367; 

fierceness of, 8 17 
Germany, l".m;; .Julian In, 804 
Giants, the, tol 
Gibbon, the historian, L24 
Glaucus, in the Iliad, 219 
Gnostics, the, 127 
Gospels, the, 79, 159 
. the, 79, 159 
Gratian, Bmperor, wi 

ry Na/.ian/.^ii, \i, xvili, \\, wi, 

wii. w.\i\, \iii; Letters of, cited, 

is:,; Orations, ofted, 69, L27, 

813, 316 
Gregory, the i k>mmander, Letter 71 to, 

233 
Gyara, Masoning at, 39 

[lades, Bmpcdothnus in, l» * > 7 . 

Eebrews, the, I i-~>. 313, 319, 321, :;l'::, 
841, B65, 867, 3 
891, ill 

Eecale in Oallimachu 

Becate (Trivia), 186 

Hecebolius, an official of I 
\l\iii; Letter W to, 127, cited, li':; 

Hecebolius, the sophist, \iii: bio- 
graphy of, xlvii; Letter 63 to, 217, 
106, 126, •-'-'■-' 

Hector, shrine of, 51 

Hector, son of Panncnio, 171 



Hekatos, epithet of Apollo, 281, 283 

Helen in the Odyssey, 229 

Helena, ESmpre 

Helena, wife of Julian, \i 

Eeliopolis, L52 

Belioe (Mithras), 1"-, •">::, 1 19, 259, 876 

Hellenes, the. 29, H7. 133, is:;, 345, 
815, 319 821, :•.:':;. 348, :H7, 307, 
869, :i7-"); Hellene synonym for 

n. 71, 189 

Bemcrius (Himerius), xlix, lxi 

Hephaestus, 387 

Hera, girdle of, 279; Heraean games 

at Ar_'os, 88 
Heracleidae, 1 he, 87 
Eeracleides of Pantos, 297 

. :; 1 •"» 
Bercynian forest, the, •-".<•".. 296, -.".17 
Bermes, 9, 181, 187, 239, 243, 802, 

:; 15; god of eloquence, 1 19, "-'1 1, 

22:.. 247, 261, 267, ::s7; Tri 1 

tus, :;<;<;. 367 
Hermogenes, prefect of Egypt, Letter 

i:; to, 33, 32, 197 
Bermolaus, if.;'. 171 
Eerodes Ai ticus, 230 
Eerodotus, cited, xiii, l<;, 29, 86, 87, 

119, 269, 294, 346 
Bested, 91, 1 19, l<;.">, 185 

chins, i'»'. 
Beaektah, king, 399 
Eierapolis (Membej), .Julian at, wv, 

Hi, lx, 201, 305, 207, 208 
Bierius, prefect of Egypt, xlix 
Eierocles, son of AJypins, xxxii 
Bieronymus, 432 
Eieropnant, the, of < treece, lx 
Eillel (lulus) the Patriarch, 179 
Himerius, biography of, xlviii; L<thr 

69 to, 227 
Himerius, father of lamblichui I 1, 

xlviii, 1 

Himerius, 1 fa ,,| Bithynia, 

xlviii 

Eippia, wife of Priscns, lix 

Bippocentaur, Epigram ■> on the, 
309 

Eippocratee of Oos, 168, 369 

Eomer, \. 1 in. 217, 861, 267, 279; 
Iliad, cited, 1::. 17. 55, ;»7. 166, 171, 
ls-">. L91, 203, :'li'. 239, 242, 
291 ; Odyssey, cited, ;>. 81, 55, 71. 

79, 130, L89, 205, 223, 225, 
229, 243, 251, 368. -•;"., 267, 
'7,351 






443 



INDEX 



Horace, cited, 19, 103 
Hosea, cited, 433 

Iamblichus I, the philosopher, ix, x, 
xxix, xxxiii, lx ; biography of, xlix, 
5, 207, 213, 236, 297; Letters 71- 
79 to, 237-263, Letter 78, cited, 209 

Iamblichus II, 1, 5. 

Ilios (New), 51 

Illyricum, Julian in, 23 

India, wares of, 275 ; Indians, the, 285 

Io, 263 

Ionia, Julian in, 289, 375 

Isaac, 418, 423 

Isaiah, cited, 358, 399, 417 

Isauria, province of, 100 

Ms, 145 

Isocrates, 119, 267, 383; Nicodes of, 
19 

Israel, 341, 365, 367, 389, 393, 397, 
403, 405, 418, 433 

Ister (Danube), 285 

Isyllus, 247 

Italy, 199, 370, 413 

lulus (Hillel), Jewish Patriarch, 179 

Jacob, 379, 389, 397, 423 

Jehovah, 325, 327, 329, 331, 333, 311, 
345 

Jerome, cited, xxxix 

Jerusalem, Temple at, xxxii, lxiii, 180, 
181, 303; taken by Ptolemy, 145, 
407, 427 

Jesse, 396, 397 

Jesus Christ, 147, 341, 343, 373, 375, 
376, 377, 379, 381, 393, 395, 402, 
403, 413, 414, 415, 416, 417, 421, 
423, 429, 431, 433 

Jews, the, treatment of, xxi; Letter 
51 to, 177, 58, 59, 61, 71 ; Jewish 
ascetics, 154; 301, 313, 321, 329, 
311, 343, 377, 379, 383, 389, 391, 
393, 403, 405, 407, 417, 423 

John, St., 381, 397, 398, 399, 113, 115, 
431 

John, St., Gospel according to, 313, 
414, 432 

Joseph, St., 395 

Josephus, cited, 145 

Jovian, Emperor, xxvi, 133 

Judaea, 341, 355, 393 

Judah, 397 

Judas, 431 

Judge*, Book of, 378 

Julian, Count of the East, xlvii; 

444 



biography of, li; Letter 9 to, 27, 67; 
Letter 29 to, 97 

Julian, Emperor, biography of, vii 
foil.; apostasy of, ix, x; studies of, 
ix, xiii; at Troy, x; at Milan, x; 
appointed Caesar, xi; marriage of, 
xi ; sent to Gaul, x, xi ; crosses the 
Rhine, xii; proclaimed Augustus, 
xii, xiv, 11; at Athens, xi, lix; at 
Naissa, xv, 165 ; at Constantinople, 
xvi; at Antioch, xxiii, xxv, 187; 
at Pessinus, xxiv ; at Tarsus, xxiv ; 
at Carrhae, xxv ; at Litarbae, xxv ; 
at Hierapolis, xxv, lii; death of, 
xxvi; Pontifex Maximus, xxvii, 
lxi, 44; policy towards the Church, 
xviii, 130; Letter of Gallus to, 288; 
Caesars of, cited, 31, 94, 158, 170, 
199; Kronia, xvi, 296; Misopogon, 
xxiv, 15, 17, 33, 71, 83, 125, 135, 
168, 191, 203, 205, 296, 301; To 
the Athenians, 8, 10, 27, 105, 245, 
289; To Themistius, 31, 39, 146, 
166, 218; Fragment of a Letter, 
lxii, 45, 47, 60, 68, 71, 149 

Julian of Caesarea, the sophist, 1, lix, 
brfv, 215, 220 

Julian, son of Bacchylus, 255 

Julius Constantius, father of Emperor 
Julian, vii, 297 

Julius Julianus, father of Count 
Julian, li 

Kings, the Book of, 383, 418, 12 7, 121) 

Lacedaemonians, the, 87 

Laertes, garden of, 205 

Lamprias, the Arrive, 92 

Lathi, Julian's knowledge of, viii; 
the studv of, lii; use of, in the 
Letters, 69 

Lauricius, Bassidius, 100, 101, 103, 
168 

Leontius, Letter 11 to, 29 

Lesbos, Aetius in, xxxi 

levitiau, 1 05, 409, 418, 433 

Libanius, the sophist, biography of, 
lii, xviii, xix, xx, xxxiii; friend of 
Basil, xlii; Letter 52 to, 181; Letter 
r>:i to, 188; Letter 58 to, 201, cited, 
J22, 257, 413; Letter 6 wrongly 
addressed to, 15; correspondent of 
Lauricius, loo, 101; friend of 
Zeno, 42; protected by Mygdonius, 
113; Letters of, cited, xxii, xxvii, 



INDEX 



xxviil, xxxii, xxxv, xxxix, xliv, 
xlv, 101, 104, 108, 109, 123, 137, 
139, 181, 183, 185, 220, 298; 
Orations of, cited, xviii, xix, xxv, 
xxxiii, xlviii, liii, 25, 33, 125, 181, 
201, 203, 214, 296, 297, 298, 311, 3 1 6 

Libyans, the, 557 

Licinius, the usurper, 1 

Litarbae (El-Terib) in Syria, Julian 
at, xxv, 201 

Livia, Empress, 1 17 

Livy, cited, 371 

Lucian, the satirist, 19, 209, 230, 253, 
259, 347 

Lucian, author of Philojxitris, 219 

Lucian, the sophist, Letter 64 to, 219 

Luke, Gospel of, cited, 121, 379, 896, 
397, 413, 431 

Lupicinus, officer of Julian, xiv 

Lycurgus, the lawgiver, 365, 369 

Lydia, gold of, 261; Chrysanthius, 
high priest of, xvii 

Lydns, J)e Mensibus, quotes Julian, 
xxi, frag. 11, 300 

Lysias praised by Julian, 119 

Macedonia, colonised by Temenids, 
86, 87; Atarbius in, 123 

Macellum in Cappadocia, Julian in- 
terned at, viii, xi, xl, xliii, 76. 815 

Itfagnenjjns. the usurper, xii, xiii, hi, 
Bg, 159, 173 

Maimonides, the jurist, 425 

M'amcrtinus, the consul, xvii, IS 

Mandragora, a proverb, LS6 

Maivellus. master of horse, xh i 

Marcus Aurelius, 185 

Manlonius, the eunuch, viii 

.Maris, Bishop, 501 

M uius. piety of, 372, 373 

Mark, St., 113; Gospel of, S81 

Mar.-yas, 237 

Marl vrs, the, 111, 1 1 5 

Mary, the Vilgin, S95, 399 

Mmc¥| the slave, 485 

Matthew, St., 121, 396, 397, 402, IIS, 
416, 429, 433; Gospel of, 120, 181, 
433 

Maximinus, Letter 73 to, 235 

Maximus, of Kphesus, the theuigist, 
biography of, liv; tocher of .Julian, 
ix, xiii, xvi, xviii; in Persia, xxvi, 
lix, lxi; Letter 8 to, 21; tetter 12 
to, 31; Letter 88 to, 209. 55, 109, 
139, 208, 259 



Maximus of Tyre, the philosopher, 5 

Mazaca (Caesarea), xiii 

Medes, the, 379 

Mclanthius, the poet, 62 

Memphis, Athanasius at, xli 

Mesopotamia, xii, 126 

Messiah, the, 395 

Milan, Oonstantius at, ix ; Julian at, 

x, xi; the court at, xlvi, 51, 398 
Miletus, inscription at, 47 
Minos of Crete, 369, 370 
Mithras (Helios), the god, mvsteries 

of, xviii, xxxiii, liv, 15, 53, 55, 98 
Momus, the god of criticism, 169 
Moore, Thomas, 299 
Mopsucrene in Cilicia, death of Con- 

stantius at, xvi 
Mosohns, 221 
Moses, 149, 313, 315, 321, 329, 333, 

339, 343, 349, 353, 355, 359, 363, 

381, 382, 389, 393, 397, 401, 402, 

411, 419, 423, 425, 433 
Muses, the, 119, 181, 211, 217, 237, 

238, 251, 387 
Musonius, 36, 39 
Mygdonius, 108, 109, 113 
Myths, Julian's attitude to, 327 

Naissa (Nish), Julian at, xv, xlvii, 21, 

26, 27, 29, 165 
Xazarene, the, 189, 341 
Nazareth, 415 

Nebridius, quaestor and prefect, xv 
Nemean games, the, 89 
Nemesis (Adrastcia), 17 ? 67 
Neoplatonism, Syrian, x, xliv, lxi, 

336, 366 
Nero, Entperor, 39 
NYvit.ta, the Goth, consul, xvii, 33 
tfowman, Cardinal, on Aetius, xxxi 
Nicaeans the, 187 
Nicomedia, earthquake at, xxiv, 1, 

Hi, 51, 244, 254, 255 
Nile, the, measurement of, xliii, 111, 

171 
Nilus (Dionvsius), biography of, lv, 

tetter 50 to, 157, 27 
Xisibis, city of, xxv, 190 
Numa, Pompilius, 370, 371 
\ttmhers, the Book of, 331, 363, 364, 

397 

Oanncs, the Babylonian god, 367 
O Jj M W , 167, 225, 243, 263, 297 

445 



INDEX 



Olympia, Zeus of Pheidias at, 225; 

games at, 89 
Olympias, daughter of Ablabius the 

prefect, xxxvi 
Olympus, Mt., 203, 213 
Orestes, 241 

Organ, the, epigram 2 on, 305 
Oribasius, the physician, biography 

of, lvii; pupil of Zeno of Cyprus, 

lxiv; Letter 4 to, 8, cited, xiii, 100 
Origen, 315 

Orpheus, 237, 263, 265 
Osroene, 126 
Ossa, Mt., 203 

Paeonia (Pannonia), 254 

Pagans, the, 388 

Palestine, 345, 379; Eustochius of, 

185 
Pan, the god, 237, 239; Echo and, 

221 223 
Pannonia, 1, 244, 245, 254, 255 
Paphlagonia, 129 
Paris, Julian at, xii, xiv, xv, xxxii; 

his illness at, 15; Letter 5 from, 15 
Parnassius, prefect of Egypt, xxxiv 
Parthia, 197 ; Parthians confused with 

Persians, 197, 353 
Paul,"' the Chain," the informer, xvii, 

xxxiv, 183 
Paul, St., 311, 343, 377, 385, 391, 393, 

411, 413, 421 
Pegasus, the priest, at Troy x, 44, 

49, 51, 53 
Pelion, Mt., 203 
Penelope in Homer, 137, 307 
Pentadius, xv 
Pergamon, Julian at, ix, xiv, liv, 

lviii, 289, 375 
Pericli 

Perseus, 369 
Persephone, 325 
Persia, mcvi, 127, 181, 199, 238, 275, 

289,314,353; the Persians, xii, xvi; 

at Banxos, 17; confused with Par- 
thians, 197; diet of, 207, 285,294, 

300, 858, 379 
Pet tinus, Julian at, xxiv, 72, 137; 

Qybele at, 73, 133 
Peter, St., 407, 409, 411, 431 
Phaeadana, the, 31, 227, 243, 297 
Phaedo of Elis, lvi, 163, 164 
Pharaoh, 841 ; daughter of, 383 
Pheidias, the sculptor, 224, 225 
Pheidias, the gem-cutter, 224, 225 



rhilemon, the comic poet, 83, 159 
Philip of Macedon, 81 
Philip, Letter 30 to, 105 
Philostorgius, the Church historian, 

xxi, xxvi, xxxi, xxxviii, xl, li, 125, 

191, 288 
Philostratus, Letters of, cited, 1C9; 

Life of Apollonius, cited, 39, 41; 

Lives of, cited, 147; Nero, 39 
Philotas, 171 
Phinehas, 363. 365, 367 
Phocylides, 383 
Phoenicians, the, 369 
Photinus, the heretic, Letter 55 to, 

187; cited, 313, 314, 398, 399 
Photius, 430 

Phrygia, 135, 137; in Persia, xxi 
Physicians, decree concerning, 107 
Picts, the, xiv 

Pindar, 81, 163, 217, 259, 263, 281 
Plato, 4, 5, 7, 12, 97, 119, 267, 315, 

Proclus on, 297, 363, 369 ; Apology, 

39, 161; Cratylus, 161; Crito, 160; 

Euthyphro, 111; Laws, 41, 81, 355; 

Letter 7 163; Menexenus, 73, 81; 

l'ltaedo 5, 415; Phaedrus, 17, si, 

182, 292, 293 ; Republic, 95 ; Sophist, 

41, 161; Theaetetus, 296; Timacus, 

160, 329, 331, 332, 335, 339 
Plautus, Mercutor, 91 
Pliny, Nat. History, 111 
Plutarch of Chaeronea, 3], 62, If',:;, 

169, 2311, 372 
Plutarch, a philosopher, Letter 72 to, 

235 
Pola, Callus executed at, ix 
Pontus, the, 155 
Porphyrius, Letter 38 to, 123, 71 
Post, the State, reform of, xix 
Praetextatus, Vettius Agorius, pro- 
consul of Achaia, xviii. xxxv, si 
Priscus, biography of, \iii. \vi, xxvi, 

wxiii, lviii: Letter 1 to. 3; Letter 2 

to, 3: Letter 5 to, 14, 181 
Proclus <»n Plato, Cratylus, 161: on 

Republic, 297 
Procopius, the general, xxv. xxxiii 
Prohaeresius, the sophist., \i, \i\, 1; 

biography of, !i\: Liiin- 11 to, 

35 
Proponl i--, the, 79 
Proteus of Egypt, 265 
Psalms, the. 843 
Ptolemies, the, 117; Ptolemy I 

L45 



446 



INDEX 



Ptytoagoras, 5, 2:t7; Pythagorean 

phrase, -">7; silence, 107 
I' vthian garni 
I'ython, the, 281 

QJuadi, the, xii 

QJuintus, (uri ins. .if nl, 169, 171 

Q uirinius, the governor, 379 

I'.ha.lamanthus of Crete, 371 

Rhine, the Etonian pints on, \ii, 21, 

Etodoato in Thrace, i-'i 

Romaiu, EpiatU ol Pan] to, 385, 420 

Romans, toe, at Oarrhae, xxv, xxwii. 

S7. 117. 887, S4S, :s t6, :; 17, 866, 375, 

U0; at ('.ninth, 93 
Rome, xxiii, xxwi, 87, 887, 870, 371, 

375, 379; the Capitol at, 63 
Romulus, :;7<i 

Sagadares, I \u 

SaUustius, of Caul, xiii, xvi, xvii, 

wiii, l:', LS, 88, 186, 887 
Samoa, i'< ndans at, 1 7 
Samosata, L89 

Sanis,,.,. 

Sapor, Kim: of Persia, xiv, xxv, xlv, 

L99, 886 
Sappho, cited, 818, --'17. 847, 880, 861 
Saracens, the. -_m » t , 886, K>8 
Sarapion, \\i\; letter 80 to, 267; 

cited, -i-i-i 
S irdanapahis, L69 
S irdis, Iviii 
sKrmatians, toe, ril 
-, 387 
e, xii 
>c>t-. toe, rrv 
Scriptures, the, 818, :;i i. 316 

oians, the, 800, 801 . ■"■ ic 887 
EjcythopoUs, i rial at, \wi\ 
Sjelene aa demiurge, l 18, l 19 
Sjeleucus oi Oilicia, L09 
Beneca, Dialogue*, I iv 
Septuagint, toe, 594 , 119, L84 
Sequent, I be, 
Serapis, the god, at Alexandria, 

wwii. xliv. 81, 68, 1 IS, 1 16, 147; 

toe Serapeum, ww ii. 68 
Seraphim, to . 
Sergius, the proconsul, 377 
SPiiloh, 894 
S byl, toe, ::7i 
E cfiy,371,S7S 



Bideta, Philip, 31G 

Silvaiius, the usurper, xiii 

Shnonides, dted, 881 

Sintula, of&cel of Julian, xiv 

Sirens, toe, 887,888 

Sirmium (Mitrovit,/.), w; Oonstantins 

at, 1S7; Synod at, 1S7; l'hotinus of, 

187, 398 
Socrates, toe Church historian, cited, 

xviii, xx, xxii, xxvii, xxxi. xwix. 

xl, xliv, xlviii, 1C, 39, 61, 76, L87, 

133, 1 1J. 866, 867, 298, 801, 406 
Solomon, 888 

Solon, 365 

Booster, the Elder, lx, 200, 207, 213, 

243, 867 
Sopater, the Younger, lx, lxi, 807, 887 
Sopater (Sosipater), Letter 61 to, 

213 
Sopater of Beroea, lx 
Sophocles, Phtioctete*, 182, 249; 0. T. 

135, 866 
Sosipatra, the wife of Eustathius. xlv 
Sozomen, the Church historian, cited. 

xviii, xx, xxi, xxvi, xxxi, xxwi. 

xxxix, xl,xli, xiii, xliv. li. 61,68, 67, 

69, 75, 108, 117, I--':., L87, L89, CI. 

134, 1 12, 179, L87, 181, 197, 198, 
199, 886, '2X{\. 887, 801, 80S, :'>'»:;. 
406 

Spartans, the, xv 

Stobaeus, 1 \ i 

Strasbourg (Argentoratum), battle of, 

xii, xiii 
Suidas, xii, xvi. Iviii, :'.<;. :>.S, 40, 116, 

122, 294, 296, 298 
Susa, 16 

Swinburne, The Last <>rnch of, lvii 
Syloson in 11. in. lot us. proverbial, 16 
Bymmachus, the Elder, the Senator. 

Iv, 16 1. L66 
Symmachus, the Younger, the orator, 

164, cited, 31 
Syracuse, Dionysius of , 168 
Syria, xwiii; Julian in, 89, .".71. 879; 

the Syrians effeminate, 347, 353 

Tarentum, 375 

Tarsus, » kmstanl tus at, xvi ; Julian at , 

wi\ ; Julian buried at, xx\ i, *.•'.», 

209 
Taurus, the range, 897 
Telemachue, 868 
Temenu 36, 87 

Tempe, Valley of, 808, 896 

447 



INDEX 



Temple, the, at Jerusalem, restora- 
tion of, xvii, xxi, xxxii, lxiii, 406, 

429 
Temples, destruction of the, xlv 
Teos, Anacreon of, 213 
Tereus, king of Thrace, 241 
Testament, the New, 59, 428; the Old, 

59, 379, 387, 410 
Thales, the philosopher, 369 
Thamyris, the bard, 237 
Thebes in Egypt, 283 
Themistius, the philosopher, xviii, 

259 
Theocritus, 181, 239 
Theodora, the priestess, Letters 32- 

34 to, 109 
Tlieodoret, the Church historian, cited, 

xx, xxi, xxvi, xxxi, li, 75, 117, 

406, frag. 7 in, 298 
Theodorus, the high priest, xxiii, 

lxi, 36, 44, 49 ; Letter 16 to, 37, 93 ; 

Letter 20 to, 53, 121, 422 
Theodorus of Asine, 5 
Theodorus, father of Socrates, 383 
Theodorus of Mopsuestia, 316, 428 
Theodosius, Emperor, liii, 153, 179, 

316 
Theognis, the poet, 343, 383 
Theophilus, military prefect, 141 
Theophrastus, 271 
Thermopylae, 295 
Thersites", 167 
Theseus in the Ilccale, 239 
Thomas, St., Church of, at Edessa, 127 
Thoth, the god, 366 
Thotmes III, of Egypt, 152 
Thrace, Anaeharsis in, 346, winter in, 

341,843 
Thracians, the, Letter 27 to, 83 
Thucydides, praise of, 119 



Tiberius, Emperor, 377 

Tigris, the river, xxv, 208, 209 

Tithonus, age of, 169 

Titus, bishop of Bostra, 132, 133 

Trivia (Hecate), 186 

Troas (Alexandria), Julian at, x, 5 I 

Tunis, 124 

Tyana, Julian at, xxiv, xliii, 115, 11 7 

Typhoeus in Pindar, 281 

Tzetzes, Epigram 5, quoted by, 309 

Valens, Emperor, xxxi, xxxii, xxxix, 

liv, lviii, lx; at Edeaa. l-'7 
Valentine, the heresiarcli, 12 7. 

Valentinian sect, 127 
Valentinian, Emperor, xxi, xxxr, 

lviii, 125 
Vergil, Aeneid, 191,2S.°,, 371 ; Oeorgics, 

237, 265 
Vetranio, the usurper, xiii 
Victorinus, the sophist, xix 
Vienne, Oribasius at, xiii, 8; Flore"" 

this at, xiv, 11; Julian at, xv 
Voltaire, cited, 211 

Waller, the poet, 299 . 

Word, God the, 399, 403, 413, 1 '> 
415, 433 

Xenophon, Hellenica, 160 
Xerxes, a theme, 239 

Zedekiah, king, 395 

Zeno of Cyprus, the physician, l 1 

Zeno of Alexandria, the physi< n » 

biography of, lxiii; Letter 17°' 

43, 42 
Zonaras, cited, 99 
Zosimus, cited, xxv, xxvii, xxxv r - 

23, 200, 207, 296, 297, 288 



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PA Julianus, Apostata, Emperor of 

4.225 Rome 

J4 Works 

1913 

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